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t51SLl"'^

t^i

OLD AND NEW

^n^^iimn

CONNECTED IN THE HIST

JEWS AND NEIGHBOURIiNG NA

FROM THE

Deciensions of the Kingdoins of Israel and Judah

TO THE

grime df etjtcst.

BY HUMPHREY PRIDE AUX, D.D.

BEAN OF NORWICH.

TO WHICH IS NOW ADDCB, -^M^

THE LIFE OF THE AUTHOR,

CONTAINING SOME LETTERS WHICH HE WROTE IN DEFENCE AND ILLUS-
TRATION OF CERTAIN PARTS OP HIS CONNEXIONS.

ILLUSTRATED WITH EIGHT NEW MAPS AND PLATES.

IN THREE VOLUMES.

TOL. If.

JfEW-YORK

PUBLISHED BY E. FLISS AND E. WHITE, COLLINS AND HAN-VAY,.
EVERT DUYCKINCK, AND J. V. SEAMANT.

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THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c.

BOOK VL

HE who succeeded Ezra in the government of Judah and
Jerusalem, was Nehemiah,* a very religious and most
excellent person ; one that was nothing behind his IXx*^"
predecessor, saving his learning and great knowledge
in the law of God. He came to Jerusalem in the twentieth
jear of Artaxerxes Longimanus, and, by a commission from
him, suppressed that of Ezra, and succeeded him in the go-
vernment of Judah and Jerusalem.'' And he had in that com-
mission, by an express clause therein inserted, full authority
given him to repair the walls and set up the gates of Je-
rusalem, and to fortify it again in the same manner as it was
before it was dismantled and destroyed by the Babylonians.
He was a Jew, whose ancestors had formerly been citizens
of Jerusalem ; for there, he saith, was the place of his fa-
thers' sepulchres.*^ But as to the tribe or family which he
was of, no more is said, but only that his father's name was
Hachaliah ; who seemeth to have been of those Jews, who
having gotten good settlements in the land of their captivity,
chose rather to abide in them, than return into their own
country, when leave was granted for it. It is most likely,
that he was an inhabitant of the city of Shushan ; and that it
was his dwelling there that gave his son an opportunity of
gaining an advancement in the king's palace : (or he was one
of the cup-bearers of king Artaxerxes,*^ which was a place
of great honour and advantage in the Persian court, because
of the privilege it gave him of being daily in the king's
presence, and the opportunity which he had thereby of gain-

a Neh. ii. b Neh. ii. 1 ; v. 14. c jJch. ii. 3.

Vide Brfssoniitm ele Regno Prefixe, lib. 1, sec. 93,

4 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

ing his favour, for the obtaining of any petition which he
should make to hinri; and that especially since the times of hi»
attendance always were, when the king was making his heart
merry with the wine which he served up unto him ; for this is
the best opportunity with all men, for the obtaining any boon
that shall be desired of them, because they are always thea
in the best humour of complying. And it was at such a time
that he asked the government of Judea, and obtained it.e
And by the like advantages of his place, no doubt, it was,
that he gained those immense riches which enabled him for
so many years, out of his own private purse only, to live in
his government with that splendour and expense, as will be
hereafter related, without burdening the people at all for it.*
And no doubt it was by the favour of queen Esther, as being
of the same nation and people with her, that he obtained so
honourable and advantageous a preferment in that court.
However, neither the honour and advantage of this place,
nor the long settlement of his family out of his country,
could make him forget his love for it, or lay aside that zeal
which he had foi the religion of his forefathers, who had
formerly dwelt in it. For though he had been born and
bred in a strange land, yet he had a great love for Sion, and
an heart thoroughly set for the advancing of the prosperity
of it, and was in all things a very religious observer of the
law of his God. And therefore when some came from Je-
rusalem, and told him of the ill state of that city, how the
walls of it were still in many places broken down, and the
gates of it in the same demolished state as when burned with
fire by the Babylonians, and that, by reason hereof, the rem-
nant of the captivity that dwelt there lay open, not only to
the incursions and insults of their enemies, but also to the
reproach and contempt of their neighbours, as a weak and
despicable people ;& and that they were in both these respects
in great affliction and grief of heart ; the good man, being
suitably moved with this representation, applied himself to
fasting and prayer unto the Lord his God, and earnestly
supplicated to him for his people of Israel, and the place
which he had chosen for his worship among them. And,
having thus implored the divine mercy against this evil, he
resolved next to make his application to the king for the re-
dressing of it, trusting in God for the inclining of his heart
thereto ; and therefore when his turn came next to wait in
his office, the king observing his countenance to be sad, which
at other times used not so to be, and asking the cause (hereof,
he took this opportunity to lay before him the distressed state

e Neh. ii. 1. f Neh. v. lA—'i9. s Neh. i-

BOOK VI. J THE OLB AND Ni3W TESTAMfiJSTS. 5

of his country ; and, owning this to be a cause of great
grief and sadness unto him, he prayed the king to send him
thither to remedy it j*" and by the favour of queen Esther,
he had his petition granted unto him : for it being particu-
larly remarked in the sacred text/ that the queen was sitting
by the king, when Nehemiali obtained this grant, it suffi-
ciently intimates that her favour was assisting to him herein.
And accordingly a royal decree was issued out for the re-
building of the walls and gates of Jerusalem, and Nehemiah
was sent thither with it, as governor of the province of Judea,
to put it in execution. And, to do him the more honour,
the king sent a guard of horse with him, under the command
of some of the captains of his army, to conduct him in safety
to his government. And he wrote letters to all the gover-
nors on this side the river Euphrates, to further him in the
work on which he was sent ; and also gave his order to
Asaph, the keeper of his forests in those parts, to allow him
as much timber out of them as should be needed for the
finishing of it. However, the Ammonites, the Moabites, and
the Samaritans, and other neighbouring nations round, did
all they could to hinder him from proceeding therein. And
to this they were excited, not only by the ancient and bitter
enmity which those people bore to the whole Jewish nation,
because of the different manners and different religions
which they were of, but most especially at this time, because
of their lands : for during the time that the Jews were in
captivity, these nations, having seized their lands, were
forced to restore them on their return.'' For which reason
they did all they could to oppose their resettlement ; hoping,
that if they could be kept low, they might fmd an opportu-
nity, some time or other, of resuming again the prey they
had lost. But Nehemiah was not at all discouraged hereat ;
for having, on his arrival at Jerusalem, made known to the
people the commission with which he was sent, he took a
view of the ruins of the old walls, and immediately set about
the repairing of them ;' dividing the people into several
companies, and assigning to each of them the quarter where
they were to work ; but reserving to himself the reviewal
and direction of Ihe whole ; in which he laboured so effectu-
ally, that all was accomplished by the end of the month Elul,"
within the compass of fifty-two days, notwithstanding all
manner of opposition that was made against him, both from
within and from without. For, from within, several false
prophets, and other treacherous persons, endeavoured to

h Neb. ii. i Neh. ii. 6.

k Josephus Antiq. lib. 1 1 , c. 4. 1 Neh. iii ; iv.

m Neh. vi.

Vol, ir. :

6 eONNEXlOV OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

create him obstructions ; and, from without, Sanballat the
Horonite, Tobias the Ammonite, Gcshem the Arabian, and
several others, gave him all the disturbance they were able,
not onlj by underhand dealings, and treacherous tricks and
contrivances, but also by open force : so that while part of
the people laboured in carrying on the building, the other
part stood to their arms to defend them against the assaults
of such as had designs against them. And all had their arms
-xt hand, even while they worked, to be ready, at a signal gi-
ven, to draw together to any part where the enemy should be
discovered to be coming upon them. And by this means they
secured themselves against all theattempts and designs of their
enemies, till the work was brought to a conclusion. And
when they had thus far finished the walls and set up the gates,
a public dedication of them was celebrated with great so-
lemnity by the priests and Levites, and all the people."

The burden which the people underwent in the carrying
on of this work, and the incessant labour which they were
forced to undergo to bring it to so speedy a conclusion, being
very great, and such as made many of them faint and groan
under it, and express a despair of being able to perfect it ;'
to revive their drooping spirits, and make them the more
easy and ready to proceed in that which was farther to be
done, care was taken to relieve them from a much greater
burden, the oppression of usurers, which they then in great
misery lay under, and had much greater reason to complain
of.^ For the rich, taking advantage of the necessities of the
meaner sort, had exacted heavy usury of them, making them
pay the centesima for all moneys lent them,i that is, one per
cent, for every month, which amounted to twelve per cent.
for the whole year ; so that they were forced to mortgage
their lands, and sell their children into servitude, to have
wherewith to buy bread foi- the support of themselves and
their families ; whicli being a manifest breach of the law of
God given them by Moses (for that forbids all the race of
Israel to take usury of any of their brethren,)"^ Nehemiah,
on his hearing hereot, resolved forthwith to remove so great
an iniquity : in order whereto he called a general assembly
of the people ; M'hcre, having sot forth unto them the nature
of the offence, how great a breach it was of the divine law,
and how h(;avy an oppression upon their brethren, and how
much it might provoke the wrath of God against them, he
caused it to be enacted, by the general suffrage of that whole
assembly, that all should return to their brethren whatsoever

n Neh. xii. o Neli. iv. 10. jj Neh. v.

q Neh. v. 11. Vide Salmasium tie Fcenore Trapezitico.
r Exo('., xiii. 25. Levit. xxv. 36, 37. Dent. .^xiii. 19.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 7

had been exacted of them upon usury, and also release all
the lands, vineyards, olive)'ards, and houses, which had been
taken of them on mortgage upon the account hereof.

And thus far Neheniiah having executed the main end for
which he obtained the favour of the king to be sent to Je-
rusalem, he appointed Hanani and Hananiah to be governors
of the city, and returned again unto him into Persia. For
a time had been set him for his return again to court, when
he first obtained to be sent from thence oa this commission ;*
which, as expressed in the text, plainly imports a short time,
and not that of twelve years (after which he again went
unto the king,)*^ as some do interpret it. And his having
appointed governors of the city as soon as the walls were
built, evidently implies, that he then went from thence, and
was absent for some time : for, had he still continued at Jerusa-
lem, he would not have needed any deputies to govern the
place. And, furthermore, the building of the walls of Je-
rusalem being all for which he prayed his first commission,
when this vTas performed, he seems to have needed a new
authority before he could go on to other proceedings which
were necessary for the w(;l! settling of the affairs of that
country. But, on his coming to the king, and having given
him an account how all things stood in the province, and
what farther was needful to be done for the well regulating
of it, he soon obtained to be sent back again to take care
hereof; and the shortness of his absence seems to have been
the cause that there is no notice taken of it in the text,
though the particulars I have mentioned seem sufficiently to
imply it.

Nehemiah being returned from the Persian court with a
new commission, forthwith set himself to carry on the
reformation of the church and the state of the Jews Anax.^21.
which Ezra had begun, and took along with him the
advice and direction of that learned and holy scribe in all
that he attempted herein. The first thing that he did, was
to provide for the security of the city, which he had now
fortified, by settling rules for the opening and shutting of the
gates, and keeping watch and ward on the towers and walls.

But finding Jerusalem to be but thinly inhabited, and that,
to make this burden more easy, there needed more inhabi-
tants to bear their share with them in it, he projected the
thorough repeopling of the place." In order whereto, he
prevailed first with the rulers and great men of the nation
to agree to build them houses there, and dwell in them ;
and then others, following their example, offered themselves

•? Neh. ii. «. t Neh.siii.6. 11 Neli. vii. 3, 4.

a CONNEXION OF TWE HISTORY OK [PAUT I.

voluntarily to do the same.'^ And of the rest of the people
every tenth man was taken by lot, and obliged to coaie to
Jerusalem, and there build them houses, and settle them-
selves and families in them. And now the city was fortified,
and all that had their dwelling in it were there well secured
by walls and gates against the insults of their enemies, and
the incursions of thieves and robbers, who before molested
them, all willingly complied herewith ; by which means the
houses, as well as the walls and gates, being again rebuilt,
and fully replenished with inhabitants, it soon after this re-
covered its ancient lustre, and became again a city of great
note in those parts. So that Herodotus, who travelled
through Judea a little after this time, doth, in the descrip-
tion which he gives us of it,^ compare it to Sardis, the me-
tropolis of all the lesser Asia,^ as hath been before observed ;
which manifestly proves, that, by the restoring and building
of the street and ditch of Jerusalem, mentioned in the pro-
phecy of Daniel, could not be meant this rebuilding of the
walls and void places of that city ; for what was predicted
by that passage was not to be done but in seven weeks of
years, that is, forty-nine years. It must be acknowledged,
that Herodotus is said by Eusebius* to have publicly read his
history at Athens in the last year of the 83d Olympiad, (that
is, four hundred and forty-five years before Christ.) and by
others,^ to have gone the next year after, (which is this very
year, four hundred and forty-four, of which we now treat,)
with a colony of Athenians and other Greeks into Italy, to
inhabit Thurium.,'^ a city then newly built near the place where
formerly Sibaris stood ; and therefore it may be from hence
urged against what I have here said, that Herodotus must, he-
fore this time, have ended his travels, which he undertook for
the makinc of this history, since this his history uas tinished,
and publicly read at Athens the year before. To this I
reply, that though he had read'the fnst draught of this history
at the tim.e when Eusebiussaith, yet he had not completed it
till at least thirty-three years after : for therein he makes
mention of the Peloponnesian war, and of thing? done in it
in the second,'' and also in the nineteenth*^ year of that war;
which last was the thirty-third year after that, wherein he is
said by Eusebius to have publicly read that history at Athens;
and therefore it could not have been fully completed by him
till after that year. The truth of the matter appears plain-

X Nch. xi. y Herndol. lib. 3, initio lihri.

z See above, under the year 010. a In Climnico, siil) Olyinpinde 83.

b Dionysins Halicarnas=pus in Vita Lysiic Oraloris. J'liniiis, lilt. xii. c. 4.
^fralio, lib. xiv. p. firjfi. e Died. Sic. lib. xii. p. 7G, 17, 78.

»l Herodot. lib.7. e Herodot. lib. 9.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 9

ly to have been thus. In the year four hundred and forty-
five before Christ, which was the last year of the 83d
Olympiad, he did read his first draught of this history at
Athens, being then thirty-nine years old, but employed all
his life after farther to polish and complete it, and did not
put his last hand to it till after the nineteenth year of the
Peloponnesian war, which was the thirty-third after his first
reading it at Athens. The next year after his having read it
there, he went thence with the colony to Tburiu'n, that is,
in the first year of (he 8itb Olympiad, which was the three
hundred and tenth of the building of Rome according to the
Varronian account, *^ and twelve years before the beginning
of the Peloponnesian war.s And, on his settling in that
place, he revised what he had publicly read at Athens, from
whence it is that he is said by Pliny there to have made this
history. And after his having continued some time at Thu-
rium, he travelled from thence into the East, for the farther
completing of this history, and also for the gaining of mate-
rials for another, which he was then composing of Assyria
and Babylon : but this last was never published,'' though he
refers to it in his other history now extant ; the reason, it is
supposed, was, that he lived not to finish it, though, by the
above-mentioned account, it appears he outlived the seventy-
second year of his age, and by other particulars in his history,^
it seems most likely that he lived much longer. And, I
doubt not, it was in those travels which he undertook from
Thurium, that he went through Judea, and there saw Jeru-
salem, which he calls Cadytis ; for that the city which he
describes under that name, could be none other than Jerusa-
lem, I have already shown.

Nehemiah, finding it necessary to have the genealogies
of the people well examined into, and clearly stated, betook
himself in the next place to inquire into that matter.'^ And
this he did, not only for the sake of their civil rights, that all
knowing of what tribe and family they were, they might
thereby be directed where to take iheir poss^'bSions ; but
especially for the sake of the sanctuary, that none might be
admitted to officiate there, either as Levites which were not
of the tribe of Levi, or as priests which were not of the
family of Aaron. And therefore, for the true settling of the
matter, search was made for the old registers ; and having
among them found a register of the genealogies of those
who came up at first from Babylon with Zerubbabel and

f Plinius, lib. 12, c. 4.

g Dionysius Halicarnasseus in Vita Lysiae Oratoris.

h Herodot. lib. 1. i Vide Userii Annales sub anno J. P. 4306,

kNeh.vii.

10 COWEXIOX OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

Jeshua, he settled this matter according to it, adding such as
afterward came up, and expunging others whose families
were extinguished •, and this hatli caused the dilTerence that
is between the accounts which we have of these genealogies
in Ezra and Nehemiah ; for, in the second chapter of Ezra,
we have tiie old register made by Zerubbabel, and in the
seventh of Nehemiah, from the sixth verse, to (he end of the
chapter, a copy of it as settled by Nehemiah, with the
aherations 1 have mentioned.

Ezra, having completed his edition of the law of God,
and written it out fairly and correctly in the Chaldean cha-
racter,^ did this year, on the feast of trumpets, publicly read
it to the people at Jerusalem. This feast was celebrated
on the fust of Tisri,"" the seventh month of the Jews' ecclesi-
astical year, and the hrst of (heir civil year. Their coming
out of Egypt having been in the month of Nisan," from that
time the beginning of the year, in all ecclesiastical matters,
was reckoned among them from the beginning of that month
(which happened about the time of the vernal equinox ;)
but, in all civil matters, as in contracts, bargains, and such
like, they still con(inned to go by the old form, and began
their year from the first of Tisri" (which happened about
the time of the autumfial equinox,) as all other nations
of the East then did (as halh been afore observed,) and
all instruments and writings, relating to contracts, bar-
gains, or other civil matters among them, were dated ac-
cording to this year ; and all thetr jubilees'' and sabbatical
years'^ began with it: and, therefore, it being reckoned their
new-year's day, they celebrated it with a festival. And this
festival being solemnized by the sounding of trumpets, from
the rnori'ing of that day to the end of it, thereby to proclaim
and give notice to all of the beginning of the new-year, it
hath from hence been called the feast of trumpets. For the
celebrating of this feast tb.e people being assembled from all
parts of the land at Jerusalem, and understanding that Ezra
had finished his revisal of the law, and written out a correct
copy of it, they called upon him (o have it read unto them.''
Whereon a scaltoid, or large pulpit, being erected m the
largest street of the city, where most might stand to hear,
Ezra ascended into it, with thirteen others of the principal
elders of the people ; and, having placed six of them on his
right-hand, and seven on his left, he s(ood up in (he midst of
them, and, having blessed the Lord, t!ie great God, he began

I Neb. viii. in Niimh. xxix. 1. Le\ it. xxiii. 24. n Exod. xii. 2.

o Joseph. Antif|. lib. 1, c. 4. Talmud in Rosh Hashanali.

p Levit. XXV. U.

i| Levit. XXV. 8, *J. Maimonide<^ de Anno SHbbatico. r Neb. viii.

LOOK Yl.] THE OLD AND NKW TE5f AMENTS. 1 I

to read the law out of the Hebrew text. And as he did read
it in this language, thirteen others of the Levites, whom he
had instructed and appointed for this purpose, rendered it
period by period into CJialdee, which v.as then the vul-^ar
language of the people, and therein gave them the meaning
of every particular part, and made them understand the same.
And thus the holy scribe, with these his assistants, continued
from morning till noon, to read and explain unto the people
the law of God, in such manner as might best make them to
know and understand it. But it being a festival day, when
the timeof dining approached, Nehemiah. and Ezra, and the
rest that were assisting to them in thus instructing the peo-
ple, dismissed them for that time to their difiner, to eat and
drink, and rejoice before the Lord the remaining part of the
day, because it was consecrated to be thus kept holy unto
him. But the next morning they assembled again in the
same place, and Ezra and his assistants went on farther to
read and explain to them the lav/ of God, in the same manner
as they had done the day before ; and when they came to
the twenty-third chapter of Leviticus, wherein is written the
law of the feast of tabernacles, and had from thence explained
unto them the obligation which was upon them to observe this
festival, and shown them, that the fifteenth day of that month
was the day appointed for the beginning of it, this excited
an eager desire in all the people of fulfilling the law of God
in this particular. And therefore proclamation was forthwith
made through all Judah to give notice of the festival, and to
warn all to be present at Jerusalem on the said fifteenth day of
that month, for the observing of it. And accordingly they
came thither at the time prescribed, and, as they had been
instructed from the law of God, prepared booHis made of
the branches of trees, and kept the festival in them through
the whole seven days of its continuance, in such solemn
manner as had not been observed before from the days of
Joshua to that time. Ezra taking the advantage of having
the people in so great a number thus assembled together, and
so well disposed towards the law of God, and the obser-
vance of it, went on with his assistants farther to read and ex-
plain it unto them, in the same manner as had been done in the
two former days ; and this they did, day by day, from the first
day to the last day of the festival, till they had gone through the
whole law. By which the people, perceiving in how many
things they had transgressed the commands of God, through the
ignorancein v/hich they had been kept of them, (for till now the
law had never been read to them since their return from
Babylon,) expressed great trouble of heart hereat, being
much grieved for their sins, and exceedingly terrified with

1.2 CONNKXIOX OF THK HISTORV OF [PART 1,

the fear of God's wrath for the punishment of them. Nehe-
miah and Ezra, finding them in so good a temper, appHed
themselves to make the best improvement that could be
made of it, for the honour of God, and the interest of reli-
gion ; and therefore forthwith proclaimed a fast to be held
the next day save one after the festival was ernled,'^ that is,
on the twenty-fourth day of the same month : to which hav-
ing called all the people, while the sense of these things was
fresh and warm on their minds, they excited them to make
a public and solemn co'ifession before God of all their sins,
and also to enter into a solemn vow and covenant with God to
avoid them for the future, and strictly hold themselves fast
to the observance of God's laws. The observances which
they chiefly obliged tlumselves to in this covenant were ;
1st. Not to make intermarriages with the Gentiles, either by
giving theirdaughtcrs to them,orby takingany of their daugh-
ters to themselves ; 2dly. To observe the sabbaths and sab-
baticalyears ; odly. To pay their annual tribute to the tem-
ple, for the repairing of it, and the finding of all necessa-
ries for the carrying on of the public service in it ; and, 4thly,
To pay the tithes and first-fruits to the priests and Levites.
Which particulars, thus especially named in this covenant,
show unto us what were the laws of God which hitherto they
had been most neglectful of since their return from their
captivity.

And it being their ignorance of the law of God that had
led them into these transgressions against it, and this igno-
rance having been occasioned by their not having it read unto
them ; for the preventing hereof for the future, they, from
this time, got the learnedest of the Levites, and other scribes
that were best skilled in the law of God, to read it unto
them in every city : whiclj at first they did no doubt in the
same manner as Ezra had done, that is, by gathering the
people together (o them in some wide street, or other open
place of their city, which was of fittest capacity to receive
them. But the inconvenience of this being soon felt, espe-
cially in the winter and stormy seasons of the year, for the
remedy hereof, they erected them houses or tabernacles,
wherein to meet for this purpose ; and this was the original
of s^'nagogues among them. That they had no synagogues
before the Babylonish captivity, is plain, not only from the
silence which is of them in all the Scriptures of the Old
Testament, but also from several passages therein, which
evidently prove there could be none in those days. For, as
it is a common saying among the Jews,* that, where there is

s Nehemiah ix.

f l^Iid^;l.s!l Esther 123. 1. Tanciiuma 54.2

BOOK VI.j THE OLD AND NE,W TESTAMENTS. J 3

no book of the law, there can be no synagogue ; so the roasoji
of the thing proves it : for the main service of the synagogue
being the reading of the Jaw unto the people, where there
was no book of the law to be read, there certainly would
be no synagogue. But how rare the book of the law was
through all Judah before the Ba])ylonish captivity, many
texts of Scripture tell us. When Jehoshaphat sent teachers
through all Judah to instruct the people in the law of God,
they carried a book of the law with tliem," which they need-
ed not to have done, if there had been any copies of the law
in those cities to which they went ; which certainly there
would have been, had there then been any synagogues in
them ; it being the same absurdity to suppose a Jewish syna-
gogue without a copy of the law, as it would with us to
suppose a parish church without a Bible. And, therefore, as
this proves the vvant of the law through all Judah in those
times, so doth it also the want of synagogues in them. And
when Hilkiah found the law in the temple,^ neither he nor
king Josiah needed have been so surprised at it, had books
of the law been common in those times. Their behaviour
on that occasion sufficiently proves, they bad never seen it
before, which could not be, had there then been any other
copies of it to be found among the people. And if there
were no copies of the law at that time among them, there
could then be most certainly no synagogues for them to re-
sort to, for the hearing of it read unto them. From hence
it plainly follows, there could be no synagogues among the
Jews till after the Babylonish captivity. And it is most pro-
bable, that Ezra's reading to them the law, and the necessity
which thereon they peiceivcd there was of having it oftener
read among them, for their instruction in it gave them the
occasion of erecting them after the captivity, in the manner
as I have related 5 and most learned men are of this opinion \^
and some of the Jews themselves say as much.'' Concern-
ing these synagogues, I think it proper here to inform the
reader, 1st. In what places they were to be erected ; 2dly.
What was the service to be performed in them ; 3dly. What
were the times of their assembling for this service ; and 4thly.
Who were their ministers to perform it.

I. As to the first, their rule was, that a synagogue was to
be erected in every place where there were ten Batelnim,*

u 2 Chron. xvii.i). x 2 Kings xxii.

y Spencer de Legibus Heb. lib. i. c. 4, sec. 10. Vitringa de Synagoga Ve-
tera, lib. 1, part 1, c. 9 — 12. Relandus in Antiq. Sacr. part I, c. 10.

z Maimonides in Tephillah.

a Megillah, c. 1, sec. 3. Maimonides in Tephillah. Lightfoot in his Har-
mony, sec. 17, and in his Talmudical Exercitatioas upon Matt. iv. 23-

Vol. IL r^

]4 CONNLXION OF THE HISTORY OF [I'ART i>.

Hint is, ten persons of full age, and free condition, always at
leisure to attend the service of it ; for less than ten such,
according to them, did not make a congregation, and, with-
out such a congregation present, no part of the synagogue
service could be performed ; and therefore, wherever they
could always be secure of such a congregation, that is, of
ten such persons to be present at the service in ail the stated
times in which it was to be performed, there they were to
build a synagogue. For where ten such persons might al-
ways be had at leisure to attend the synagogue in all their
religious assemblies, this they reckoned a great city, and here
they would have a synagogue to be built ; but not otherwise :
for 1 take the rule above mentioned to be restrictive in the
negative sense, as well as obligatory in the affirmative,
and to show where a synagogue ought not to be built, as well
as where it ought, that is, that no synagogue ought to be built
in any place, where there were not such a number of in-
habitants, as might give a reasonable presumption, that there
would be always ten persons at leisure to be present in every
synagogue assembly, and that as well on the week days as on
the sabbaths, because, without such a number, they could
not go on with the synagogue service. At first these syna-
gogues were (tiw, but afterward they became multiplied to a
great number, in the same manner as parish churches with us,
which they much resemble. So that in our Saviour's time
there was no town in Judea, but what had one or more of
them. The Jews tell us, that about that time, Tiberias alone,'*
which was a city of Galilee, had twelve of them, and Jeru-
salem' four hundred and eight}- ; but herein they are supposed
to have spoken hyperbolically, and to have expressed an un-'
certain large number by a certain. If this were to be under-
stood strictly and literally, what is said'' by some of these ten
Batelnim, that they were the stationary men of the syna-
gogue, hired to be always present to make a congregation,
must be understood of many of them : for were their num-
ber so multiplied, they could not otherwise in every one of
them be always sure of a congregation, especially on the
working days of the week, two of which were always solemn
synagogue days, as well as the sabbaths. It is Lightfoot's
opinion, that these ten Batelnim, were the elders and minis-
ters that governed and managed the synagogue service ; but
this is said without a sufficient foundation lo support it.
II. The service to be performed in these synagogue as-

h Beracliotb, f. 8.

c See Lightfoot's Chorograpbical Century, c. 31'.

d Buxtortii Lexicon Rabbinicum, p, 292

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. J^S

semblies, were prayers, reading the Scriptures, and preach-
ing and expounding upon them.

1st. For their prayers, they have liturgies, in which are
all the prescribed forms of their synagogue worship. These
at first were very few ; but since they are increased into a
very large bulk, which makes their synagogue service very
long and tedious ; and the rubric, by which they regulate it,
is very perplexed and intricate, and encumbered with many
rites and ceremonious observances ; in all which, they equal,
if not exceed, both the superstition and also the length of
the popish service. The most solemn part of their prayers
are those which they call Shemoneh Eshreh,^ i. e. The
eighteen prayers. These, they say, were composed and in-
stituted by Ezra and the great synagogue : and to them Rab-
bi Gamaliel, a little before the destruction of Jerusalem,
added the nineteenth, against the Christians, who are there-
in meant under the names of apostates and heretics. It is
certain these prayers are very ancient; for mention is made
of them in the Mishnah as old settled forms ^^ and no doubt
is to be made, but that they were used in our Saviour's time,
and at least most of themj^ if not all the eighteen ; and con-
sequently that he joined in them with the rest of the Jews,
whenever he went into their synagogues, as he always did
every sabbath-day.'^ And from hence two things may be in-
ferred for the consideration of our Dissenters: 1st. That
our Saviour disliked not set forms of prayer in public wor-
ship; and, 2dly. That he was contented to join with the pub-
lic in the meanest forms rather than separate from it. For
these eighteen prayers, in comparison of those now used in
our church, are very jejune and empty forms ; and that the
reader may see they are so, I shall here add a translation of
them in the same order as they are in the Jewish liturgies,
adding the nineteenth prayer to them : which, according
to the said order, is the twelfth in number as here recited.

1. Blessed be thou, O Lord our God, the God of our fathers,
the God of Abraham, the God of Isaac, the God of Jacob,
the great God, powerful and tremendous, the high God :
bountifully dispensing benetits ; the Creator and Possessor of
the universe, who rememberest the good deeds of our fa-
thers, and in thy love sendest a Redeemer to those who are

e Of these see Maimonides in Tephillab.

f III Berachotli, c. 4, sec. 3.

g It must be acknowledged, tliat some of these prayers seem to have been
composed after the destruction of Jerusalem, and to have reference to it,
especially the tenth, the eleventh, the fourteenth and the seventeenth;
tiiough it is possible some of tiie?e might refer to the calamities of the an-
cienter times.

h Luke iv. \(y.

16 CONKEXiON or XHE HISTORY OF [PARTi.

descended from them, for thy name's sake, O King, our
Helper, our Saviour, and our Shield. Blessed art thou, O
Lord, who art the shield of Abraham.

2. Thou, O Lord, art powerful for ever. Thou raisest
the dead to life, and art mighty to save : thou scndest dowu
the dew, stillest the winds, and makest the rain to come down
upon the earth, and sustainest with thy beneficence all that
live therein ; and of thy abundant mercy makest the dead
a^ain to live. Thou helpest up those that fall ; thou curest
the sick ; thou loosest them that are bound, and makest good
thy word of truth to those that sleep in the dust. Who is
to be compared to thee, O thou Lord of might ? And who is
like unto thee, O our king, who killest and makest alive, and
makest salvation to spring u]) as the herb out of the field ?
Thou art faithful to make the dead to rise again to life.
Blessed art thou, O Lord, who raisest the dead again to life.

3. Thou art holy, and thy name is holy, and thy saints do
praise thee every day. Selah, For a great King and an
holy art thou, O God. Blessed art thou, O Lord God most
holy.

4. Thou of thy mercy givest knowledge unto men, and
tcachest tliem understanding ; give graciously unto us know-
ledge, wisdom, and understanding. Blessed art thou, O Lord,
who graciously givest knowledge unto men.

5. Bring us back, O our Father, to the observance of thy
law, and make us to adhere to thy precepts ; and do thou, O
our King, draw us near to thy worship, and convert us unto
thee by perfect repentance in thy presence. Blessed art
thou, O Lord, who vouchsafest to receive us by repentance.

G. Be thou merciful unto us, O our Father; for we have
sinned ; pardon us, O our King: for we have transgressed
against thee. For thou art God, good and leady to pardon.
Blessed art thou, O Lord most gracious, who multiplicst thy
mercies in the forgiveness of sins.

7. Look, we beseech thee, upon our afflictions. Be thou
on our side in all our contentions, and plead thou our cause
in all litigations ; and make haste to redeem us with a per-
fect redemption, for thy name's sake. For thou art our
God, our King, and a strong Redeemer. Blessed art thou, O
Lord, the Redeemer of Israel.

0. Heal us, O Lord our God, and we shall be healed.
Save us, and we shall be saved ; for thou art our praise.
Bring unto us sound health, and a perfect remedy for all our
infirmities, and for all our griefs, and for all our wounds.
For thou art a (Jlod who healcst, and art merciful. Blessed
art thou, O I^ord owv God. who rurcst the diseas.cs of thy
people Israel.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 17

9. Bless us, O Lord our God, in every work of our hands,
and bless unto us the seasons of the year, and give us the
dew and the rain to be a blessing unto us upon the face of all
our land; and satiate the world with thy blessings, and send
down moisture upon every part of the earth that is habita-
ble. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who givest thy blessing to
the years.

10. Convocate us together by the sound of the great
trumpet, to the enjoyment of our liberty, and lift up thy en-
sign to call together all of the captivity from the four quar-
ters of the earth into our own land. Blessed art thou, O
Lord, who gatherest together the exiles of the people of
Israel.

11. Restore unto us our judges as at the first, and our
counsellors as at the beginning, and remove far from us afflic-
tion and trouble, and do thou only reign over us in benignit}',
and in mercy, and in righteousness, and injustice. Blessed
art thou, O Lord our King, who lovest righteousness and
justice.

12. Let there be no hope to them who apostatize from
the true religion ; and let heretics, how many soever they
be, all perish as in a moment.' And let the kingdom of pride
be speedily rooted out and broken in our days.'' Blessed
art thou, O Lord our God, who destroyest the wicked, and
bringest down the proud.

13. Upon the pious and the just, and upon tiie proselytes
of justice,' and upon the remnant of thy people of the house
of Israel, let thy mercies be moved, O Lord our God ; and
give a good reward unto all who faithfully put their trust in
thy name, and grant us our portion with them, and for ever
let us not be ashamed ; for we put our trust in thee. lilessed
art thou, O Lord, who art the support and confidence of the
just.

14. Dwell thou in the midst of Jerusalem thy city, as thou
hast promised, build it with a building to last for ever; and
do this speedily, even in our days. Blessed art thou, O Lord,
who buildest Jerusalem.

15. Make the offspring of David thy servant speedily to
grow up and flourish, and let our horn be exalted in thy sal-

i This is the prayer which was added by Rabbi Gamaliel against the Chris-
tians, or, as others say, by Rabbi Samuel the little, who was one of his
scholars. k The Roman empire.

1 The proselytes of justice were such as received the whole Jewish law,
and conformed in ail things to their religion. Olher proselytes thei-e were,
who conformed only to the seven precepts of the sons of Noah ; and these
were called the proselytes of the gate, because they worshipped only in the
outer court of the temple, and were admitted no farther than the gate leading
into the inner courts.

18 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

vation : for we hope for thy salvation every day. Blessed
art thou, O Lord, who makest the horn of our salvation to
flourish.

16. Hear our voice, O Lord our God, most merciful Father,
pardon and have mercy upon us, and accept of our prayers
with mercy and favour, and send us not away empty from
thy presence, O our King; for thou hearest with mercy the
prayer of thy people Israel. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who
hearest prayer.

17. Be thou well pleased, O Lord our God, with thy peo-
ple Israel, and have regard unto their prayers : restore thy
worship to the inner part of thy house, and make haste with
favour and love to accept of the burnt sacrifices of Israel,
and their prayers ; and let the worship of Israel thy people
be continually well-pleasing unto thee. Blessed art thou, O
Lord, who restores! thy divine presence to Zion.

18. We will give thanks unto thee with praise; for thou
art the Lord our God, the God of our Fathers for ever and
ever. Thou art our Rock, and the Rock of our life, the
Shield of our salvation. To all generations will we give
thanks unto thee, and declare thy praise, because of our life
which is always in thy hands, and because of our souls, which
are ever depending upon thee, and because of thy signs,
which are every day with us, and because of thy wonders
and marvellous lovingkindnesses, which are morning and
evening and night continually before us. Thou art good, for
thy mercies are not consumed ; thou art merciful, for thy
lovingkindnesses fail not. For ever we hope in thee. And
for all these mercies be thy name, O King, blessed, and ex-
alted, and lifted up on high for ever and ever : and let all that
live give thanks unto thee. Selah, And let them in truth and
sincerity praise thy name, O God of our salvation, and our
help. Selah. Blessed art thou, O Lord, whose name is good,
and whom it is fitting always to give thanks unto thee.

19. Give peace, beneficence, and benediction, grace, be-
nignity, and mercy unto us, and to Israel thy people. Bless
us, O our Father, even all of us together, as one man, with
the light of thy countenance. For in the light of thy coun-
tenance hast thou given unto us, O Lord our God, the law of
life, and love, and benignity, and righteousness, and blessing,
and mercy, and life, and peace. And let it seem good in
thine eyes to bless thy people Israel with thy peace at all
times, and in every moment. Blessed art thou, O Lord, who
blessest thy people Israel with peace. Amen.

Since our Saviour spared not freely to tell the Jews of all
the curruptions which they had in his time run into, and on all

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AXi) NEW TEsTA.ME.NTS. 1?

occasions reproached them therewith, had it been contrary
to the will of God to use set forms of prayer in his public
service, or had it been displeasing to him to be addressed to ia
such mean forms, when much better might have been made ;
we may be sure he would have told them of both, and joined
with them in neither. But he having never found fault with
them for using set forms, but, on the contrary, taunht his own
disciples a set form to pray by ; nor at any time expressed a
dislike of the forms then in use, because of the meanness and
emptiness of them, but always joined with them in their sy-
nagogues in the forms above recited, this may satisfy our
Dissenters, if any thing can satisfy men so perversely bent
after their own wajs, that neither our using set forms of
prayers in our public worship, nor the using of such which
they think not sufficiently editing, can be objpctions sufficient
to justify them in their refusal to join with us in them ; for
they have the example of Christ in both these thus directly
against them. The truth is, whether there be a form or no
form, or whether the form be elegantly or meanly composed,
nothing of this availeth to the recommending of our prayers
unto God. It is the true and sincere devotion of the heart
only that can make them acceptable unto him ; for it is this
only that gives life and vigour, and true acceptance, to all our
religious addresses unto him. Without this how elegantly
and moving soever the prayer maybecomposed,and with how
much seeming fervour and zeal soever it may be noured out,
all is as dead matter and of no validity in the presence of
our God. But if we bring this with us to his worship, any
form of prayer, provided it be of sound words, may be suffi-
cient to make us and our worship acceptable unto him, and
obtain mercy, peace, and pardon, from him. For it is not
the fineness of speech, or the elegancy of expression, but the
sincerity of the mind, and the true devotion of the heart
only that God regards in all our prayers which we offer
up unto him. It is true, a new jingle of words, and a
fervent delivery of them by the minister in prayer, may
have some effect upon the auditors, and often raise, in such
of them as are affected this way, a devotion which other-
wise they would not have. But this being wholly artificial,
which all drops again, as soon as the engine is removed that
raised it, it is none of that true habitual devotion, which can
alone render us acceptable unto our God in any of our ad-
dresses unto him. This we ought to bring with us, whenever
we come into the house of God to worship before him ; and
with this, in any form which is of sound words, we may pray
acceptably unto him, and none can ever do so without it. But
whether any form of such sound words can be well preserve'l

120 CONNEXION OF THE HISTOUV OF [PART 1.

in those extemporary ciUisions of jiraycr which some delight
in, whether this doth not often lead them into indecent, and
sometin^es into blasphemous expressions, to the great dis-
honour of God, and the damage of religion, it behooves
those who are for this way seriously to consider.

But, to return from whence I have digressed ; these nine-
teen prayers were enjoined (o be said by all that were of age,
of what sex or condition soever, either in public or in pri-
vate, three times every day, that is, in the morning, in the
afternoon, and at night.*" And they were; of that esteem,
and arc so still, among them, that they allow the name of
prayer to be proper to the saying of these nineteen prayers
only ; looking on it by way of eminence to be much more
so than the saying of all the rest. And therefore they
are, on every synagogue day, offered up in the most solemn
manner, in all (heir public assemblies. But these prayers
are, in their orhces, no other than as the Lord's prayer in
ours, tliat is, they are the fundamental and principal part: for
besides them they have many other prayers, some going be-
fore, others interspersed between them, and others following
after, wliich all together make their synagogue service very
long. Our Saviour found fault with their prayers for being too
long in his time." Many additions in their liturgies have
made them much more so since.

2. The second part of their synagogue service is the read-
ing of the Scriptures, which is of three sorts; 1st. The
Kiriath Shema ; 2d. The reading of the law ; and, 3d. The
reading of the prophets. Of the two latter I have already
spoken ; and therefore 1 shall now treat only of the tirst. — It
consists in the reading of three portions of Scripture." The
lirst is from the beginning of the fourth verse of the sixth
chapter of Deuteronomy, to the end of the ninth verse ;
the second, from the beginning of the thirteenth verse of the
eleventh chapter of Deuteronomy, to the end of the twen-
ty-first verse ; and the third, from the begiiming of the thir-
ty-seventh verse of the fifteenth chapter of Numbers, to the
end of the chapter. And because the first of these portions
in the Hebrew Bible begins with the word Shema, that is,
hear^ they call all these three together the Shema, and the
reading of them Kiriath Shema, that is. The reading of the
Shema. This reading of the Shema is accompanied with
several prayers and benedictions, both before and after it,
and is, next the saying of the nineteen prayers, the most

in Maimonides in Tepliillali.
II Matt, xxiii. 14. Mark xii. 14. Luke xx. 47.

o Maimonides in Kiriath Shema. Vitringa de Synagoga Vetcre, lib. 3,
part 2, c. 15.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD ANB NEW TESTAMENTS* 21

solemn part of their religious service; and is, in the same man-
ner as that, to be performed according to their ritual every
day, (that is, either pubHcly in their synagogue assemblies,
or else privately out of them, on those days when there are
no such assembhes, or when they cannot be present at them,)
only with this difference, that, whereas the nineteen prayers
are to be said thrice every day, and by every person of age,
without any exception, the reading or repeating of the She-
ma is only to be twice a day, that is, morning and evening,
and the males only which are of free condition, are obliged
to it, all women and servants being excused from the duty.
They think they are bound to the repeating of this She-
ma every morning and evening, because of the words of the
law, (Deut. vi. 7,) " And thou shalt talk of them when thou
liest down, and when thou risest up :" and also because of
the like words, (Deut. xi. 19.) The reading or repeating
of this Shema in the manner as is here related, they think,
is of great moment for the preserving of religion among
them : as most certainly it must be, because thereby they do
twice every day make confession of the unity of God, and of
the duties which they owe unto him.

3. The third part of the synagogue service, is the ex-
pounding of the Scriptures, and preaching to the people from
them. The first was performed at the time of the reading
of them, and the other after the reading both of the law and
the prophets was over. It is plain Christ taught the Jews
in their synagogues both these ways. When he came to Na-
zareth, his own city, he was called out, as a member of that
synagogue, to read the Haphterah, that is, the section or les-
son out of the prophets which was to be read that day.P
And when he stood up and read it, he sat down and expound-
ed it, as was the usage of the Jews in both these cases.
For, out of reverence to the law and the prophets, they stood
up when they did read any portion out of either, and, in re-
gard to themselves as teachers, they sat when they expound-
ed. But in all other synagogues, of which he was not a
member, when he entered into them (as he always did every
sabbath-day wherever he was,)'^ he taught the people in ser-
mons, after the reading of the law and tlie prophets was over.
And so St. Paul taught the Jews in their synagogue at Anti-
och in Pisidia ;"■ for there it is expressly said, in the sacred
text, that his preaching was after the reading of the law and
the prophets was ended.

in. The times of their synagogue service were three days
a week, besides their holidays, whether fasts or festivals f

p Luke iv. 16, 17, &,c. q Luke vi. 16.

r Actsxiii. 15, s Maimonides ia Tephillali.

Vor„ TI. 4

22 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART I^

and thrice on every one of those days, that is, in the mornings
and in the afternoon, and at night. Their ordinary syna-
gogue days in every week were Monday, Thursday, and Sa-
turday. Saturday was their sabbath, the day set apart among
them for rchgious exercises by divine appointment, and the
other two by the appointment of the elders, that so three
days might not pass without the pubhc reading of the law
among them. The reason which they gave for this is taken
from their mystical interpretation of the law. For whereas
we tind it said (Exod. xv. 22,) that the Israelites were in
great distress on their travelling three days in the wilder-
ness without water, by water they tell us is there mystically
meant the law ; and therefore say, that for this reason, they
ought not to be three days together without the hearing of
it : and consequently, for the avoiding hereof, they have or-
dained, that it be publicly read in their synagogues thrice
every week. And their manner of doing it is as followeth.
The whole law, or five books of Moses, being divided into
as many sections or lessons, as there are weeks in the year
(as hath been before shown,) on Monday tliey began with that
which was proper for tliat week, and read it half way through,
and on Thursday proceeded to read the remainder; and on
Saturday, which was their solemn sabbath, they did read all
over again, from the beginning to the end of the said lesson
or section ; and this both morning and evening. On the
week days they did read it only in the morning, but on the
sabbath they did read it in the evening, as well as in the
morning, for the sake of labourers and artificers, who could
not leave their work to attend the synagogues on the week
days, that so all might hear twice every week the whole sec-
tion or lesson of that week read unto them. And when the
reading of the prophets was added to that of the law, they
observed the same order in it. As the synagogue service was
to be on three days every week for the sake of their hear-
ing the law ; so it was to be thrice on those days for the sake
of their prayers. For it was a constant rule among them,
that all were to pray unto God three times every day,
that is, in the morning at the time of the morning sacrifice,
and in the evening at the time of the evening sacrifice, and
at the begitjning of the night, because till then the evening
sacrifice was still left burning upon the altar. It is certain,
that it was anciently among God's people the steady prac-
tice of good and religious persons, to otrer up their prayers to
God thrice every day. This we find David, and this we find
Daniel did. For the former says, (Psalm Ix. 17,) "Evening,
morning, and at noon, will 1 pray." And the latter tells us,
that, notwithstanding the king's decree to the contrary, "He

HOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. ,23

kneeled upon his knees three times a day, and prayed, and
gave thanks unto his God, as he did aforetime." By which
it is plainly implied, that he did not only at that time thus
pray, but that it was always his constant custom so to do.
They having had no synagogues till after the Babylonish cap-
tivity, till then they had not any set forms for their prayers ;
neither had they any solemn assemblies for their praying to
God at all, except at the temple only. That was always the
house of prayer; so Isaiah,* and so from him our Saviour
calls it;" and to this use Solomon consecrated it; and there
the times of prayer were fixed to the times of the morning
and evening sacrifice : and the ordinary time of the former
was at nine in the morning, and of the latter at three in the
afternoon ; but on extraordinary days, as sabbaths, festivals,
and fasts, there being additional sacrifices, additions were al-
so made to the times of otTering them, and both the morn-
ing and the evening service did then begin sooner than on
other days. As scon as they did begin, the stationary men
v/ere present in the court of Israel, to offer up their prayers
for the whole congregation of Israel ;^ and other devout
persons, who voluntarily attended, were without in the court,
called The court of the women, praying for themselves. But
neither of these had any public forms to pray by, nor any
public ministers to officiate to them herein, but all prayed in
private bj themselves, and all according to their own pri-
vate conceptions.^ And therefore our Saviour, in the para-
ble of the publican and Pharisee, making them to go up both
together into the temple to pray, introduceth them there as
each making his own prayer for himsclt.^ For there all thus
prayed, and so continued to do all the while the public sa-
crifices were offering up both morning and evening. And
the offering of incense on the golden altar in the holy place,
at every morning and evening service in the temple, was in-
stituted on purpose to offer up unto God the prayers of the
people, who were then without, praying unto him.* And
hence it was, that St. Luke tells us, that, while Zacharias
went into the temple to burn incense, " The whole multi-
tude of the people were praying without at the time of in-
cense.'"' And for the same reason is it, that David prayed,
"Let my prayers be set forth before thee as incense, and
the lifting up of my hands as the evening sacrifice."'^ And
according to this usage is to be explained what we find in

t Isaiah Ivi. 7. u Matt. xxi. 13. Mark xi. 17. Lulce xix. 46.

X See Lightfoot's Temple Service.

y If there were any stated forms for this worship, they were only as helps
for those who prayed at the temple, which every one offered up for himseli
■without a public minister. z Luke xviii. 10 — 13.

a See Lightfoot's Temple Service, c. 9.

b Luke i. 9, 10. c Psalm cxli. 2,

24 CO^JJNSXION OF THE HJSTORV Of [fART 1.

the Revelation viii. 3, 4 ; for there it is said, " That an an-
gel came and stood at the altar, having a golden censer ; and
there was given unto him much incense, that he should of-
fer it with the prayers of all saints upon the golden altar
which was before the throne. And the smoke of the in-
cense, which came with the prayers of the saints, ascended
up before God, out of the angel's hand." For the angel
here mentioned, is the angel of the covenant, Christ our Lord,
who intercedes for us with our God, and, as our Mediator,
constantly offers up our prayers unto him. And the manner
of his doing this is here set forth by the manner of the typi-
cal representation of it in the temple : for as there, at every
morning and evening sacritice, the priest, in virtue of that
sacritice, entering into the holy place, and presenting l>.m-
self at the golden altar, which stood directly before the mer-
cy-seat (the throne of God's visible presence among them,
during the tabernacle and the first temple,) did burn incense
theieon, while the people were at their prayers without ;
thereby, as intercessor to God for them, to offer up their
prayers to him for his gracious acceptance, and to make
them ascend up before him, from out of his hands, as a swetft-
smcUing savour in his presence ; so Christ, our true priest,
and most powerful intercessor, by virtue of that one sacri-
fice of himself once offered for all, being entered into the
holy place, the heaven above, is there continually present
before the throne of mercy, to be a constant intercessor for
us unto our God ; and while we are here in the outer court of
his church in this world, offering up our prayers unto our
God, he there presents them unto him for us, and through his
hands they are accepted as a sweet-smelling savour in his
presence. And it being well understood among the Jews,
that the offering up of the daily sacrifices, and the burning
of incense upon the altar of incense at the time of those
sacrifices, was for the rendering of God propitious unto
them, and making their prayers to be acceptable in his pre-
sence, (hey were very carefiil to make the limes of these of-
ferings and the times of their prayers, both at the temple and
every where else, to be exactly the same. And therefore,
as soon as synagogues were erected among them, the hours
of public devotions in them, on iheir synagogue days, were,
as to tnoriiitig and evening prayers, the same hours in which
the morniiiir and evening sacrifices were off(;red up at the
temple. And the same hours were also observed in their pri-
vate prayers, wherever performed. Most good and devout
persons that were at .Jerusalem, chose on those times to go
lip into the temple, and there offer up their prayers unto
God. And thus l*eter and John are said to go up into the

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 25

temple at the hour of prayer,*^ being the ninth hour of the
day, which was at three in the afternoon, the tinne of the of-
fering up of the evening sacrifice ; for the Jews reckoned
the hours of the day from six in the morning. Those who
were in other places, or being at Jerusalem, had not leisure
to go up to the temple, did then their devotions elsewhere,
all thinking themselves obliged daily to say their prayers at
those times. If it were a syna^rogue day, they went into the
synagogue, and there prajed with the congregation ; and, if
it were not a synagogue day, they then prayed in private by
themselves; and, if they had leisure to go to the synagogue,
they chose that for the place to do it in, thinking such at: ho-
ly place the properest for such an holy exercise, though per-
formed there in their private persons only ; but if they had
not leisure to go to such an holy place, then they prayed
wherever they were at the hour of prayer, though it were in
the street or market-place. And for this it was that our Sa-
viour found fault with them, when he told them, that they lo-
ved to pray standing in the synagogues, and in the corners of
the streets,^ thereby affecting more to be seen of men, than
to be accepted of by God. But many of them had upper
rooms in their houses, which were as chapels particularly set
apart and consecrated for this purpose. In such an one Cor-
nelius was praying at the ninth hour of the day,*^ that is,
at the time of the evening sacritice, when the angel appear-
ed unto him: and such an one Peter went up into to pray
about the sixth hour of the day ,6 when he had the vision of
the great sheet, that is, half an hour past twelve, or there-
about; for then the evening sacritice did begin on great and
solemn days ; and such an one it seems hereby that was :
and in such an upper room were the holy apostles assembled
together in prayer, when the Holy Ghost descended upon
them.*"

IV. As to the ministration of the synagogue service, it
was not confined to the sacerdotal order. They were conse-
crated only to the service of the temple, which was quite of
another nature, as consisting only in the offering up of sacri-
fices and oblations. At the time indeed, of the morning and
evening sacrifices, the Levites and other singers sung psalms
of praise unto God before the altar, and. in the conclusion,
the priests blessed the people ; which may seem to bear some
resemblance to what was done in the synagogue. But in all
other particulars the public synagogue service was wholly
different from the public service of the temple.' Of what

d Acts iii. 1. e Malt. vi. 5. f Acts x. 3, 30.

gActsx. 9. h Acts i. 13. See Mr. Mede, book 2, tract 1.

i Vide Buxtorfii Synagogam Judaicani, & Vitringam de Synagoga Vetere.

2G CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Or [PART I.

parts it consisted I have already explained : and any one that
by learning was qualified for it, of what tribe soever he were,
was admitted to the administration. But, that order might
be preserved, there were in every synagogue some fixed
ministers to take care of the religions duties to be performed
in ii; and these were by imposition of hands, solemnly ad-
mitted thereto. The tirst were the eldeis of the synagogue,
who governed all the aliairs ofit, and directed all the duties of
religion therein to be performed. These are in the Scriptures
of tlie iVew Testament,*^ called A^;t"'i""*7'"y<". that is, rulers of
the s^juagoguc. How many of these were in every synagogue
is nowhere said. But this is certain, they were more than
one ; for they are mentioned in Scripture' in the plural num-
ber in respect of the same synagogue; and, at Corinth, Cris-
pus and Sosthenes are both said to be chief rulers of the syna-
gogue," though it is not likely that there was more than one
synagogue in that city. Next to them (or perchance one of
them,) was the minister of the synagogue, that officiated in
oiFering up the public prayers to God for the whole congre-
gation, who, because he was the mouth of the congregation
delegated from them as iheir representative, messenger, or
angel, to speak to God in prayer for them, was therefore, in
the Hebrew language, called Sheliah Zibbor, that is, the
angel of the church. And hence it is, that the bishops of the
seven churches of Asia are, in the Revelation, by a name
borrowed from the synagogue, called the angels of those
churches. For, as the Shehah Zibbor in the Jewish syna-
gogue was the prime minister to offer up the prayers of the
people to God ; so also was the bishop the prime minister
to offer up the prayers of the people to God in the church of
Christ. The bishop indeed did not always officiate in his
ministry, because in every church there were presbyters
under him, who often discharged this duty in his stead.
Neither did the Sheliah Zibbor always discharge his duty in
the synagogue in his own proper person. He was the ordina-
ry minister appointed to this office ; but often others were ex-
traordinarily called out for the discharging of it, provided
they were by age, gravity, skill, and piety of conversation,
qualified for it. And whosoever was thus appointed to this
ministry was the Sheliah Zibbor, that is, the angel of the con-
gregation, for that time : for the proper signilication of the
word used in the Hebrew language for an angel is a messen-
ger. And therefore, as a messenger from God to the people
is an angel of God, so a messenger from the people to God is
an angel of the people. In the latter sense only was the name

k Mark v. 35—37. Luke viii. 41 ; xiii. 14. Acts xiii. 15.

! Mark v. 22. Acts xiii. 15. m Acts xviii. 8, 17.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 27

of angol given to the minister of the synagogue : but it belongs
to the minister of the Christian church in both senses ; for he
is not only a messenger of the people to God, in the offering
up of the prayers of the congregation to him, but he is also a
messenger of God to them, in bringing from him the messages
of life, peace, and everlasting salvation unto them. Next to
the Sheiiah Zibhor were the deacons, or inferior ministers
of the synagogue, in Hebrew called Chazanicn, that is, over-
seers, who were also fixed ministers, and, under the rulers
of the synagogue, had the charge and oversight of all things
in it, kept the sacred books of the law and the prophets, and
other holy Scriptures, as also the books of their public li-
turgies, and all other utensils belonging to the synagogue, and
brought them forth whenever they were to be used in the
public service. And particularly they stood by and over-
looked them that did read the lessons out of the law and the
prophets, and corrected them and set them right when they
did read amiss, and took the book of them again when they
had done. And thus it is said of our Saviour," when he was
called out to read the lesson out of the prophets in the syna-
gogue of Nazareth, of which he was a member, that after he
had done he gave the book again to the minister, that is,
the Chazan or deacon of the synagogue. For there was an-
ciently no fixed synagogue minister for the reading of the
lessons ; but the rulers of the synagogue, when the time of
the reading of those lessons came, called out any member of
the congregation for this service that was able to perform it.
And it was usually done in this order. A priest was called
out first, and next a Levite, if any of these orders were pre-
sent in the congregation, and after that any other Israelite,
till they made up in all the number of seven. And hence it
was anciently, that every section of the law was divided
into seven lesser sections, for the sake of these seven readers.
And, in soine Hebrew Bibles, these lesser sections are marked
in the margin : the first with the word Cohen, i. c. the priest ;
the second with the word Levi, i.e. the Levite ^ the third
with the word Shelisiii, i. e. IKq third; and so the rest with
Hebrew words signifying the numbers foliowing to the
seventh ; thereby to show what part was to be read by the
priest, what by the Levite, and what by each of the other
five, who might be any Israelites of the congregation that
were able to read the Hebrew text, of what tribe soever fhey
were. The next tixed oflicer of the synagogue, after the
Chazanim, was the interpreter. His business was to inter-
pret into Chaldce the lessons, as they were read in the He-
brew, to the congregation ; for which, learning and skill in

!i I.uke vi. 2.0,

■2ii CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [I'ART I.

both languages being requisite, when Ihey found a man fit for
the oflice, they retained him by a salary, and admitted him
as a standing minister of the synagogue. When the blessing
was to be given, if there were a priest present in the congre-
gation he always did the ofHce ; but if there were no priest
then present, the Slieliah Zibbor, who did read the prayers,
gave the blessing also in a form made proper for him. Thus
far I have tliought it might be helpful to (he reader for his bet-
ter understanding of the Scriptures, to have laid before him a
short scheme of the synagogue worship of the Jews, as it was
among them in ancient times. That which they at present re-
tain is in many particulars ditferent from it. He that would
be more fully iriformed of this matter may read Buxtorfs
Synagoga Judaica, Vitringa de Si/nagoga Vetere, and, above
all, Maimonides, especially in his tracts, Tephillah, Chagigah,
and Kiriath Shema.

Those who think synagogues to have been before the Ba-
bylonish captivity, allege for it what is said in Psalm Ixxiv. 8,
" they have hurried up all the synagogues of God in the land."
But in the original the words are Col moadhe El, that is,
" all the assemblies of God ;" by which, I acknowledge, must
be understood the places where the people did assemble to
worship God. But this doth not infer, that those places
were synagogues ; and there are none of the ancient versions,
excepting that of Aquila, that so render this passage. The
chief place where the Israelites assembled for the worship
of God was the temple at Jerusalem, and, before that was
built, the tabernacle ; and the open court before the altar
was that part in both of them where the people assembled to
offer up their prayers unlo God. But those that lived at a
distance from the tabernacle, while that was in being, and
afterward from the temple, when that was built, not beingable
at all times to resort thither, they built courts like those in
which they prayed at the tabernacle and at the temple, therein
to offer up their prayers unto God, whfch in after-times we
find called by the name of Proseuchae. Some of the Latin
poets'* make mention of them by this name ; and into one
of them our Saviour is said to have gone to pray, and to
have continued therein a whole niiiht ;'^ and in another of them
St. Paul taught the people of Phiiippi."^ They differed from
synagogues in several particulars; for, 1st. In synagogues
the prayers were offered up in public forms in common for

p Juvenal. Sat. 3.

q Luke vi. 12. For what our English there renders, Jind continued all
night in prayer to God, is, in t!)e orii^inal^ kh.i tit hayvKlt^tum sv t« Tlfonw^ tou
Qfciu, i.e. .^nd he continued all night in a proseuche of God.

r Acts xvi. For in (hat chapter, ver. 13 h. 16, what we render in our
English version by the word prayer, is in the original a proseuche, or place
of prayer.

BOOK VI.] THli OLD AND -NEW TESTAMENTS. ♦SD

the whole congregation ; but in the proscuche they prayed,
as in the temple, every one apart for himself; and so our
Saviour prayed in the proseuche which he went inlo.^ 2dly.
The synagogues v,-ere covered houses ; but the proseuche
were open courts, built, saith Epiphanius,*^ in the manner of
forums, which were open enclosures, where anciently at
Rome, and in other cities under democratical governments,
the people used to assemble for the transacting of the busi-
ness and affairs of the public; and such a proseuche, Epipha-
nius tells us," the Samaritans had in his time near Sechem.
odly. Synagogues were all built within the cities to which
they did belong ; but the proseuchae without, and mostly in
high places, and that in which our Saviour prayed was on a
mountain,^ which makes it probable that these proseuchae
were the same which in the Old Testament are called high
places ; for these high places are not always condemned in
Scripture, but then only when they were made use of for
idolatrous worship or in a schismatical way, by erecting altars
in them, in opposition to that which was in the place that God
had chosen ; otherwise they were made use of by prophets
and good men, as several instances hereof in Scripture do
fully prove.y And I am confirmed in this opinion, in that the
proseuchae had groves in or about them, in the same manner
as the high places had. And no doubt the sanctuary of the
Lord in which Joshua did set up his pillar under the oak or
oaken grove in Sechem,''- was such a proseuche ; and it is
plain from the text that it had a grove of oaks in it.^ And
the proseuchae which Philo makes mention of in Alexandria*
had such groves in or about them ; and that at Rome'^ in
Egeria's grove was of the same sort. And perchance, where
the Psalmist makes mention of green olive-trees in the house
of God,*^ such a proseuche is there meant. And also such an
one anciently was in Mispah,*^ as the author of the first book
of the Maccabees tells us. And all these were Moadhe El,
and might be understood by that phrase in the Psalmist. It
must be acknowledged, that, although some proseuche were
still in being in our Saviour's time, yet by that time syna-
gogues being made use of for the same purpose as the pro-
seuchae were formerly, synagogues were then also called by
the same name with the proseuchae : and so Josephus and
Philo seem to use the word, though it seems from the latter,
that some of the synagogues of the Jews in Alexandria were

s Luke vi. 12. t In Tract, de Messaiianis Haereticis.

u Ibid. X Luke vi. 12. y 1 Sam.ix. 12; x.5, &c. z Josh. xxiv. 26

a For he complains tliat the Alexandrians, in a tumult which they there
made against the Jews, did cut down the trees of their proseuchas. In Le-
gatione ad Caium Ceesarem. b Juv. Sat. 3.

c Psalm Hi. 8. d 1 Maccab. iii. 46

Vol. II.. 5

30 f.OiWEXlOX OF THE HtSTORV OP [I'ART I»

built allcr the same manner as the ancient proseuchas, willi-
out roofs. And it makes this the more probable, that, in
Egypt, it never or very seldom raining, they there stood more
in need of open air in their public assemblies, and trees to
shelter them from the sun in that hot country, than of roofs
over them to shelter them from the weather. And these,
Philo complains,'' the Alexandrians did cut down, when they
there rose in a tumult against the Jews that then dwelt with
them in that city. And besides these proseuchse, there were
other places to which the Israelites, before the captivity,
frequently assembled, upon the account of religion ; for they
often resorted to the cities of the Levites, to be taught the
ritual and other ceremonies of the Mosaical law, and to the
schools of the prophets for all other instructions relating
to the things of God ; and to these last, it is plain from
Scripture,' that they usually resorted on the sabbaths and
new moons; and what end could there be of this resort,
but for instruction in their duties to God? And therefore
these places also as well as the proseuchcS, were Moadhe El,
i. e. places of assembling on the account of religion ; and con-
sequently of all these may the Psalmist be understood in the
places above mentioned. Whether this psalm, as well as the
seventy-ninth, were written prophetically by that Asaph»
who lived in the time of David, of the Babylonish captivity,
(to which it is plain they both relate.) or else by some other
after it, as is most probable,'' I shall not here examine. All
that is proper for me here to take notice of is, that nothing
which is in either of these psalms can prove, that there were
any such things as synagogues, wherein the Scriptures were
read, or public prayers offered up unto God, till after the
Babylonish captivity.

And if it be examined into, how it came to pass that the
Jews were so prone to idolatry before the Babylonish capti-
vity, and so strongly and cautiously, even to superstition,
fixed rigainst it after that captivity, the true reason hereof
will appear to be, that they had the law and the prophets
every week constantly read unto them after that captivity,
which they had not before. For, before that captivity, they
liaving no synagogues for public worship or public instruc-
tion, nor any places to resort to for either, unless the temple
at Jerusalem, or the cities of the Levites, or to the prophets,
when God was pleased to send such among them, for want
hereof great ignorance grew among the people ; God was
little known among them, and his laws in a manner wholly

e In Legnlione ad (.'aiiim. f 2 Kings iv. 23.

g 1 Cliron. xvi. 5, 7, 37.

ii Virfc BochajtiHierozoic. part 1, lib. 3. c 2f>.

IJOOK VI.] THE OLD ANB NEW TESTAMENTS. 31

forgotten : and therefore, as occasions offered, they were
easily drawn into all the superstitions and idolatrous usages
of the neighbouring nations that lived round about them, till
at length, for the punishment hereof, God gave them up to a
dismal destruction in the Babylonish captivity : but after that
captivity, and the return of the Jews from it, synagogues
ieing erected among them in every city, to which they con-
stantly resorted for public worship, and where every week
they had the law from the first, and after that, from the time
of Antiochus's persecution, the prophets also read unto them,
and were, by sermons and exhortations there delivered at
least every sabbath, instructed in their duty, and excited to
the obedience of it : this kept them in a thorough knowledge
of God and his laws. And the threats which they found in
the prophets against the breakers of them, after these also
came to be read among them, deterred them from transgres-
sing against them. So that the law of Moses was never
more strictly observed by them, than from the time of Ezra,
(when synagogues first came into use among them,) to the
time of our Saviour ; and they would have been unblamable
herein, had they not overdone it by adding corrupt traditions
of their own devising, whereby at length (as our Saviour
chargeth them)' they made the law itself of none etfect.
And as by this method the Jewish religion was preserved in
the times mentioned, so also was it by the same that the
Christian was so successfully propagated in the first ages of
Ihe church, and hath ever since been preserved among us;
for as the Jews had their synagogues, in which the law and
the prophets were read unto them every sabbath, so the
Christians had their churches, in which, from the beginning,
all the doctrines and duties of their religion were every
Lord's day taught, inculcated, and explained unto them.
And by God's blessing upon this method chiefly was it, that
this holy religion still bore up against all oppressions, and
notwithstanding the ten persecutions, and all other methods
and artifices of cruelty and oppression which hell and
heathenism could devise to suppress it, grew up and increas-
ed under them ; which Julian the apostate was so sensible
of, that when he put all his wits to work, to find out new
methods for the restoring of the heathen impiety, he could
not thiiik of any more effectual for this purpose, than to
employ his philosophers to preach it up every week to the
people, in the same manner as the ministers of the gospel
did the Christian religion.'' And had it not pleased God to
cut him off before he could put this design in execution, it is

i Matt. XV. 6. Mark vii. 13.

k Gregorii Nazianzeni Orat. in Jtilianam Apo?!(atam.

32 ftONNEXiox ev TRE HISTORV Of' [rART I.

to be feared his success herein would in a Tery great measure
have answered what he proposed by it. But to Christians
above all others, this must be of the greatest benefit : for the
doctrines of our holy religion having in them the 3ul)hmest
principles of divine knowledge, and the precepts of it contain-
ing all the duties of morality in the highest manner improved,
nothing can be of greater advantage to us, for the leading of
us to the truest happiness we are capable of, as well in this
life as in that which is to come, than to have these weekly
taught and explained unto us, and weekly put home upon
our consciences, for the forming of our lives according to
them. And the political state or civil government of every
Christian country is no less benelited hereby than the church
itself: for as it best conduceth to keep up the spirit of
religion among us, and to make every man know his duty to
God, his neighbour, and himself; so it may be reckoned of
all methods the most conducive to preserve peace and good
order in the state ; for hereby subjects are taught to be obe-
dient to their prince and his laws, children to be dutiful to
their parents, servants to be faithful to their masters, and
all to be Just and charitable, and pay all other duties which
in every relation they owe to each other. And in the faith-
ful discharge of these duties, doth the peace, good order,
and happiness of every community consist. And to be
weekly instructed in these duties, and to be weekly excited
to the obedience of them, is certainly the properest and
the most effectual method to induce men hereto. And it
may justly be reckoned that the good order which is now
maintained in this kingdom, is more ov/ing to this method
than to any other now in practice among us for this end ;
and that one good minister, by his weekly preaching and
daily good example, sets it more forward than any two of
the best justices of the peace can by their exact(;st diligence
in the execution of the laws which they are intrusted with :
for these, by the utmost of their coercions, can go no farther
than to restrain the outward acts of wickedness; but the
other reforms the heart within, and removes all those evil
inclinations of it l>om whence they flow. And it is not to be
doubted, but that, if this method were once dropped among
us, the generality of the people, whatever else may be done
to obviate it, would, in seven years' time, relapse into as
bad a state of barbarity as was ever in practice among the
worst of our Saxon or Danish ancestors. And therefore,
supposing there were no such thing in truth and reality as
that holy Christian religion which the ministers of the gos-
pel teach (as too many among us arc nov/ permitted with im-
Tjunily to say.) yet the service which they do the civil govern-

An. 433.
X. 32.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 33

ment, in keeping all men to those duties, in the observance of
which its peace, good order, and happiness consist, may very
well deserve the maintenance which they receive from it.

Nehemiah, after he had held the government of Judah
twelve years,' returned to the Persian court, either
recalled thither by the king, or else going ihither to j^'^
solicit for a new commission after the expiration of
the former. During all the time that he had heeis in this
government, he managed it with great justice.'" and support-
ed the dignity of his ottice, through ail these twelve years,
with a very expensive and hospitable magnificence. For
there sat at his table, every day, one hundred and fifty of
the Jews and rulers, besides strangers who came to Jerusa-
lem from among the heathen nations that were round about
them : for as occasions brought them thither, if they were of
any quality, they were always invited to the governor's house,
and there hospitably and splendidly entertained. So that
there was provided for him, every day, one ox, six choice
sheep, and fowls, and wine, and all other things in proportion
hereto ; which could not but amount to a great expense.
Yet all this he bore through these whole twelve years, out of
his own private purse, without burdening the province at all
for it, or taking any part of that allowance which before was
raised out of it by other governors to support them in their
station; which argues his great generosity, as well as his
great love and tenderness to the people of his nation, in thus
easing them of this burden, and also his vast wealth, in being
able so to do. The office which he had been in at court
gave him the opportunity of amassing great riches ; and he
thought he could liot better expend tl)em than in the service
of his country, and by doing all he could to promote the
true interest of it both in church and slate; and God pros-
pered him in the work, according to the great zeal with which
he laboured in it.

About this time flourished Meto,° the famous Athenian as-
tronomer, who invented the Enneadecffiteris, or the
cycle of the nineteen years, which we call the cycle l"iax1^33
of the moon; the numbers whereof being, by reason
of the excellency of their use, written in the ancient calen-
dars in golden letters, from hence, in our present almanacs,
that number of this cycle, which accords with the year for
which the almanac is made, is called the golden number.
For it is still of as great use to the Christians, for the finding
out of Easter, and also to the Jews for the fixing of their
three great festivals, as it was to the ancient Greeks for the

1 Neh. V. 14 ; xiii. 6. m Neh. v. 14, 19.

n Diod. Sic. lib. 12, p. 305. Ptolemrei Magna Synlaxis, lib. 3. c, 2

34 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I,

ascertaining of the times of their festivals. And for this last
end was it that Meto invented it. For the Greeks, being
directed by an oracle to observe all their solemn sacrifices
and festivals," Kecrxr^i'd, that is, according to three; and this
being interpreted to mean years, months, and days, and that
the years were to be reckoned according to the course of
the sun, and the months and days according to that of the
moon, they thought themselves obliged hereby to observe
all these solemnities at the same seasons of the year, and on
the same month, and on the same day of the month. And there-
fore endeavours were made to bring all these to meet together,
that is, to bring the same months, and all the days of them, to
fall as near as possible within the same times of the sun's
course, that so the same solemnities might always be celebrated
within the same seasons of the year, as well as in the same
months, and on the same days of them.P The difficulty lay
in this, that, whereas the year, according to the course of
the sun (which is commonly called the solar year) is made
by that revolution of it which brings it round to the same
point in the ecliptic ; and the Greeks reckoned their months
by those revolutions of the moon which brought it round to
the same conjunction with the sun, that is, from one new
moon to another, and twelve of these months made their
common year (which is commonl} called the lunar year,) this
lunar year fell eleven days short of the solar. And there-
fore their oracle could not be observed in keeping their so-
lemnities to the same seasons of the year without intercala-
tions : for otherwise their solemnities would be anticipated
eleven days every year, and, in thirty-three years space, would
be carried backward through all the seasons of the year (as is
now done in Turkey, where they use this sort of year:) and
to intercalate these eleven days every year would make as
great a breach upon the other part of the oracle as to the
months and days ; for then every year would alter the day,
and every three years the month : and, besides, it would
make a breach upon the whole scheme of their year: for
with them, in the same manner as with the Jews, their months
always began with a new moon, and their years were always
made up of these lunar months, so as to end exactly with
the last day of the last moon, and to begin exactly with
the first day of the next moon. It was necessary, there-
fore, for the bringing of all to fall right according to the di-
rections of the oracle, that the intercalations should be made
by months ; and, to titid out such an intercalation of months
as would at length biing the solar year and the lunar year

() Geiniii. in Isagogo, c. 6.

p Vide Scaligerum de I'^mendatione Temporum, Petavium de Doctrina
Teraporum, aliosque chronologos.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 35

to an exact agreement, so that both should begin from the
same point of time, was that which was to be done for this
purpose : for thus only could the solemnities be always kept
to the same seasons of the year, as well as to the sam.e inoijths
and the same days of them, and constantly be made to fall
%vithin the compass of one lunar month at most, sooner or
later, within the same times of the solar year. And, there-
fore, in order hereunto, cycles were to be invented ; and, to
find out such a cycle of years, wherein, by the intercalation
or addition of one or more months, this might be effected,
was the great study and endeavour of the astronomers of
those times. The first attempt that was made for this pur-
pose was that of the Dieteris, a cycle of two years, wherein
an intercalation was made of one month : but, in two years
time, the excess of the solar year above the lunar being only
twenty-two days, and a lunar month making twenty-nine
days and an half, this intercalation, instead of bringing the
lunar year to a reconciliation with the solar, overdid it by
seven days and an half; which being a fault that was soon
perceived, for the mending of it, the Tetraeterls was intro-
duced, which was a cycle of four years. Vv herein it was
thought, that an intercalation of one month would bring all
that to rights which was overdone by the like intercalation
of the Dieteris. And this was contrived chiefly with a re-
spect to their Olympic games : for they being the chiefest of
their solemnities, and celebrated once every four years,
care was taken to bring this solemnity every fourth year as
near as they could to the same time of the solar year in
which it was performed the Olympiad before, which re-
gularly ought always to have been begun, according to the
original institution of that solemnity, on the first full moon
after the summer solstice ; and it was thought that an inter-
calation of one month in four years would always bring it to
this time. But four solar years exceeding four lunar years
forty-three days and an half, the adding one lunar month,
or twenty-nine days and an half, (of which it consists,) fell
short of curing this defect full fourteen days ; which fault
soon discovering itself, for the amending of it, they interca-
lated alternatively one four years with one month, and the
next four years with two months, which brought it to the
Octoeteris, or the cycle of eight years, wherein by interca-
lating three months, they thought they brought all to rights :
and indeed it came much nearer to it than any of the former
cycles ; for, by this intercalation, the eight lunar years were
brought so near to eight solar years, that they differed from
them only by an excess of one day, fourteen hours, and nine
minutes: and therefore this cycle continued much longer in

36 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PAUT J.

use than any of the rest. But at length the error, by in-
creasing every year, grow great enough to be also discovered;
wiiich prociuccd the invention of several other cycles for
the remedying of it; of which this invented by Meto, of
nineteen years, is the perfectest: for it brings the two lumi-
naries to come to about the same points within two hours,
one minute, and twenty seconds ; so that, after nineteen
years, the same new moons and the same full moons do within
that space come aboutagain to the same points of lime in eve-
ry year of this cycle in which they iiappened in the same year
of the former cycle. And to a nearer agreement than this no
other cycle can bring them. 'J'his cycle is made up of nineteen
lunar years and seven lunar months, by seven intercalations
added to them. The years of this cycle in which these interca-
lations were made, were the third, sixth, eiglith, eleventh, four-
teenth, seventeenth, and nineteenth, according to Petavius;
but, according to Mr. Dodwell, they were the third, lifth,
eighth, eleventh, thirteenth, sixteenth, and nineteenth. Each
of these seven intercalated years consisted of thirteen months,
and the rest of twelve. The chief use of this cycle among
the Greeks being to settle the times of celebrating their
solemnities, and that of their Olympiads being the chiefest
of them, and on the fixing of which the fixing of all the rest did
depend, it was in the tirst place applied to this purpose ; and
the rule of these Olympiads being, that they were to be cele-
brated on the first full moon after the summer solstice, in
order to settle the time of their celebration, it was necessary,
in the first place, to settle the time of the summer solstice;
and this Meto observed this year to be on the twenty-first
day of the Egyptian month Phamenoth, which, reduced to
the Julian year, falls on the twenty-seventh of June. And
therefore the Greeks having received this cycle, did from
this time forward, celebrate their Olympiads on the fiist full
moon after the twenty-seventh day of our June ; and thence-
forth also began their year from the new moon preceding;
whereas before they began it from the winter solstice : and
they calculated both the new moon and the full moon by this
cycle ; so that from this time the new moon immediately
preceding the first full moon after the summer solstice, was
the beginning of their year, and that first full moon after the
said solstice in every fifth year, was the time of their Olym-
piads. For that year, in the beginning of which this solem-
nity was celebrated, was, in their computation of time, called
the first year of that Olympiad, reckoning from the new
moon preceding ; and in the beginning of the fifth year af-
ter they celebrated the next Olympiad, which made the time
from one Olympiad to another to be just four years, accord-
ing to the measure of the years then used.

BOOK Vl.j THE OLD ANjl» NEW TESTAMENli. 37

But this use of the cycle ceasing with the solemnities of
the heathen Greeks after that Christianity had gotten the
ascendant in the Roman empire, it thenceforth became ap-
plied to another use, and that not only by the Christians, buf:
also by the Jews : for by it the Christians, after the council
of Nice, settled our Easter ; and from them, some few years
after, the Jews learned to make the like use of it for the
fixing the time of their passover, and the making of their in-
tercalations in order to it. But of the manner how each of
them applied it for these purposes, there will be hereafter an
occasion fully to treat, in a place more proper for it.

The war between the Athenians and Lacedemonians,
called the Peloponnesian war'' (of which Thucydides
and Xenophon have written the history,)*" began about ^,„*^g^
the end of the first year of the 87th Olympiad, which
lasted twenty-seven years. As soon as they had entered on
it, both parties sent their ambassadors to king Artaxerxes to
engage him on their side, and pray his aid in the war.^

About the same time, there broke out a most grievous
pestilence, which did overrun a great part of the world. It
first began in Ethiopia ; from thence it came into Lybia and
Egypt ; and from Egypt it invaded Judea, Phoenicia, and
Syria ; and from those parts it spread itself through the
whole Persian empire ; from whence it passed into Greece,
and grievously afflicted the Athenian state, destroying a great
number of their people, and among them died Pericles,^
the chiefest and most eminent man of that city, whose wis-
dom, while he lived, was the main stay and support of that
republic, and of whom only it can be said, that he maintain-
ed himself in full credit for forty years together in a popu-
lar government. Thucydides hath, in his history," given us
a very full account of this disease, having had thorough ex-
perience of it ; for he had it himself, and after that, being
but of danger of suffering any more by it, he freely visited a
great many others that v/ere afflicted with it, and thereby
had sufficient opportunity of knowing all the symptoms and
calamities that attended it. Lucretius hath also given us a
poetical description of it ; and Hippocrates hath written of
it as a physician :^ for that great master of the art of physic
lived in those times, and was at Athens all the while this
distemper raged there. Artaxerxes invited him, with the

q Thucydides, lib. 2.

r Thucydides gives an account of the first twenty-one years of this war,
and Xenophon's Hellenics continues the Greek history from thence.
s Thucydides, lib. 2. Herodotus, lib. 7.

t PlutarchusinPericle. Thucydides, lib. 2. Diod. Sic. lib. 13, p. 310.
u Lib. 2. X Lib. 3, epidem. sec. 3.

Vol. !I.. G

ot) COi\.\^XlON OF ill/!; Hlja'pKV OK [pAKi I.

promise of great rewards, to come into l^ersia during this
plague, to cure those who were infected with it in his armies.
But his answer was, that he would not leave the Grecians
his countrymen in this distress, to give his help to barbarians.
There are several epistles still extant at the end of Hippo-
crates's works, said to be written by Artaxerxes, and by
llystanes his prefect on the Hellespont, and by Hippocrates
himself about this matter. Some think them not to be genu-
ine, but do not give any reasons suflicient to convict them
of it. Many instances in the histories of those times do
acquaint us, how fond the Persians were of Greek physi-
cians. And Artaxerxes, looking on himself as the greatest
of kings, might well enough think he had the best title to
have tlie greatest of physicians to attend upon him, and
therefore offered the greatest of rewards to draw him to
him. But Hippocrates, having a mind above the temptations
of gold and silver, returned him the answer 1 have men-
tioned ; which provoked him so far, that he sent to Cos, the
city of Hippocrates, and where he then was, to command
them to deliver unto him Hippocrates, to be punished ac-
cording to his perverseness ; threatening them with the de-
molition of tlifiir city, and the utter ruin of the whole island in
which it stood, if they did not comply with him herein. But
the Coans, in their answer, did let him know that no threats
should ever induce them to betray so eminent a citizen into
his hands. This w^as before Hippocrates went to Athens :
for this plague had ravaged through the Persian empire be-
fore it came to that city : and it was not till the next year
after this, that the Athenians were infested with it, that is,
in the second year of the Peloponnesian war, as Thucydides
tells us.

Nehemiah, on his return to the Persian court, having tar-
ried there about live years in the execution, as it may
Ariaf.^i. be supposcd, of his former office, at length obtained
of the king to be sent back again to Jerusalem with a
new commission. The generality of chronologers, ns well
as the commentators upon this part of Scripture, make this
his coming back thither to be much sooner. But, consider-
ing the many and great corruptions which he tells us, in the
thirteenth chapter of his book, the Jews had run into in his
absence, it cannot be conceived how, in less than five years
time, they could have grown up to such an height among
them. He had been twelve years reforming what was amiss
among them, and Ezra had been doing the same for thirteen
years before him, whereby they had brought their reforma-
tion to such a state and stability, that a little time could not
Wave been sullicicnt in such a nianritjr ajiain to have uu-

LOOK VI. j THf: 0L1> AND \E\V TESTAMENTS. 35)

hinged it. It is much more hkely,lhat all this was longer than
five years doing, than that it should come to pass in so short
a time. It is indeed expressed in our English version, that^
Nehemiahcame back again from the Persian court to Jerusa-
lem, after cerlain days ;^ but the Hebrew word j/amim, which
is there rendered days, signifieth also years, and is in a great
many places of the Hebrew Scriptures so used.

About this time, most likely, lived Malachi the prophet.
The greatest of the corruptions which hechargeth the Jews
with are the same with those which they had run into in the
time of Nehemiah's absence ; and therefore it is most pro-
bable, that in this time his prophecies were delivered. It is
certain the temple was all finished, and every thing restored
therein, before his time : for there are passages in his pro-
phecies which clearly suppose it ; and he doth not in them
charge the Jews with neglecting the restoring of the tem-
ple, but their neglecting what appertained to the true wor-
ship of God in it. But in what time it was after the resto-
ration of the temple that he prophesied, is nowhere said in
Scripture ; and therefore we can only make our conjectures
about it, and I know not, where any conjecture can place it
Avith more probability, than in the time where I have said.

Many things having gone wrong among the Jews during the
absence of Nehemiah, as hath been above mentioned, as soon
as he was again settled in the government,'' he applied him-
himself, with his usual zeal and diligence, to correct and
again set to rights whatsoever was amiss. And that which
he first took notice of as what, by the flagrancy of the of-
fence, as well as by reason of the place where committed,
was the most obvious to be resented by so good a man, was
a great profanation which had been introduced into the tem-
ple for the sake of Tobiah an Ammonite.'' This man,
though he had made two alliances with the Jews, (for Joha-
nan*^ his son had married the daughter of Meshullam the son
of Berachiah,*^ who was one of the chief managers of the
rebuilding of the wall of Jerusalem under the direction of
the governor, and he himself had married the daughter of
Shecaniah the son of Arab, another great man among the
Jews ; yet, being an Ammonite,® he bore a national hatred to
all that were of the race of Israel ; and therefore envying
their prosperity, and being averse to whatsoever might pro-
mote it, did the utmost that he could to obstruct Nehemiah
in all that he did for the good of that people, and confedera-
ted with Sanballat, their greatest enemy, to carry on this

y Nehemiah xiii. 6. a Neh. xiii. b Neb. xiii. 7 — 9.

c Neh. vi, IP. d Neh. jii.4 ft Neh. ii. : iv. ; v}.

40 CO^iNIiXION OV THE HISTOKY OF LPART i,

purpose. However, by reason of the alliances I have men-
tioned, he had many correspondents among the Jews, who
were favourers of him, and acted insidiously with Nehemi-
ah on his account/ But he, being aware of their devices,
withstood and baffled them all, as long as he continued at Je-
rusalem. But when he went from thence to the Persian
court, Eliashib the high-priest^ was prevailed with (as being
one of those that was of that confederacy and alliance with
Tobiah) to allow and provide for him lodgings within the
temple itself: in order whereto he removed " the meat-of-
ferings, the frankincense, and the vessels, and the tithes of
the corn, the new wine, and the oil, (which was commanded
to be given to the Levites, and the singers, and the porters,)
and the offerings of the priests," out of the chambers where
they used to be laid ; and out of them made one large
apartment for the reception of this heathen stranger. It is
doubted by some, whether this Eliashib were EUashib the
high-priest, or only another priest of that name. That
which raiseth the doubt is, he is named in the text, where this
is related of him, by the title only of priest, and is there
said to have the oversight of the chambers of the house of
God ; from whence is argued, that he was only chamberlain
of the temple, and not the high-priest, who was above such
an office. But the oversight of the chambers of the house
of God may import the whole government of the temple,
which belonged to the high-priest only ; and it is not to be con-
ceived, how any one that was less than an absolute govern-
or of the whole temple could make so great an innovation
in it. Besides, Eliashib the high-priest hath no character
in Scripture with which such a procedure can be said to be
inconsistent. By what is said in the book of Ezra, (x. 1 8,) it
appears the pontificial family was in his time grown very cor-
rupt. And no act of his is mentioned either in Ezra or Ne-
hemiah, excepting only his putting to his helping hand in the
repairing of the walls of Jerusalem. Had he done any
thing else worthy of memory in the reforming of what was
amiss, either in church or state, in the times either of Ezra
or Nchemiah, it may be presumed mention would have been
made of it in the books written by them. The silence which
is of him in both these books, as to any good act done by him,
is a sufficient proof that there was none such to be recorded
of him. For the high-priest being the head of the Jewish
church, had he borne any part with these two good men,
when they laboured so much to reform that church, it is ut-
terly improbable, that it could have been passed over in their

f Nfh. v;. 17—19. g Neh. xni. 4.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 41

writings, wherein they gave an account of what was done in,
that reformation. What Jeshua his grandfather did in con-
currence with Zerubbabel the governor, and Haggai and Ze-
chariah the prophets, in the first resettling of the church and
state of the Jews, after their return from the Babylonish
captivity,'' is all recorded in Scripture ; and had Eliashib
done any such thing in concurrence with Ezra and Nehe-
miah, we may take it for certain, it would have been record-
ed there also. Putting all this together, it appears most
likely that it was Eliashib the high-priest who was the au-
thor of this great profanation of the house of God. What
was done herein, the text tells us, Nehemiah immediately un-
derstood, as soon as he came back again to Jerusalem, and
he did immediately set himself to reform it. For, overruling
what the high-priest had ordered to be done herein, by the
authority which he had as governor, he commanded all the
household stuff of Tobiah to be cast out, and the chambers
to be again cleansed and restored to their former use.

The reading of the law to the people having been settled
by Nehemiah,' so as to be constantly carried on at certain
stated times, ever since it was begun, under his government,
by Ezra (perchance from that very beginning on every sab-
bath-day,) when, in the course of their lessons, they came to
the twenty-third chapter of Deuteronomy, where it is com-
manded, that a Moabite or an Ammonite should not come into
the congregation of the Lord, even to the tenth generation, for
ever ; Nehemiah,'^ taking an handle from hence, separated
all the mixed multitude from the rest of the people, that
thereby it might be known with whom a true Israelite might
lawfully marry. For neither this law nor any other of the
like nature is to be understood to exclude any one, of what
nation soever he were, from entering into the congregation
asa proselyte, and becoming a member of their church, that
would be converted thereto. Neither did any of the Jews
ever so interpret it : for they freely received all into their
religion that would embrace it, and, immediately on their
conversion, admitted them to all the rights, parts, and privi-
leges of it, and treated them in all respects in the same man-
ner as true Israelites, excepting only in the case of marriage.
And therefore this phrase in the text,' of not entering into
the congregation of the Lord, even to the tenth generation, must
be understood to include no more than a prohibition not to
be married thereinto till then : and thus all the Jewish doctors
expound it; for their doctrine as to the case of their marrying

bEzraiii.; iv. ; v. Hag.i.: i«. Zech.iii. i Neh.viii.

k Neh. %w. J . 2, 3 1 Deut ^txiii. 3»

■l'^ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I,

with such as were not of their nation is stated by them in
manner as followeth :

None of the house of Israel of either sex were to enter
into marriage with any gentiles of what nation soever, unless
they were first converted to their religion, and became en-
tire proselytes to it". And when they were become thus tho-
rough proselytes, they were not all immediately to be admit-
ted to this privilege of making intermarriages with them ;
for some were barred wholly from it for ever, others only in
part, and some only for a limited time. Of the first sort
were all of the seven nations of the Canaanites, mentioned
in Deut. vii. Of the second sort were the Moabites and the
Ammonites, whose males, they hold, were excluded for ever,
but not their females : for the Hebrew text naming an Am-
monite and a Moabite, in the masculine gender only, they
understand it only of the males, and not of the females. —
And this exception they make for the sake of Ruth ; tor she,
though a Moabitish woman, had been married to two hus-
bands of the house of Israel, the last of which was Boaz, of
whom David was descended by her. And of the third sort
were the Edomites and Egyptians with whom they might not
marry till the third generation." With all others, who were
not of the three excepted sorts, they might freely make in-
termarriages whenever they became thorough proselytes to
their religion." But at present,P it being not to be known,
who is an Edomite, who an Ammonite, or a Moabite, or who
an Egyptian of the race of the Egyptians then mentioned
in the text, by reason of the confusions which have since
happened of all nations with each other, they hold this pro-
hibition to have been long since out of date ; and that now
any gentile, as soon as proselyted to their religion, may im-
mediately be admitted to make intermarriages with them.
In interpreting the exclusion of the Ammonites and Moa-
bites in the text to be for ever, they seem to exceed the pro-
hibition of the law therein delivered; for there (Deut. xxiii.
3,) it is extended only to the tenth generation. The words
are, Even to the tenth generation shall they not enter into the
congregation of the Lord for ever. The meaning of which
seems plainly to be, that this should be observed as a law for
ever, that an Ammonite or a Moabite was not to be admit-
ted into the congregation of Israel, so as to be capable of
making marriages with them, till the tenth generation after
their becoming proselytes to the Jewish religion. But ten

m Maimonides in Issure Biab. n Deut. xxiii. 8.

o A sister of David's married Ithra, an Ishmaelite, by whom she was mo-
''her of Amasa, captain of the host of Israpf
f> MaimoniHe« in Issure Blab

liOOK VI. j THE OLD ANU NEW TESTAMENTS. 4'S

generations, and for ever being both in the same text, and
within the same prohibiting clause, they interpret the for-
mer expression by the latter, and will have it, that so long
a prohibition as that of ten generations, signifieth therein
tantamount to for ever ; and they ground this chiefly upon
the text of Nehemiah, which we are now treating of. For
here, in the recital of this law, the prohibition is said to be
ybr erer, without the limitation of ten generations. But the
words of Nehemiah are plainly an imperfect quotation of
what is in the law, and seem to intend no more by that reci-
tal, than to send us to the place in the original text of the
law where it is to be perfectly found. And, in all laws in the
world, the words of the original text are to be depended
upon, for the intention of the lawgiver, before any quotations
of them, by whomsoever made.

Among other corruptions that grew up during the absence
of Nehemiah, one especially to be taken notice of was the
neglect of the carrying on of the daily service of the house
of God in such manner as it ought.'i For the tithes, which
were to maintain the ministers of the temple in their offices
and stations, being either embezzled by the high-priest, and
other rulers of the temple under him, or else subtracted by
the laity, and not paid at all, for want of them the Levites
and singers were driven from the temple, every one to his
own home, there to seek for a subsistence some other way.
This abuse the governor, whose piety led him always to at-
tend the public worship, could not be long without taking
notice of; and when he had observed it, and thoroughly in-
formed himself of the cause, he soon provided very effec-
tually for its remedy : for he forthwith made those dues to
be again brought into the treasuries of the temple, and forced
every man faithfully and fully to pay them ; whereby a
maintenance being again provided for those that attended
the service of the house of God, all was there again restored
to its pristine order. And he also took care that the sabbath
should be duly observed, ■" and made many good orders for
the preventing of the profanation of it, and caused them all
to be effectually put in execution. But, though all these
things are mentioned in one chapter, they were not all done
at one time ; but the good man brought them about as occa-
sions were administered, and as he saw opportunities best
served for the successful effecting of them.

In this same year in which we suppose Nehemiah came
back again to his government of Judeafrom the Persian court,
that is, in the first year of the 8Sth Olympiad,^ was born Plato

q Nehemiah xiii. 10 — 14. Malachi iii.8 — 13.

r Nehemiah xiii. 15 — 23. s Diogenes Laertius in VitaPlatonis

44 CUNNEXION OP THE HISTORY Of [pART 1.

the famous Athenian philosopher, who came nearest to the
truth in divine matters of any of the heathens : for he having,
in his travels into the East, where he went for his improve-
ment in knowledge, conversed with the Jews, and gotten
some insight into the writings of Moses, and their other sa-
cred books,* he learned many things from them, which others
of his profession could not attain unto ; and therefore he is
said by Numenius to be none other than Moses speaking
Greek ;" and many of the ancient fathers speak of him to
the same purpose.*

In the sixth year of the Peloponnesian war, the plague
broke out again at Athens, and destroyed great num-
Artas.^^^. bers of their people.^ This, with the other plague
that happened fouryears before, having much exhaust-
ed that city of its inhabitants, for the better replenishing of it
again, a new law was made to allow every man there to mar-
ry two wives. ^ From the time of Cecrops, who was the
first planter of Attica, and the founder of the city of Athens
in it, no such thing as polygamy was there ever known, nor
was any man allowed to have any more than one wife, both
their law and their usage till now being contrary thereto.
But from this time it was allowed for the cause which I have
mentioned : and Socrates the philosopher was one of the
first that made use of the privilege of it, being then forty-
three years old : for he was born in the last year of the 77th
Olympiad (which was the year 469 before Christ ;) for to
Xantippe his former wife, he took another called Myrto;
and all the benefit he had by it, was to have two scolds, in-
stead of one, to exercise his patience. As long as they dis-
agreed, they were continually scolding, brawling, or fight-
ing, with each other ;^ and whenever they agreed, they both
joined in brawling at him, and often fell on him with their
fists as well as with their tongues, and beat him soundly.'^
And this was a very just punishment upon him, for giving
countenance, by his practice, to so unnatural and mischievous
an usage. For every where more males than females being
born into the world, this sufficiently proves, that God and
nature never intended any more than one woman for one
man ; and they certainly act contrary to the laws of both,
that have more than one to wife at the same time. Although
the supreme lawgiver dispensed with the children of Israel
in this case, this is no rule for others to act by.

t Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2. Aristobulus apud Eusebiutn de Pre-
paratione Evangelica.

u Clem. Alexandr. Strom. 1. Suidas in Ns^m/sc.

X Vide Menagii Observationes ad tertium Librum Diog. Laertii. sCgm. 6.
y Thucydides, lib. 3. z Athenseus, lib. 13. Diog. Laert. in Socrate.

<x Diog. Laert. ibrd h Porphyrins apud Theodoretem

B©OK VI.] THE OLD AXD XL\V TKSTAMEXTS.. 45

In the seventh year of the Peloponncsian war, Artaserxea
sent an ambassador, called Artapherncs, to the La-
cedemonians,'^ with letters written in the Assyrian AMax.^w'.
lansfuage ; wherein, amongothcr things, he tells them,
that several ambassadors had come to him from them, but
with messages so differing, that he could not learn from them
what it was that they would have : and that therefore he had
sent this Persian to them to let them know, that if they had
any thing to propose to him. they should on his return, send
■with him to his court some by vvhom he might clearly under-
stand what their mind was. But this ambassador being got
on in his way as far as Eion, on the river Strymon in Thracia,
lie was there taken prisoner about the end of the year, by
one of the admirals of the Athenian fleet, who sent him to
Athens ; where the Athenians treated him with much kind-
ness and respect, thereby the better to reconcile to them the
favour of the Persian king.

And the next year after, as soon as the seas were safely
passable, they sent him back in a ship of their own
at the public charges, and appointed some of their Anai-^^ii
citizens to go with him as ambassadors from them to
the king,*^ but when they were landed at Ephesus, in order
to this journey, they there understood that Artaxerxes was
lately dead ; whereon the ambassadors proceeded no far-
ther, but, having there dismissed Artaphernes, returned
again to Athens.

Artaxerxes died within three months after the beginning
of the forty-first year of his reign, and was succeeded in his
kingdom by Xerxes, the only son that he had by liis queen."
But by his concubines he had seventeen others, among wiiom
were Sogdianus, (by Ctesias called Secundianus) Ochus, and
Arsites. Xerxes having made himself drunk at one of their
festivals, and thereon being retired to sleep it out in his bed-
chamber, Sogdianus took the advantage of it, by the help
and treachery of Pharnacyas, one of Xerxes's eunuchs, then
to fall upon liim, and slew him, after he had reigned only
forty-five days, and succeeded him in the kingdom. And, as
soon as he was on the throne, he put to death Bagorazus,
the faithfulest of his father's eunuchs. Artaxerxes being
dead, and his queen, the mother of Xerxes dying also the
same day, Bagorazus undertook the care of their funeral,
and carried both their corpses to the accustomed burial-
place of the royal family in Persia. But, on his return, Sog-
dianus being on the throne, he was very*ill received by him,
on the account of some former quarrel that had been between

€ Thucydides, lib. 4. e Ctesias. Diod. Sic. lib. 12, p. 319. 322.

Vol. II. 7

AG CONNEXION" OF THE H16TORV t)V [PART I.

thorn in his father's lifetime; in revenge whereof, a little
after, taking pretence from something which he had found
A^ult with in the management of his father's funeral, he cau-
sed him to be stoned to death ; hj which two murders, that
of his brother Xerxes, and this of the faithful eunuch, having
made himself very odious to the army, as well as the nobility,
he soon found that he sat very unsafe upon the throne which
he had so wickedly gotten possession of. Whereon growing
jealous and suspicious, lest some of his brothers should serve
l)im as he had served Xerxes, and fearing Ochus, whom his
father had made governor of Hyrcania, more than all the
rest, he sent for him to come to court, with intention to rid
himself of him, by putting him to death. But Ochus, per-
ceiving what his designs were, under several pretences, from
time to time delayed his coming, till at length, having got to-
gether a powerful army, he marched against him, for the re-
venging (as he declared) the death of his brother Xerxes :
whereon many of the nobilit}', and several governors of pro-
vinces, who were disgusted with the cruelty and mismanage-
inentofSogdianus, revolted from him, and went over to Ochus,
and having put the royal tiara upon his head, declared him
king. Sogdianus, seeing himself thus deserted, fell into great
fear of the power of his brother, and having less courage
to defend what he had wickedly done, than he h:.d to commit
it, was prevailed upon^ contrary to the advice of the wisest
and best of his friends, to come to a treaty with Ochus ;
who, having hereby gotten him into liis power cast him into
ashes, and there made him die a most cruel death. This
was one of the punishments of the Persians, whereby great
criminals among them were put to death. "^ The manner of
it is described in the thirteenth chapter of the second book
of the Maccabees to be thus. A high tower being filled a
great way up with ashes, the criminal was, from the top,
thrown down headlong into them, and tliere had the ashes, by
a wheel, continually stirred up and raised about him, till he
was suffocated by them and died. And thus this wicked prince
with his life lost his empire, after he had held it only six
months and fifteen day.

Sogdianus being tlius despatched, Ochus obtained tiie king-
dom ; and as soon as he was settled in it, he
ita". Nothusi. changed his name, taking that of Darius instead of
Ochus, and is the same whom historians call Da-
rius Nothus.s lie reigned nineteen years, and is in Ptole-
my's canon placed as the next immediate successor of Artax-

f Concerning the fust in veDlloa of this punisluneiit, see Valcrine Maxi-
raus, lib. 9, c. 2. Exter. sect. 6.
g Ctesias. Died, Sic. lib, 12, p. 321. Ptol. Can

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 47

erxes Longimanus, according to the method of that canon,
which always reckons to the predecesssor the whole last year
in which he died, and placeth him as the next successor who
was on the throne in the beginning of the year following (as
hath been already observed ;) and both the reigns of Xerxes
and Sogdianus making but eight months, and these not reach-
ing to the end of the year in which Artaxerxes died, their
reigns, in that canon, are cast into the last year of Artax-
erxes, and Darius is placed next him, as if he had been his
immediate successor.

But it not being the usage of the Persian kings, on their
accession to the throne, to displace any of the governors of
provinces, unless they were such as they had just reason to
mistrust, Nehemiah, during all these revolutions in the em-
pire, continued still in his government of Judea, and went on
with the same zeal and vigour to reform it in all things re-
lating either to church or state, and to correct and set all at
rights that was amiss in either of them.

Arsites, seeing how Sogdianus had supplanted Xerxes, and
Ochus Sogdianus, thought to do the same with
Ochus. And therefore, though he was his bro- Di^l'Nwhus's.
ther by the same mother, as well as by the same
father, rebelled against him, and Artyphius, the son of Me-
gabyzus, joined with him in this revolt.'' Ochus, now called
Darius, sent against Artyphius, Artasyras, one of his gene-
rals, while he with another army marched against Arsites.
Artyphius vanquished his adversary in two battles by the
help of his Grecian mercenaries. But these being bribed
over to Artasyras, he lost the third battle; and thereby be-
ing reduced to the utmost difficulty, he surrendered, on hopes
given him of mercy, into the hands of Darius, who would im-
mediately have put him to death, but that he was dissuaded
from it by Parysatis his queen. She was one of the daughters
of Ataxerxes his father by another mother, and a very subtle,
crafty woman, and whose counsel and advice he chietly de-
pended upon in the management of all his affairs. Her ad-
vice on the present occasion was to treat Artyphius with all
manner of clemency, that by such usage of a rebel servant
he might the better encoi:rage his rebel brother to hope for
the same Aivour, and cast himself upon his mercy ; and that,
if he could this way decoy him into his power, he might then
deal with both as he should think tit. Darius following this
advice, had that success in it which was proposed : for Arsites
being informed with what clemency Artyphius was treated,
thought he as a brother might be favoured much more ; and

h Ctesias.

48 COXXKXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

therefore, coming to lorms with the king, jieltled himself
unto him. But, when he had thus got him into Ijis power,
he cast both him and Arlyphius into the ashes, and there
made them both miserably perish. Darius was much inclined
to have spared Arsites ; but he was overruled herein by the
advice of Parysatis, who pressed it upon him, that he could
no otherwise provide for his own safety, but by the death of
this rebel. And the force of this argument prevailed with
him, though with great difiiculty, to consent to it. They be-
ing both born of the same mother, this was the cause of the
tenderness which he had for him.

He also put to death Pharnacyas the eunuch, for the hand
Avhich he had in the death of Xerxes ; and Monasthenes,
another eunuch, who was the chief conlident of Sogdianus,
and also concerned with him in his treachery against his bro-
ther, was forced to kill himself, to avoid the punishment of a
much severer death which was intended for him. But all
these executions did not set Darius at quiet upon his throne
For many other troubles v/ere raised against him atler-
ward.

The ehiefest and the most dangerous of them was the re-
bellion of IMsuthnes, who, being made governor of
Ba^^mhus 10. Lytiia* did there set up for himself, and cast oil'
his obedience to the king ; to which he was chief-
ly encouraged by the confidence which he placed in an army
of mercenary Greeks, whom he had got together into his
service, under the command of Lycon, an Athenian. Against
him Darius sent Tissaphernes with an army to suppress the
rebel, and also with a commission to be governor of Lydia
in his stead, l^issaphernes, being a very crafty and insidious
man,findswaystogetwithin Pisuthnes's Grecian mercenaries,
and having, with large gifts and larger promises, corrupted
both them and their general to change sides, they deserted
Pisuthncs, and went over to Tissaphernes, whereby Pi-
suthnes being left too weak any longer to carry on his de-
signs, was persuaded, on promises made him of pardon, to
trust to them, and surrender himself; but, as soon as he was
brought to the king, he caused him to be cast into the ashes,
and there perish in the same manner as had been the fate of
the other rebels before him. However, this did not put an
end to the troubles which he had raised in those parts; for
Amorgas liis son stil! continued in arms with the remaining
part of his army, and for about two years after infested the
maritime provinces of Lesser Asia, till at length being taken

i Clesias.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AXD NEW TESTAMENTS. 49

prisoner by the Peloponnesians at lasus, a city of Ionia, he
was delivered to Tissaphernes, and put to death. "^

Tlie next disturbance which Darius had, was from Artoxa-
res,thechief of the eunuchs.' He had three eunuchs by whose
ministry he governed ail the alFairs of his empire; these
were Artoxares, Artibarxanes, and Athous ; and next Pary-
satis his queen ; he placed his greatest confidence in them,
and trusted to their counsel and advice above ail others, in
whatsoever he did, through all the emergencies of the go-
vernment. By which height of authority Artoxares being
intoxicated, from being chief minister, he at length began to
dream of making himself chief governor of the empire, and
laid designs of cutting otf Darius, and seizing the throne for
himself. And that his being an euiiuch might be no obstacle
to him herein, he married a wife, and wore an artificial beard,
that he might be thought to be no eunuch. But his wife know-
ing the whole plot, and being perchance weary of an husband
whom she found to be truly aii eunuch in her bed, whatever he
pretended to be out of it, discover' i all to the king ; where-
on he was taken into custody, and delivered over into the
hands of Parysatis, who caused him to be put to death in
such manner as would best satiate her cruelty, in which
she exceeded all women living.

But the greatest misfortune that befell Darius during all
his reign, was the revolt of Egypt, which happened in the
same year with the revolt of Pisuthnes.'^ For although
Darius again mastered the latter of these rebellions, he never
could the other. But the whole province of Egypt, which
never was one of the best of the whole Persian empire,
was lost unto him all the remaining part of his reign, as it
also was to his successors, till it was again reduced by Ochus,
as will be hereafter related. For the Egyptians being wea-
ry of the Persian yoke, Amysta^us Saites took the advantage
of it, and sallied out of his fens, where he had reigned ever
since the suppression of Inarus's revolt, and, being joined |»
by the other Egyptians, soon drove the Persians out of the
country, and made himself king of all Egypt, and reigned
there six years.

About this time happened at Athens the condemnation
of Diagoras the Melian. He having settled in that city, and
there taught atheism, the Athenians prosecuted him for it."
But, by tlying out of that country, he escaped the punish-
ment of death, which was intended for him, although not the
sentence. For the Athenians, having, in his absence, con-

h Thucydides, lib. 8. 1 Ctesias. m Eusebius in Chronico.

■ Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2, Aristophanes in Avibns. Hesychius
Milesins,

50 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [I'ART I.

demned him for his impious doctrine, did set a price upon hia
head, and decreed the reward of a talent to whosoever
should kill him, wheresoever he should be found. And
about twenty years before, they had proceeded against
Protagoras, another philosopher, with the like severity,
for oidy tloubting of the being of a God." F'or in the be-
ginning of one of his books, he having written thus, (Of the
gods I know nothing, mil her thai ihey are, nor that they are 7iot.
For there are mani/ things that hinder, the blindness of our
ruiderstanding, and the shortness of human life .) The Athe-
nians would not endure so much as the raising of a doubt
about this matter; but, calling in all his books by the com-
mon criers of their city, they caused them all publicly to be
burned with infamy, and banished the author out of their
territories for ever. Both these had been the scholars of
Democritus, the first founder of the atomical philosophy,
which is indeed wholly an atheistical scheme. For though
it allows the being of a God in name, it takes it away in
efTect ; for by denying th.c power of God to create the world,
and the providence of God to govern the world, and the
justice of God to judge the world, they do the same in effect
as if they had denied his being. But this they durst not
openly do, even among the heathens, for fear of punishment,
the greater shame is it to us, who, in a Christian state, per-
mit so many impious wretches to do this thing among us,
with a free liberty and absolute impunity.

Eliashib, the high-priest of the Jews, died in the eleventh

year of Darius No hus, after he had held that
Dar.Nothus'ii. pontificato forty years, and was succeeded in it

by Joiada, his son.P
At this time Tissaphernes was governor of Lydia and

Ionia, and Pharnabazus of the Hellespont for king
Dar.^Noihus'i2. Darius ;'' who being men of great craft, and also

of great application for the prosecuting the interest
of their prince, were not wanting to make the best advantage
they could of the divisions of the Greeks, for the promoting of
the welfare of the Persian empire. The Peloponnesian war
had now been carried on between the Lacedemonians and (he
Athenians to the twentieth year. The policy practised herein
by these two Persians was, sometimes to help one, and some-
times the other, that the matter being equally balanced be-
tween them, neither might, by ?uppressing the other, be at lei-
sure to trouble them, who had so long been the common enemy

o Diog. Laert. in Protagora. Josephus contra Apionem, lib 2. Cicero
lie Natiira Deornm. lib. 1.

p Neh. xii. Josephus, lib. 11. c. 7- Chronicon Alexandrinum.

q Diod. Sic. lib. 13. Ctesias. Thucydides, lib. 8. Plutarchus in Alcibiad'>.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 51

of both. And therefore, at this time, the Athenians seeming
to them to have the ascendant over the other in the fortune
of the war, especially on the Asian coasts, and having there
much provoked them by the auxiliaries which they had sent
under the command of Lycon, for the aiding and supporting
of Pisuthnes in his revolt, they entered into an alliance with
the Lacedemonians against them. This had been treated
of with them by Tissaphernes the former year, but now was,
by the consent of both governors, agreed to, whereby the Per-
sians were obliged to furnish the Lacedemonians with large
subsidies for the payment of their fleet ; and the Lacedemo-
nians, in consideration hereof, yielded, that the Persian king
should have all those countries and cities which he or his ances-
tors had at any time before the date of the treaty been possess-
ed of. But when this treaty came to be examined in a full as-
sembly of the Lacedemonians, the concessions made in it to
the king of Persia were thought too large, as including all the
islands of the Egean Sea, and also all those countries which
Xerxes had taken possession of on this side the Hellesp(»nt;
and therefore the ratification of them was denied. And by
this time the Athenians wanting the balance on their side to
make them bear even with their adversaries, Tissaphernes
and Pharnabazus, upon this provocation, carried over their
assistance to them ; and although the next year, on an emen-
dation made in the yielding clause by limiting of it to the
Asian provinces, the treaty was ratified and confirmed by
the Lacedemonians; yet by several underhand and indirect
practices, they rather assisted the Athenians than them, es-
pecially in defrauding their fleet of the subsidies they pro-
mised to pay them, and by sending back Alcibiades again to
the Athenians, which turned the whole fate of the war. And
thus they continued, either openly or covertly, sometimes to
help one, and sometimes to liclp tlie other, in order to weak-
en and waste both, till Cyrus came to be chief governor of
the Asian provinces.

Amyrtaeus, having settled himself in the kingdom of Egypt,
by a total expulsion of the Persians out of that
country, made great preparations to follow them Dar. N"o"tbus'i4.
into Phoenicia, and had the Arabians in confede-
racy with him for this purpose. *■ Of which the king of
Persia having received advice, the fleet with which he had
stipulated to help the Lacedemonians was recalled to defend
his own territories. But the war seems not to have broken
out there till the year following.

In the fifteenth year of Darius Nothus. ended the first

r Diodorus Slculus, lib, 13; p, 385.

52 CONNEXION OF THE UISTORY OF [PART I.

seven weeks of the seventy weeks of Daniel's
^arN^tiius 15. prophecy. For then the restoration of the church

and state of the Jews in Jerusalem and Judea
was fully finished, in that last act of reformation, which is
recorded in Neh. xiii. 23 — 31, just forty-nine years after it
had been first begun by Ezra in the seventh year of Ar-
taxerxes Longimanus. And this reformation was the re-
moval of all unlawful marriages from among the people ; for
although the law strictly forbade them to make intermar-
riages with any foreign nation, either by giving their daugh-
ters to them for wives, or by taking their daughters to them-
selves ; yet, since their return from the Babylonish captivi-
ty, they had given little regard hereto, but took to them
wives of all the nations round about them, with whom God
Iiad strictly commanded them not to make any alliances.*
It seems most likely, that, while they were mixed with the
strange nations of those countries of the East, into which
they were carried captive by the Babylonians, they there
first made these strange marriages, and from thence brought
with them this forbidden usage on their return. Ezra found
it spread among them on his first coming to Jerusalem ;*■ and
although for a while he had brought it to a thorough reform-
ation, yet, by the time that Nehemiah came to succeed him,"
the corruption was grown up again ; and, although he did
then again reform it, and made all the people enter into a
covenant with God, and seal it with an oath and a curse upon
themselves, strictly to observe the rule of God's law herein
for the future, and, a little after his last return to his govern-
ment, he had made another reformation herein,^ by sepa-
rating from Israel all the mixed multitude, yet this did not
wholly root out the evil ; but it grew up again, and at length
came to such an height that the pontifical house, which of
all others ought to have been kept the clearest from all such
impure commixtures, was polluted therewith. ^^ For one of
the sons of Joiada the high-priest whom Josephus calls Ma-
nasseh, had married the daughter of Sanballat the Horonite f
whereby an ill example being given for the breach of the
law, by such as were most concerned to see the observance
of it, Nehemiah came in with the utmost stretch of his power
to remedy this enormity, and forced all who had taken such
strange wives forthwith to part with them, or depart the
country : whereon Maoasseh, being unwilling to quit his wife,
fled to Samaria, and many others, who, being in the same
case with him, were also of the same mind, accompanied

s Exod. xxxiv. 16. Deut. vii. 3 t Ezra ix.; x.

u Neh. X 30. x Neh. xiii. 3.

y Neh. xiii. 23—31. z Antiq. lib. 11, c. 7.

IJOOK VI. j THE OLD A.\D AEW TiiSTAi^XEA Is. 5J

him thither, and there settled under the protection of San-
ballat, who was the governor of the place.

It nnay be here objected that I put the last reformation of
Nehemiah too low, and the fiiarriage of Manasseh too high ;
and therefore it will be necessary, before I proceed any far-
ther, to clear these two particulars.

As to the first of these, this last act of Nehemiaii's reform-
ation, whereby he purged the land of such as would not
be obedient to the law of God in the case of their wives,
Nehemiah himself tells us, it was while Joiada was high-
priest at Jerusalem.'' But according to the Chronicon Alex-
andrinum,'' which gives us the truest account of the succes-
sion of the high-priests of the Jews, from the captivity of
Babylon to the reign of the Seleucian kings'^) Joiada suc-
ceeded in the high-pricshood, on the death of Eliashib his
father, only four years before this year in which I place this
act of reformation. And therefore higher than this, unless
in one of these four years, it cannot be placed within the
time of Joiada's high-priesthood. And that which deter-
mines me to place it in the fifth year of that priesthood,
rather than in any of the four preceding, is the prophecy of
Daniel's seventy weeks. For, by that prophecy, from the
going forth of the decree to restore and build Jerusalem,
(that is, to restore and build up again the church and state
of the Jews at Jerusalem by a thorough reformation of both,)
to the end of that reformation, were to be seven of those
weeks, that is, forty-nine years. And these forty-nine years
beginning in the seventh year of Artaxerxcs Longimanus,
when this decree was granted to Ezra, they must end in the
fifteenth year of Darius Nothus his son, which was the fifth
year of the high-priesthood of Joiada ; and therefore here
this reformation must have had its ending also. And since
the expulsion of Manasseh, with such others with him as
would not be reformed, is the last act which is mentioned to
have been done of this reformation in those very Sciiptures
which are professedly written to give us an account of the
whole of it, what is more reasonable than to infer, that in
this act it had its conclusion? and that therefore this act
must be there placed where that reformation ended, that is,
forty-nine years after it had its beginning, accordinir to the
prophecy of Daniel which I have mentioned. y\nd from the
seveoth of Artaxerxes Longimanus to the fifteenth of Darius

a Nehemiah xiii. 28.

b The number of years which (he Chroriiciim Alexandrinnm ascribes to
each hij;h-priest brings down the first of Joiada to that year, which is the
eleventh of Darius Nothus in the canon of Ptolemy.

c It best agreelh both with the Scripture and the profane history of those
times. ,

Vol. ir. 0

64 cONXiiXION OF THE llIaTORV C)K [PART 1.

Nothus were just forty-nine years. If any one shall say,
that, in the text of Nehemiah, (xiii. 28,) the word high-priest
is put in opposition with Eliashib, and not with Joiada, and
that therefore this last act of Nehemiah's reformation was
in the hi^h-priesthood of Eliashib, and not in that of Joiada
his son ; my answer hereto is, that the Hebrew original can-
not bear this interpretation : for it having been the usage of
the Jews, as well as of all other nations of the East, for the
better distinguishing of persons, to add the name of the fa-
ther to that of the son in the same manner as was lately
practised by the Welsh, and still is among the Irish, these
words in the text, Joiada Ben Eliashib, that is, Joiada the
son of Eliashib, all together made but one name of the same
person, and therefore the word high-priest, which followeth,
can be put in apposition with nothing but the whole of it.

As to the second objection, that I place the marriage of
Manasseh too high, my answer is, that I place it where the
Scriptures place it, that is, in the high-priesthood of Joiada.
Josephus indeed placeth this marriage in the high-priesthood
of Jaddua, the grandson of Joiada, and saith, that he who
contracted it was the brother of Jaddua, and the son of Jo-
hanan. To reconcile this matter, some fancy that there
were two Sanballats, the first the Sanballat of the holy
Scriptures, and the other the Sanballat of Josephus ; and
that there were two marriages contracted by tsvo different
persons, sons of two ditferent high-priests of the Jews, with
two ditferent women, who were each daughters of two dif-
ferent Sanballats, the first the daughter of the Sanballat of
the Scriptures, and the other the daughter of the Sanballat
of Josephus ; and that he that married (he first of them was
a son of Joiada, but that he that mairied the second of thern
was the son of Johanan, and brother of Jaddua. But as
1 have shown before that there could be but one Sanballat,
and that the Sanballat of Josephus was the same with the
Sanballat of the holy Scriptures, but that Josephus, by a
mistake in his chronology, placed him in the time of Darius
Codomannus, whereas he should have placed him in the time
of Darius Nothus ; so it must follow from hence, that he
was one and the same high-priest's son that married his
daughter : for each who is said to have contracted this mar-
riage being the son of a high-priest of the Jews, each
marrying the daughter of a Sanballat governor of Samaria,
and each being expelled Jerusaletn for it, these three charac-
ters sufficiently prove both to be the same person. The
Scriptures indeed give him no name; but Josephus calls hirn
Manasseh, and therefore 1 call him so too. The question,
therefore, being reduced to this, whether this marriage is to

UOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 55

be placed in the high-priesthood of Joiada and the reign of
Darius Nothus, where the Scriptures place it, or else in the
high-priesthood of Jaddua, and the reign of Darius Codo-
mannus, where Josephus placeth it, I liope there will be no
difficulty in determining which authority to follow.

The war being carried on between the Egyptians and the
Persians, and each contending to enlarge and strengthen their
barrier on the borders, it seems mo-t likely that Darius, oq
this occasion, came in person into Phoenicia ;'^ and that then
it was that Sanballat, attending him, so far insinuated himself
into his favour,*' as to obtain from him a grant to build on
Mount Gerizim, near Samaria, a temple like that at Jerusa-
lem, and to make Manassch his son-in-law high-priest of it ;
and that herein all that had its foundation, which Josephus,
by mistaking the time, attributes to Darius Codoniannus and
Alexander the Great. And perchance this war might some
time after produce that siege of Gaza at which Sanballat
died ;^ for even at this time he must have been a very old
man. Gaza being the common inlet between Egypt and
Phoenicia, for the passing of each to other, the possession of
it was of great importance on either side. If held by the
Egyptians, it would be a gale to let them in to ravage Judea,
Phoenicia, and Syria; and if by the Persians, it would be a
strong barrier to keep them out, and also to be a like gate
for the passage of the Persian forces into Egypt. And
therefore, if Amyrteeus had now possessed himself of this
important post, it concerned the king of Persia to do his
utmost to recover it : for, without it, he could neither defend
the territories which he had remaining in those parts, nor
pass into Egypt to recover what he had there lost ; for he
that was master of this pass could obstruct the passage
either way. And therefore Alexander himself, after his
victory at Issus, could not pass into Egypt till he had taken it."

Sanballat, having built this temple, and made Manasseh
high-priest of it, Samaria thenceforth became the common
refuge and asylum of the refractory Jews ;'' so that, if any
among them were found guilty of violating the law, as in
eating forbidden meats, the breach of the sabbath, or the
like, and were called to an account for it, they fled to the
Samaritans, and there found reception ; by which means it
came to pass, that, after some time, the greatest part of that
people were made up of apostate Jews, and their descen-
dants. The first of these Samaritans were the Cutheans,

d Diodor. Sic. lib. 13, p. 353. e Josephus, lib. 13, c. 8.

f Josephus, lib. 13, c. 8.

g Q. Curtius, lib. 4, c. 6. Pliilarchns in Alexandre. Arrian, lib. 2, ediU
Blancard, p. 150v h Josephus. lib. 11, c. 8.

bC, CONNEXION ©F THE HliTORV OF [PART !•

and such others of the eastern nations as Esarhaddon plant-
ed there after the deportation of the Israehtes. But when
these apostate Jews flocked to ihem, they became a mongrel
sort of people made up of both. But the mixing of so
many Jews among them soon made a change in their religion.
For whereas they had hitherto worshipped the God of
Israel only in conjunction with their other gods, that is, the
gods of those nations of the East from whence they came ;'
after a temple was built among them, in which the daily
service was constantly performed in the same manner as at
Jerusalem, and the book of the law of Moses was brought
to Samaria, and there publicly read to them, they soon left
ofT worshipping their false gods, and conformed themselves
wholly to the worship of the true God,"^ according to the rule
which was ir) that book prescribed to them, and were more
exact in it (as some of the Jewish doctors acknowledge')
than the Jews themselves. However, the Jews, looking on
them as apostates, hated them above all the nations of the
earth, so as to avoid all manner of converse and communi-
cation with them."" This hatred first began from the opposi-
tion which the Samaritans made against them, on their return
from the Babylonish captivity, both in their rebuilding of
the temple, and their repairing of the walls of Jerusalem, of
which an account hath been above given; audit was afterward
much increased by this apostacy of 3Ianasseh, and those
who joined with him in it, and by their erecting hereon an
altar and a temple, in opposition to theirs at Jerusalem.
And all others who at any time after fled from Jerusalem, for
the violating of the law, always finding reception among
them, this continually farther added to the rancour which the
Jews had entertained against them, till at length it grew to
that height, that the Jews published a curse and an anathema
against them, the bitterest that ever was denounced against
any people ; for thereby they forbade all manner of commu-
nication with them, declared all the fruits and products of
their land, and every thing else of theirs, which was either
eaten or drunk among them, to be as swine's flesh, and pro-
hibited all of their nation ever to taste thereof, and also ex-
cluded all of that people from being ever received as prose-
lytes to their religion. And, in the last place, proceeded so
far, as even to the barring of them for ever from having any
portion in the resurrection of the dead to eternal life, as if
this also were in their power. This curse, they say, was

i 2 Kings xvir.

k Epiphanius Hser. 9. Hoftingeri Exercitat. Anti morinian.T, sec. 16.
I Maimonides in Tractatum Misnicum Bcrailjittli, t. 8, sec. 8. Obadiah
Sartenora in eundem TracJatum, c. 7, sec. 1. m .John iv.i».

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 57

first denounced against them by Zerubbabel and Jcshua, on
the opposition which they gave them in the rebuilding of the
temple, and by them transmitted to the Jews of Babylon,
where it being also ratified and confirmed, it became thereby
the act and sentence of the whole Jewish church. This
account is given of it in Pirke R. Eiiezer," which is repu-
ted one of the ancientest of their bocjks." And, ever since,
they say, it hath been renewed, and al>o, by adding curse
upon curse, continually aggravated among them. But it is
not hkely that this was done by Zerubbabel and Jeshua in
the manner as related by R. Eliezer. IC it were done at all
it was done afterward, when the hatred of the Jews against
them was grown to the utmost height from the causes men-
tioned. But thus much is certain, that, for many ages past,
the conduct of the Jews towards the Samaritans hath been
according to the tenor of this anathema ; they, constantly
refusing all manner of converse or communication with them :
and so it was even in our Saviour's time : for why else should
the woman of Samaria ask our Saviour, How is it that thotc
being a Jew askest drink of me^ rvho am a woman of Samaria ?
but that it was even then forbidden among the Jews either
to eat or drink any thing of that which was (he Samaritans' :
and the words immediately foUov.^ing are to this purpose ; for
they tell us that the. Jews had no dealings xvith the Samaritans.
The common name by which they call these people is that
of Cutheans, which is a name of so great infamy among them,
that whenever they are provoked to express the utmost of
their rancour against any one, they call him Cuthean, in the
same manner as we often call those whom we detest, Jews
or Turks ; but that of Cuthean imports a much greater de-
gree of detestation among them, than either of the other two
do among us. And (hat this humour was very ancient
among them appears from hence, that when the Jews ex-
pressed their utmost aversion to our Saviour, ihey said unto
him, Tho7c art a Samaritan, and hast a devil ^ as if to be a
Samaritan, and have a devil, were things of equal reproach.
And the author of the book of Ecclesiasticus, when he reck-
ons up (he nations which were most detestable to the Jews,
names the foolish people that dzoell in Sechem, to be those who
were chiefly so.*! However, the Samaritans themselves will
not own their original from those eastern colonies of Esar-
haddon, but claim to be descended from the sons of Joseph,
and therefore call Jacob their father ; and so the woman of

n Cap. 38, et vide Aniraadversiones Vorstii ad locum praidictum p. 226 —
230. Lightfoot, vol. 1, p. 599.

o The Jews say this book was writ before the destruction of Jerusalem,
but there being mention made therein of the Saracen empire, it must Iiave
been written at least six hundred years after.

p John viii. 48. q Ecclesiast. v. 25; 26.

58 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

Samaria calls him in her discourse with our Saviour/ But
Josephus tells us, they used to do this only when the Jews
were in prosperity. ** But if at any time they fell under diffi-
culties or oppressions they then disclaimed all relation to
them, saying they were of another nation ; as was notorious-
ly done by them in the time of Antiochus's persecution/ The
particulars in which they and the Jews differ from each other
in their religion are these following.

1. The Samaritans receive none other Scriptures than the
five books of Moses, rejecting all the other books which are
in the Jewish canon." And these five books they still have
among tbem, written in the old Hebrew or Phoenician cha-
racter, which was in use among them before the Babylonish
captivity, and in which both these and all other Scriptures
were written, till Ezra transcribed them into that of the
Chaldeans. And this hath led many learned men into a
mistake, as if the Samaritan copy, because written in the
old character, were the true authentic copy, and that Ezra's
was only a transcript ; whereas in truth the Samaritan Pen-
tateuch is no more that a transcript, copied in another cha-
racter from that of Ezra, with some variations, additions, and
transpositions made therein. That it was copied from that
of Ezra, is manifest from two reasons. For, 1st. It hath all
the interpolations that Ezra's copy hath ; and that he was
the author of those interpolations is generally acknowledged :
and therefore, had it been ancienter than Ezra's copy, it
must have been without them. 2dly. There are a great
many variations in the Samaritan copy, which are manifestly
caused by the mistake of the similar letters in the Hebrew
alphabet : which letters having no similitude in the Samari-
tan character, this evidently proves those variations were
made in transcribing the Samaritan from the Hebrew, and
not in transcribing the Hebrew from the Samaritan. It
seems from hence to be beyond all doubt, that Manasseh,
when he tied to the Samaritans, first brought the law of Mo-
ses among them. Esarhaddon indeed sent to his new colony,
which he had planted in Samaria, an Israelitish priest, to
teach them the way of worshipping God according to the
manner of the former inhabitants ;^ but it appears not that
he did this by bringing the law of Moses among them, or that
they were any otherwise instructed in it, than by tradition,
till Manasseh came among them. For had they received the
law of Moses from the first, and made that the rule of wor-

r John iv. 12. s Antiq. lib. 9, c. 24, k lib. 11, c. S.

t Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7.

u Hieronytnus in Diiilogoadversus Luciferianos. Epipbanius. Haeres.P.
Benjaminis Itinerarinrn, p. 38. Eiitych. fcc. x 2Kings xvii.SS.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 59

ship which they paid Ihe God of Israel from the time of the
coming of that priest among them, how could they have con-
tinued in that gross idolatry of worshipping other gods in
conjunction with him, which that law doth so often and so
strictly forbid ? And yet in this idolatry, it is agreed on all
hands, they continued till the building of the temple on
Mount Gerizim ; and therefore it seems clear, that till then
they had not a copy of this law, but that when Manasseh,
and so many apostate Jews with him, came over to them,
and settled in Samaria, they first brouuht it among them ; and
because the old Phoenician character was that only which
the Samaritans were accustomed to, they caused this law for
their sakes to be written out in that character ; and in this
they have retained it ever since. This Samaritan Penta-
teuch was well known to many of the fathers and ancient
Christian writers ; for it is quoted by Origen, Africanus,
Eusebius, Jerome, Diodor of Tarsus, Cyril of Alexandria,
Procopius Gazaeus, and others. That which made it so fa-
miliar to them, was a Greek translation of it then extant,
which now is lost : for as there was a Greek translation of
the Hebrew Scriptures made for the use of the heilenistical
Jews, which we call the Septuagint, so also was there a like
Greek translation of the Samaritan Scriptures (ihat is, the
Pentateuch, which they only allowed for such) made for the
use of the heilenistical Samaritans, especially for those of
Alexandria, y where the Samaritans dwelt in great numbers,
as well as the Jews. Origenindeed, and Jerome, understood
the Hebrev/ language ; and therefore might have consulted
the Samaritan text, that being none other than Hebrew in
another character. But the rest of those mentioned under-
standing nothing of it, could no otherwise have an> know-
ledge of tliis Samaritan Pentateuch, but from the translation
of it. And there is also an old scholiast upon the Septua-
gint that makes frequent mention of it. But this, as well as
the other ancient books in whicli any mention of this Sama-
ritan Pentateuch is to be found, were all written before the
end of the sixth century. From that time, for above one
thousand years after, it hath lain wholly in the dark, and in
an absolute state of oblivion among all Christians both of the
West and East, and hath been no more spoken of after that
time by any of their writers, till about the beginning of the
last century, when Scaliger, having got notice that there was
such a Samaritan Pentateuch among those of that sect in
the East,^ made heavy complaints, that no one would take
care to get a copy of it from thence, and bring it among us

y Josephus Antlq. lib. 12, c. 1, and lib. 13, c. 6.
z De Emendatione TeiDporura,lib. 7, p. 669.

60 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pART /.

into these parts. A little after this, archibishop Usher pro-
cured several copies of it out of the East ;* and not long af-
ter, Sancius Harley, a priest of the oratory of Paris, and af-
terward bishop of St. Malo's in Brittany, brought another
copy into Europe, and deposited it in the library belonging
to that order in Paris. ^ Fronn which copy Morinus, another
priest of the same order, published it in the Paris Poly-
glot. This Sancius Harley had been ambassador from the
French king at Constantinople, where, having resided in that
quality ten years, he made use of the opportunity which he
had there of making a good collection of oiiental books,
which he brought home with him on his return ; and, having
awhile after entered himself among theoratorians at Paris,
he did put all these bouks into their library, and among
them was this copy of the Samaritan Pentateuch which Mo-
rinus published.

The Samaritans, besides the Pentateuch in the original
Hebrew language, have also another in the language that
was vulgarly spoken among them.*^ For as the Jews, after
the Babylonish captivity, degenerated in their language from
the Hebrew to the Babylonish dialect ; so the Samaritans
did the same. Whether this happened by their bringing this
dialect out of Assyria with them, when they first came to
plant in Samaria, or that they tirst fell into it by conform-
ing themselves to the speech of those Phoenician and Syrian
nations who lived next them, and with whom they mostly
conversed, or else had it iVom the mixture of those Jews who
revolted to them with Manasseh, we have not light enough
to determine. But however it came to pass, after it so hap-
pened, the vulgar no longer understood what was written in
the Hebrew language. And therefore, as the Jews, for the
sake of the vulgar among them, who understood nothing but
the vulgar language, were forced to make Chaldee versions
of the Scriptures, which they call the Targums or Chaldee
paraphrases; so the Samaritans were forced, for the same
reason, to do the same thing, and to make a version of their
Pentateuch into the vulgar Samaritan, which is called the Sa-
maritan version. And liiis Samaritan version, as well as the
original Samaritan text, Morinus published together in the
Polyglot al)Ove mentioned. The Samaritan text he printed
from Sancius Hariey's copy, but the Samaritan version he
had from Peter a Valle, a gentleman of Rome, who, having
many years travelled over the East, brought it thence with
him, and communicated it to Morinus. But that work

H Waltonc Prolegoin. xi. ad Bihlia Polyglottn, Lonil. sec. 10.
}) Morini Exercitalio prima in Penlatcuclium Satnaritaimm. r I.
c ^';-.''» w-..ifnaerQ k Morintiin. ibid.

BOO VI.] THE OLD AMJ AEW TESTAMENTS. 61

being precipitated with too much haste, it had passed the
press before such other helps came to him from Perescius,
Dr. Comber, dean of Carhsle, and others, as would have
enabled him to have made it much more perfect ; but what
was wanting therein was afterward rectified in the London
Polyglot, in which tlie Samaritan text, and the Samaritaa
version, and the i^atin translation of both, are published al-
together much more complete and correct than they were
before. This Samaritan version is not made, like the Chal-
dee among the Jews, by way of paraphrase, but by an ex-
act rendering of the text, word for word, for the most part,
without any variation. So that Morinus thought one Latin
translation might serve for both ; and the London Polyglot
hath followed the same method, only where there are any
variations, they are marked at the bottom of the page.

As to the variations, additions, and transpositions, whereby
the Samaritan copy dilfers from the Hebrew, they are all
enumerated in Hottinger's book against Morinus, and in the
collation made of both texts in the last volume of the Lon-
don Polyglot. It is not so much to be wondered at, that there
are these diiferences between these copies, as that there
should not have been many more, after those who had ad-
hered to the one, and those who had adhered to the other,
had not only broken off all manner of communication, but
had constantly been in the bitterest variance possible with
each other for above two thousand years ; for so long had
passed from the apostacy of Manasseh to the time when
these copies were first brought into Europe. After the se-
ries of so many ages past, many differences might have hap-
pened by the errors of the transcribers; and the most that
are between these two copies are of this sort. As to'the rest,
some are changes designedly made by the Samaritans for the
better support of tl)eir cause against the Jews ; of which
sort one that is notoriously such will be taken notice of by
and by in its proper place. Others are interpolations for the
better explication of the text, added either from other parts
of Scripture, or else by way of paraphrase upon it, to ex-
press explicitly what was thought to be implicitly contain-
ed therein. Of the first sort are, 1st. The addition which
we find in Exodus xviii. where, between the twenty-fifth
and twenty-sixth verses, is inserted what we have from
the ninth to the fourteenth verse of the first of Deute-
ronomy inclusively ; and, 2dly. That which we find in
Numbers x, where, between the tenth and eleventh ver-
ses, is inserted all that which we read in the sixth, seventh,
and eighth verses of the first of Deuteronomy ; both which
insertions are wanting in the Hebrew. And, of the other

Vol. II. 9

62 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [I'ART I.

sort, are wliat we find in Genesis iv. 8, and in Exodus xii.
40. In (he first of these, after what is said in the He-
brew text, Jnd Cain spake (or said) to Abel his brother, the
Samaritan text adds, Let us go into the field : and, in the lat-
ter, instead of these words in the Hebrew text, Now the in-
habiting of the children of Israel, whereby they inhabited in
Egypt, zvere four hundred and thirty years, the Samaritan text
hath it, Now the inhabiting of the children of Israel, and their
fathers, whereby they inhabited in the land of Canaan, and in
the land of Egypt, were four hundred and thirty years. Both
these additions, it is manifest, mend the text, and make it
more clear and intelligible, and seem to add nothing to the
Hebrew copy, but what must be understood by the reader
to make out the sense thereof. As to the other variations,
the most considerable of them are those which we find in the
ages of the patriarchs before Abraham, in which the Sama-
ritan computation comes nearer to theSeptuagint than to the
Hebrew, though it ditfers from both. IIow these, or the
transpositions of verses, or the other alterations and addi-
tions which are found in the Samaritan copy, and the differ-
ences which from thence arise between the Hebrew and Sa-
maritan Pentateuch, came about, many conjectures have
been offered : but no certain judgment being to be made
about them, without a better light to direct us herein than
we can now have, I will trouble the reader with none of
them ; but shall add only this farther upon this head, that
none of these differences can infer, that the Samaritan copy
which we now have is not truly that which was anciently in
use among them : for most, if not all of those passages which
were quoted out of it above eleven hundred years since by
those writers I have mentioned, as differing from or agreeing
with the Hebrew text, and by some of them much earlier, are
now to be found in the present Samaritan copies in the same
words as quoted by them, and in the same manner differing
from or agreeing with that text. There is an old copy of
the Samaritan Pentateuch now shown at Shechem (or Na-
plous, as they now call it,) the head seat of that sect, which
would put this matter beyond all dispute, were that true
which is said of it. For they tell us, that therein are writ-
ten these words : / Jlbishua, the son of Phinehas, the son of
Eleazar, the son of Aaron, the high-priest, have transcribed
this copy at the door of the tabernacle of the congregation, in the
thirteenth year of the children of IsraePs entrance into the holy
land.'^ But Dr. Huntington, late bishop of Rapho in Ireland,

d VValtoni Prolegotn. xi. ad Biblia Polyglolta Lond. sec. 17. Hottingeri
Exercitationes Anti-Morinianse, sec. 37. Basnage's History of the Jewy,
book 2, c. 2, p. 81.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. C3

having, while chaplain to the Turkey company at Aleppo, been
at Shechem, and there examined this copy upon the spot, found
no such words on the manuscript, nor thought the copy an-
cient. Whether the Samaritans, did in ancient times abso-
lutely reject all the other Scriptures besides the Pentateuch,
some do doubt; because it is certain, from the discourse of
the woman of Samaria with our Saviour, that they had the
same expectations of a Messiah that the Jews had ; and this
they say they could nowhere clearly have but from the pro-
phets.® And it cannot be denied, but that there is some force
in this argument. Perchance, although they did read the
Pentateuch only in their synagogues, yet anciently they
might not have been without a due regard to the other sa-
cred writings, whatsoever their sentiments may be of them
at present.

II. The second point of difiference in religion between
the Samaritans and the Jews anciently was, and still is, that
the Samaritans reject all traditions, and adhere only to the
written word itself, and, in the observance of tliat they are
acknowledged by the Jews themselves to be more exact
than they are ; and good reason is there for them so to say ;
for the Jews often make the law of none effect by their tra-
ditions ;'^ whereas the Samaritans always kept themselves
strictly to the written word, and never admitted any such
corrupt glosses to draw them from it. And because in this
they agreed with the Sadducees (for they also denied ail tra-
ditions, and adhered to the written letter of the law only,)
hence the Jews have taken an handle of calumniating them,
as if they agreed in other particulars with tlie Sadducees al-
so, and denied with them the resurrection of the dead,° which
led Epipharuus'' and St. Gregory' into the error of assert-
ing this to be their opinion ; whereas the resurrection of the
dead hath always been a doctrine as firmly held and as cer-
tainly believed among them as by the Jews themselves.

III. The third point of difference in religion between the
Samaritans and the Jews was about the place of their wor-
ship. The words of the woman of Samaria, in the gospel
of St. John, state this matter exactly right. For, in her
discourse with our Saviour, she saith to h\m, Our fathers
worshipped in this mountain : hut ye (meaning the Jews,) say,
that in Jerusalem is the place where men ought to rcorship.
The law given by Moses was, that they should perform all
their sacrifices and oblations in (he place that God should
choose out of all their tribes to put his name there ; and that

e John iv.25. f Malt. xv. 6. Markvii. 13.

gJosepbus. Albo, sec. 31,serni. 4. h Hcfires. y.

iAIoral. in .lob, lib. 1;C. 15.

64 GONJJEXIOX OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 1.

place was Jerusalem.'^ f^or there the temple, by the direc-
tion of God himself, was hiiilt,' and there God consecrated
it by the habitation of hi? divine presence therein, and there
all the tribes of Israel that adhered to the true worship of
God offered up their sacrifices,"" and there the temple was
again rebuilt after the Babylonish captivity, and the same
service there carried on in an unity and uniformity of worship
by all of that nation, till Manassch made the schism that hath
been mentioned, and, flyins; to Samaria, did there set up al-
tar against altar, and temple against temple : for, after he
had built that temple on Mount Gerizim, and therein erected
an altar in opposition to that at Jerusalem, the Samaritans
and apostate Jews who revolted to them would no longer'al-
low Jerusalem to be the place which God had chosen ; but
contended, that Mount Gerizim was (hat place, and argued
for it in the same manner as the woman of Samaria did unto
our Saviour, that is, that their fath.ers worshipped in that
mountain ; for they plead, that there Abraham" and Jacob'
built altars unto God, and, by their otFering up of sacrifices on
them, consecrated that place above all others to his worship ;
and that therefore it was appointed by God himself to be the
hill of blessing,P on the coming of the children of Israel out
of Egypt; and that accordingly Joshua, on his entering the
land of Canaan, had caused the blessings of God to be de-
clared thereon, and also that, on his having passed the river
Jordan, he built an altar on it of twelve stones, taken out of
that river in his passage, according as God had commanded
by Moses :i and this they hold to be the very altar upon which
they still sacrifice on that mountain even to this day. But,
to make out this last part of the argument, and thereby re-
concile the greater veneration to I\Jount Gerizim, and their
place of worship thereon, they have been guilty of a very
great prevarication in corrupting the text : for whereas the
command of God is (Deut. xxvii. 4,) that they should set up
the altar upon Mount Ebal, they have there made a sacrile-
gious change in the text, and, instead of Mount Ebal, have
put Mount Gerizim, the better to serve their cause by it. —
This corruption the Jews loudly charge them with, and the
Samaritans do as loudly retort it upon them ; and say, that
the Jews have corrupted the text in that place, by putting
Mount Ebal in their copies, where it should be Mount Geri-
zim ; and bring this argument for it, that Mount Gerizim
having been the mountain that was appointed whereon to

k Deut. xii. 5, 1 1, 14, 18, 20 ; xv. 20 ; xvi. 2, 6, 7, 15, 16, k.c.

1 1 Chron.xxii. m 1 Kings viii. 10. 2 Chron. vii. 1— 3.

n Gen. xiii. 4, 6, 7. o (ieii. xxxii. 20.

p Peut. sxvii. 12. q Deut. xxvii. 2 — 7.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 63

declare the blessings of God, and Mount Ebal whereon to
denounce his curses, the mountain of blessing was very pro-
per, and the nnountiain of cursing very improper, for an al-
tar of God to be built upon. But, notwithstanding this alle-
gation in their behalf, all other copies and translations of
the Pentateuch make against them, and prove the corrup-
tion to be on their side. And it very much aggravates their
guilt herein, that they have not only corrupted the Scrip-
tures in this place, but have also interpolated them with this
corruption in another, that is, in Exodus xx. where, after the
tenth commandment, they have subjoined, by way of an ad-
ditional precept thereto, words taken out of Deuteronomy
xi. and xxvii. to command the erecting of the altar in Mount
Gerizim instead of Mount Ebal, and the offering of sacrifices
to God in that place. ■■ And in that they have thus voluntarily
made a corrupt alteration in one place, and a corrupt addition
in another, merely out of design to serve an ill cause, this
gives the less authority to their copy in all other places,
where, either by alterations or additions, it differs from that
of the Jews.

These two mountains, called Gerizim and Ebal, are in the
tribe of Ephraim, near Samaria ; and in the valley between
them lieth Shechem, now called Naplous, which hath been
the head seat of the Samaritan sect ever since Alexander ex-
pelled them out of Samaria for the death of Andromachus.
This place the Jews in our Saviour's time, by way of re-
proach, called Sichar ; and therefore we have it so named in
St. John's gospel.^ It signiSeth the drunken city; and the
prophet Isaiah having called the Ephraimites (whose dwell-
ing was in those parts) Sicorim,* that is, drunkards, they have
this text on their side for the justifying of that name. Near
this place was the field which Jacob boasjht of the children
of Hamor, and gave unto Joseph his son a little before his

r The words added by tlie Samaritans after the tenth commandment, in
Exodus XX. are as follovveth. " And it shall be, when the Lord thy God
hath brought thee into the land of the Canaanites. whither thou goest to
possess it, that thou shalt set up great stones, ai'.d piaster them with plaster,
and thou shalt write upon these stones all the words of this law. And it
shall be, when ye are gone over Jordan, that ye shall set up these stones,
which I command you this day, in Mount Gerizim, and thou shalt build
there an altar unto the Lord thy God. an altar of stones. Thou shalt not
lift up any iron tool upon them. Thou shalt build the altar of the Lord thy
God of whole stones. And thou shalt there otter burrit-offerings thereon to
the Lord thy God, and thou shalt offer peace-offerings, and shalt eat there,
and rejoice before the Lord thy God. This mountain is on the other side
Jordan, by the way where the sun goeth down, in the land of the Canaan-
ites, who dwell in the champaign over against Gilgal, beside the plains of
Moreh, which are over against Shechem."'

' John iv. 5. t Isaiah xxviii. I.

66 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

death." Therein Joseph's bones were buried when brought
up out of the land of Egypt,^ and within the same plot of
ground was the well, called Jacob's well, at which our Saviour
sat down, when he discoursed with the woman of Samaria. ^^
But, after all the contest that is made between the Samari-
tans and the Jews about these two mountains, Jeronie is
positive, that neither of them were the Gerizim and Ebal
of the holy Scriptures, but that the two mountains so called
in them, and on which the blessings and cursings were pro-
claimed by the children of Israel, on their first passing over
Jordan into the land of Canaan, were two small mountains or
hills lying near Jericho, at a great distance from Shechem.^
And Epiphanius was of the same opinion with Jerome in this
matter : and they having been both upon the place, may
well be thought the best able to pass a true judgment about it.
Their arguments for it arc, 1st. That the Scriptures place
these two mountains over against that part of the river Jor-
dan where the children of Israel passed into the land of Ca-
naan, and near Gilgal ; but Shechem is at a great distance
from both : and, 2dly. That the mountains near Shechem,
called Mount Gerizim and Mount Ebal, are at too great a dis-
tance from each other for the people from either of them to
hear either the blessings or the cursings which were pro-
nounced from the other ; but that it would be quite other-
wise as to the hills near Jericho, which they conceive to be
the hills by the names of Gerizim and Ebal meant in Scripture.
But that hill from which Jotham the son of Gideon made
his speech to the Shechemites, being called Gerizim,* and
that certainly lying just over them (for otherwise they could
not have heard him from thence,) this clearly makes against
this opinion, and evidently proves the Mount Gerizim of the
holy Scriptures to be that very Mount Gerizim on which the
temple of the Samaritans was built.

The Jews accuse the Samaritans of two pieces of idolalry,
which they say were committed by them in this place. ^
The first, that they there worshipped the image of a dove ;
and the other, that they paid divine adoration to certain
teraphim, or idol gods, there hid under that mountain. For
the first charge they took the handle from the idolatry of
the Assyrians : for that people having worshipped one
of their deities (Semiramis, saith Diodorus Siculus*^) under

u Gen. xxiii. 19 ; xlviii. 22. Joshua sxiv. 32.
X Joshua xxiv. 32. y John iv. 6.

z Vide Scalioeri aniraadversiones in Eusebii Chron. sub. Numero 1681.
a Judges ix 7.

b Talmud in Tractatu Ciiolin. vide etiam Waltoni Prolegom. xi. ad Biblla
Polyglotta Lend. sec. 7, k. Hottingeri Exercitat. Antiinorinianas, sec. 16, 17.
c Lib. 2, p. 66, 76.

BOOK VI.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 67

the image of a dove, they reproached the Samaritans as wor-
shippers of the hke image, because descended from them ;
and perchance thej were so while they worshipped their
other gods with the God of Israel, but never afterward.
And as to the second charge, it is true, Jacob having found
out that Rachel had stolen her father's teraphim, or idol
gods, took them from her, and buried them under the oak
in Shechem, which they suppose to have been at the foot of
the mountain Gerizim f and, from hence, because the Sama-
ritans worshipped God in that mountain, the Jews suggest,
that they worshipped there for the sake of these idols, and
paid divine adoration unto them. But both these charges
were malicious calumnies, falsely imputed to them : for, after
the time that Manasseh brought the law of Moses among
them, and instructed them in it, the Samaritans became as
zealous worshippers of the true God, and as great abhorrers
of all manner of idolatry, as the most rigorous of the Jews
themselves, and so continue even to this day.

And with this last act of Nehemiah's reformation, and the
expulsion of those refractory Jews that would not conform
to it, not only the first period of Daniel's 70 weeks, but also
the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament ending, I shall here
also end this book ; and proceed to relate what after follow-
ed from the beginning of the next.

d Gen. xxxv. 2 — 4.

THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c.

BOOK Til.

THUS far we have had the light of Scripture to fol-
low. Henceforth the books of the Maccabees,
Dai^>"othufi6. r'hilo Judaeus, Josephus, and the Greek and
Latin writers, are the only guides which we can
have to lead us through the future series of this history, till
we come to the times of the gospel of Jesus Christ. How
long after this Nehemiah lived at Jerusalem is uncertain ;
it is most likely, that he continued in his government to
the time of his death ; but when that happened is nowhere
said ; only it may be observed, that at the time where he ends
his book, he could not be much less than seventy years old.
After him, there seems not to have been any more govern-
ors of Judea ; but that this country, being added to the pre-
fecture of Syria, was thenceforth wholly subjected to the go-
vernor of that province, and that under him the high-priest
had the trust of regulating all affairs therein.

While Darius was making war against the Egyptians and
the Arabians, the Modes revolted from him;'' but, being
vanquished in battle, they were soon forced again to return
to their former allegiance, and for the punishment of their
rebellion, submit to an heavier yoke of subjection than they
had on them before ; as is always the case of revolting sub-
jects when reduced again under the power against which
they rebelled.

And the next year after, Darius seems to have had as good
success against the Egyptians : for Amyrlseus
Dar^NoihuT'n. being dead, (perchance slain in battle,) Herodo-
tus tells us, his son Pausiris succeeded him in
the kingdom, by the favour of the Persians -^ which argues

a Xenophon Hellenic, lib. 1. Herodotus, lib. 9. h Lib 3.

eOOK VII.] XHE OLD AKD NEW TESTAMENTS. 69

that, before they granted him this, they had reduced Egypt
again under them, otherwise Pausiris could not have been
made king of it by their favour.

Darius having thus settled his affairs in Media and Egypt,
sent Cyrus his younger son to be commander in chief of all
the provinces of Lesser Asia, giving him authority para-
mount over all the lieutenants and governors afore placed
in them.^ He was a very young man to be intrusted with
so large an authority ; for having been born after his^^
father's accession to the throne, he could not have been now
above sixteen years old. But, being the darling and best
beloved son of Parysatis, who had an absolute ascendant over
the old king her husband, she obtained this commission
for him with an Intention, no doubt, to put him into a capa-
city of contending for the crown after his father's death ;
and this use he accordingly made of it, to the great damage
and disturbance of the whole Persian empire, as will be
hereafter related.

On his receiving his commission, he had this chiefly given
him in charge by his father, that he should help the Lacede-
monians against the Athenians, contrary to the wise measures
hitherto observed by Tissaphernes, and the other governors
of the Persian provinces in those parts.*^ For their practice
hitherto had been, sometimes by helping one side, and
sometimes by helping the other, so to balance the matter
between both parties, that each being kept up to be a
match for the other, both might continue to harass and weak-
en each other by carrying on the war, and neither be at
leisure to disturb the Persian empire. This order of the
king's for a contrary practice soon discovered the weakness
of his politics. For the Lacedemonians having by the help
which Cyrus gave them, according to his father's instructions,
soon overpowered the Athenians, and gained an absolute
conquest over them, they were no sooner at leisure from
this war, but they sent first Thimbro, and after him, Dercy-
lidas, and at last Agesilaus their king, to invade the Persian
provinces in Asia ; where they did the Persians a great deal
of damage, and might at length have endangered the whole
empire, but that the Persians, by distributing vast sums of
money among the Grecian cities, and the demagogues that
governed them, found means to rekindle the war again in
Greece; which necessitated the Lacedemonians to recall
their forces for their own defence, just when they were going

c Xenoph. Hellen. lib. 1. Plutarchus in Artaxerxe, et Lysandro. Ctesias
Justin, lib. 5, c. 5. Diodorus Siculiis, lib. 13, p. 368.

d Xenoph. ibid. Diodorus Siculus. ibid. Thucydides, lib. 2. Justin, ibid.
Plutarchus in Lysandro.

Vol. L 10

70 CONNEXION OV THE HiSTORV Of [I'ART I.

to march into the heart of the empire, and there strike at
the very vitals of it. So dangerous a thing is it in neigbour-
ing states to break the balance of power which is between
them, so as to put any one of them into a capacity of oppres-
sing- and overpowering the rest. And this instance also shows,
that it is no new thing for the managers of public aflfairs, to
barter away their national interest for their private gain, and
sell it for money even to those whom they have most reason
always to hate, and always to be aware of.

Cyrus at Sardis, having put to death two noble Persians,
who were sons to a sister of Darius, for no other
DafXth^' 19. reason, but that they did not on their meeting
of him, wrap up their hands within their sleeves,
as was used to be done among the Persians on their meeting
of the king; Darius, on complaint made hereof by the pa-
rents of the slain, was grievously offended, not only for the
death of his two nephews, but also for the presumption of
his son in challenging to himself the honour which was due
only to the king ; and therefore not thinking it fit any longer
to trust him with that government, recalled him to court,
on pretence that he was sick, and therefore desired to see
him.* But, before Cyrus did put himself upon this journey,*^
he ordered such large subsidies to Lysander, general of the
Lacedemonians, as enabled him to pay his fleet, and strength-
en it so far, as to put it in that condition, by virtue where-
of he gained that memorable victory over the Athenians at
the Goats river in the Hellespont, whereby he absolutely
overthew the Athenian state. For, after this, they being no
longer able to defend themselves, he took from them all
their cities in Asia, and having besieged Athens itself, forced
them to a surrender on the very hard conditions of disman-
tling their city, and giving up their fleet; which did put an
end to the Athenian power, and vested the government of
Greece wholly in the Lacedemonians, after they and the
Athenians had contended for it in a very bitter war full
twenty-seven years. This was called the Peloponnesian
war ; and is made very famous by the excellent accounts
which are written of it by Thucydides and Xenophon, two
of the best historians Greece ever had : tljcir writings have
ennobled it in the same manner as Homer's did the war of
Troy.

About the time of the ending of this war died Darius No-
thus king of Persia, after he had reigned nineteen years.s

e Xenophon Hellenicorum, lib. 2.

f Plutarchus in Lysandro. Xenopli. Hellenic, lib. 2. Diod. Sic. lib. 13.
g Plutarch, in Artaxcixc. Diodoius Siculus. lib. 13. .Tustin. lib. 5, c. S
11. etCEias.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 71

Before his death Cjrus was come to him, and his mother
Parysatis the queen, to whom he was the best beloved of all
her children, not being content to have made his peace with
his father, whom he had greatly offended by his maladminis-
trations in his government, pressed hard upon the old king
to have him declared the heir of his crown, upon the same
pretence whereby Xerxes had obtained the preference be-
fore his elder brothers in the time of Darius Hystaspes, that
is, that he was born after his father came to the crown, and
the other before. But Darius refusing to comply with her
herein, bequeathed to Cyrus only the government of those
provinces which he bad before, and left his crown to Arsa-
ces his eldest son by the same Parysatis, who, on his ascend-
ing the throne, took the name of Artaxerxes, and is the same
to whom the Greeks, for his extraordinary memory, gave the
name Mnemon, i. e. the rememberer. When his father lay
dying, and he was attending on him at his bed-side, he desir-
ed to be instructed by him, by what art it was that he had so
happily m.anaged the government, and so long preserved
himself in it, to the end that he, by following the same rule,
might attain the same success ; to which he had this memo-
rable answer given him by the dying king, That it zons by
doing in all things ihat rohich was just both tozvards God and
man ;^^ a saying worthy to be written up in letters of gold
in the palaces of princes, that, having it constantly in their
view, they might be put in mind to order all their actions
according to it.

Cyrus, being discovered to have laid a plot for the mur-
dering of Artaxerxes in the temple at Pasargada
when he was to come thither according to the ancient ^"ax.'^^t!
custom, to be inaugurated king, was taken into cus-
tody for the treason, and ordered to be put to death for it.'
But his mother Parysatis was so importunate with Artaxerxes
for the saving of his life, that at length, by her means, he
obtained his pardon, and was sent again into Lesser Asia
unto the government left him by his father's will. But
carrying thither with him his ambition, and also his resent-
ments for the danger of his life which he was put into,
he took such courses for the gratifying of these passions,
which soon made his brother repent of his clemency towards
him.

As soon as Artaxerxes was settled in the throne, Statira
his queen, who, for her great beauty, was very much beloved
by him, made use of her power with him to be revenged on

h Athenaeus, lib. 12.

i Plutarchus in Artaxerxe. Xenophon de Expeditione Cvri,lib. 1. Juattja.
lib. 6. c. 11. Cteslas.

72 CONNEXION OF THK HISTORY OF [PART J^

Udiastcs for the death of her brother Tcritcuchmes.'' The
whole matter had its rise in the reign of Darius, and was a
comphcation of adultery, incest, and murder, which caused
great disturbances in the royal family, and ended very tra-
gically upon all that were concerned in it. The lather of
Statira was Hidarnes, a noble Persian, and governor of one
of the principal provinces o'" the empire- Artaxerxes, the
king's eldest son, then called Arsaces, faUing in love with her,
took her to wife, and Teriteuchmes her brother, about the
same time, married Hamestris, one of the daughters of Da-
rius, and sister of Arsaces ; by reason of which marriage, on
the death of his father, he succeeded him in his government.
But having a sister named Roxana, of as great beauty as
Statira, and excellently skilled in archery, and the throwing
of the dart, he fell desperately in love with her, and, that
he might with the greater freedom have the enjoyment of
his lust upon her, he resolved to make away with Hamestris,
and rebel against the king. Of which wicked designs Da-
rius having noiice, engaged Udiastes, a chief confident of
Teriteuclimes, by great rewards and greater promises, to en-
deavour to prevent both, by cutting of Teriteuchmes. This
Udiastes, to earn the rewards, readily undertook, and, falling
upon Teriteuchmes, slew him, and thereon had the govern-
ment of his province cont'eried on him for his reward.
Milhridates, the son of Udiastes, being one of Teriteuch-
mes's guard, and engaged much in friendship and allection to
him, on the hearing of this fact of his father's, bitterly impre-
cated vengeance upon him for it, and, in abhorrence of what
was done, seized the city Zaris, and there, declaring for
the son of Teriteuchmes, rebelled against the king. But
Darius having soon mastered this revolt, and shut up Milh-
ridates within his fortress, got all the family of Hidarnes,
excepting the son of Teriteuchmes, whom Mithridates pro-
tected, into his pov/er, and delivered ll;cm into the hands of
Parysatis, to execute her revenge upon them for the ill usage
of her daughter ; who having caused Roxana in the tirst
place to be sawn in two, who was the chief cause of all the
mischief, ordered all the rest to be put to death; only, at
the earnest entrealy and importunate tears of Arsaces, she
spared Statira his beloved wife, contrary to the sentiments
of Darius, who told her, that she would afterward have
reason to repent of it ; and so accordingly it happened.
Thus Ihis matter stood at the death of Darius : but Arsaces
was no sooner settled on the throne, but Statira prevailed
with him to have Udiastes delivered into her hands ; where-

k f'lesinj.

yOOK vn.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 73

on she commanded his tongue to be drawn out at his neck,
and thus cruelly did put him to death in revenge for the part
which he acted in the ruin of her family, and made IVlithri-
dates, his son, for the atFection which he expressed to it, go-
vernor of the province in his stead. But I'arysati? bitterly
resenting this fact, in revenge hereof, poisoned the son of
Teriteuchmes, and not long after Statira herself, ii- the man-
ner as will be hereafter related. This gives us instances of
the bitterness of woman's revenge, and also of the exorbi-
tant liberties which such are apt to run into of doing all
manner of wickedness, who, being put above all restraint of
laws, have nothing but arbitrary will and pleasure to govern
themselves by.

Cyrus, designing a war against his brother, employed
Clearchus, a Lacedemonian captain, to raise an army
of Greeks for his service, which he listed with a pre- ^nax^'^l'.
tence of making war with the Thracians ; but they,
being maintained by Cyrus's money, were kept on foot for the
executing of those designs which he was forming against the
king.* Alcibiades the Athenian, finding out the true end for
which these levies were made, passed over into the province
of Pharnabazus, with purpose to go to the Persian court,
there to make known to Artaxerxes what was brewing against
him.'" But those who were the partisans of the Lacede-
monians at Athens, fearing the great genius of that man, did
let them know, that their aflfairs could not long stand unless
he were cutoff; whereon tliey sent to Pharnabazus to have
him put to death, and he accordingly executed what they
desired ; and in his death the Atheriians lost the great hopes
they had conceived of speedily again recovering by him their
former state : for had he got to the Persian court, he would
so far have merited the favour of Artaxerxes by the discovery
which he intended to make unto him, as, no doubt, he would
have gotten his assistance for the restoration of his country,
and, with that assistance, a peison of his valour and other
great abilities would have turned the scales, and again set
the Athenians as high as ever, and brought the Lacedemo-
nians as lov/ as they had brought them ; for the preventing
of which the Lacedemonians took the course of having him
cutoff in the manner as I have mentioned.

The cities that were under the government of Tissapher-
nes revolting from him to Cyrus, this produced a war
between them ; and Cyrus, under the pretence of ^^"ax.^*'!!
arming against Tissaphernes, went more openly to

1 Plutarchus in Arfaserxe. Xenophon de Exjieditione Cyri, lib. 1. Dio-
dor. Sic. lib. 14.

m Plutarchus in Alciblade. Diodor. Sic. & Xenophon. ibid. Corn. Nepo«
in Alcibiade.

74 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pART I.

work in getting forces together ; and, to blind the matter the
more, he wrote letters of heavy complaints to the king
af^ainst Tissaphernes, and praved in the humblest manner his
favour and protection against him ; by which Artaxerxes be-
ingdeceived, thought all the preparations which he was making
were against Tissaphernes only, and, not being at all dis-
pleased that they should be at variance with each other, took
no farther care of the matter, but permitted his brother to go
on still to raise more forces, till at length he had got an army
on foot, suthcient to put his designs in execution, for the
dethrouingof him. and the setting up of himself in his stead."
And since he had helped the Lacedemonians against the
Athenians, and thereby put them into a capacity of gaining
those victories over them, whereby they had made them-
selves masters of Greece, in confidence of the friendship
which he had merited from them thereby, he communicated
his designs unto them, and asked their assistance for the ac-
complishing of them ; which they readily granted, and or-
dered their fleet to join that under Tamus, Cyrus's admiral,
and obey such orders as that prince should give them. But
this they did without declaring any thing against Artaxerxes,
or pretending to know at all of the designs which Cyrus was
carrying on against him. With this caution they thought fit
to act while the event of the war was uncertain, that, in case
Artaxerxes gained the victory, they might not, by what they
did in favour of his enemy, draw on them his resentments
for it.

At length Cyrus, having raised all those forces which he
thought sufficient for his designs, and mustered them
Ariax°*4. a'l together, he marched with them directly against
his brother." He was followed in this expedition by
thirteen thousand Greeks, under the command of Clearchus
(which were the flower and main strength of his army,) and
by one hundred thousand of other forces raised from among
the barbarians. Artaxerxes, having notice of this from Tis-
saphernes, who posted to the Persian court to give him in-
formation of it, prepared to meet him with a numerous army.
Cyrus's greatest difficulty was to pass the straits of Cilicia,
where Siennesis, king of (hat country, was making ready to
stop his progress ; and would certainly have eilected it, but
that Tamils, and the Lacedemonians with their fleet, coming
upon the coasts of that country, diverted him to defend his
own territories : for a small guard in those narrow passes
might be sufficient to impede the march of the greatest

n Plutarchus, Xenophon, Si. Diodor. ibid.

oXenophon de Expedilione Cyri. Diodor. Sic. lib, 14. Plutarchus ia
Artaxerje. Ctesias. Justin, lib, 5, c. 11.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AliD NEW TESTAMENTS. 75

army. But after Cyrus had by this means got through ihem,
he then marched on without any farther difficulty or ob-
struction, till he came to the plains of Cunaxa, in the pro-
vince of Babylon, where Artaxerxes meeting him with an
army of nine hundred thousand men, it there came to a de-
cisive battle between them ; in which Cyrus, rashly ventur-
ing his person too far into the heat of ilie battle, was unfor-
tunatel)' slain, after his auxiliary Greek? had in a manner
gotten the victory for him. This put the? c Greeks into a
great distress ; for they were now at a great distance from
their own homes, in the heart of the Persian empire, and
there surrounded with the numerous forces of a conquering
army, and had no way to return again into Greece, but by
breaking through them, and forcing their retreat thi'ough a
vast tract of their enemy's country, which lay between them
and home. But their valour and resolution mastered all
these difficulties : for the next day after, having, on consul-
tation together, resolved to attempt their return by the wa}-
of Paphlagonia, they immediately set themselves on their
march, and, in spite of all oppositions from a numerous army
of Persians, which coasted them all the way, made a retreat
of two thousand three hundred and twenty-five miles, all the
way through provinces belonging to the enemy, and got sate
to the Grecian cities on the Eusine Sea; which was the
longest and most memorable retreat that was ever made
through an enemy's country. Clearchus tirst commanded
in it, but he having in the beginning of it been cut otf by the
treachery of Tissaphernes, it was afterward conducted chiefly
by Xenophon, to whose valour and wisdom it was princi-
pally owing that they at length got safely again into Greece.
The same Xenophon having written a largo account of this
expedition, the preparations that were made for it, and the
retreat of the Greeks from the place of the battle after it was
lost, and that book being still extant, and published in the
English language, 1 need say no more, than refer the reader
to it for a fuller history of all this matter.

Psammitichus, who was descended from the ancient Psam-
mitichus, that was king of Egypt some ages before, and of
whom 1 have spoken in the first book of this history, reigned
over the Egyptians, after Pausiris.P To him fled Tamus,
Cyrus's admiral. For, after the death of that prince, Tis-
saphernes being sent down into his former government, with
an enlargement of power (as having, in reward of the great
service which he had done the king in the late war, the same
command given him in those parts that Cyrus had.) all the

p Diodorus SiculuS; lib. 14.

76 CONNEXION OF THE HlSTOllY OF [PART J.

governors of those cities and districts, within the verge of his
authority, who had espoused the interest of Cyrus, fearing the
account which he might call them to for it, sent their agents
to make their peace with him on the best terms they could.
On!) Tamus, who was the most powerful of them, took
another course. He was, by birth, an Egyptian, of the city of
Memphis, and, being a person of great valour, and of great
skill in maritime atifairs, he was lirst employed by Tissa-
pherncs in the Persian fleet, and afterward, under Cyrus, be-
came chief commander of it, and also governor of Ionia ; by
which means, having amassed great wealth, instead of court-
ing the favour of Tissaphernes, or at all trusting to his cle-
mency, he put his wife, children, and servants, with all else
that he had, on board his ships, and made his retreat into
his own country, much confiding in the friendsiiip of Psam-
mitichus, which he had merited by many good offices that
he had done him while he served the Persians. 13ut the
perfidious man, having no regard to former obligations, or
the common laws either of humanity or hospitality, as soon
as he had received an account of his arrival, and of the great
riches which he brought with him, for the sake of them, in-
stead of receiving him as a friend, he fell upon him as an
enemy, and having slain him, with all his family and follow-
ers, made a prey of all that they had. Only Gaus, one of
his sons, staying behind in Asia, escaped this massacre, and
afterwnrd became admiral of the Persian fleet in the Cypri-
an war ; all the rest were barbarously murdered for the sake
of what they had. Such horrid wickedness doih the greedy
desire of gain too often prompt men to, when they give up
their minds to it. But Providence, no doubt, suffered it not
to go unpunished, though we have no account of it ; this bar-
barous murder being the only act that history hath recorded
of this prince.

Statira being very troublesome to Parysatis her mother-in-
law, in expressing her resentments and reproaches for the
countenance which she gave unto Cyrus her younger son
against king Artaxcrxes, to be revenged for this and other
grudges formerly conceived against her, she caused her to
be poisoned ; which was efiected by this stratagem ; they
supping both together, and a certain bird being served up at
table, which was a great rarity among the Persians, it was
divided between her and herdaughter-in-law by a knife poi-
soned on one side only ; that part which was cut oif on the
unpoisoned side of the knife was given to Parysatis ; and
she having eaten it, this encouraged Statira, without any sus-
picion, to the other part which was cut off on the poisoned
«ide of the knife; and she died of it within a few hours

BOOK Vll.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 77

after.P The loss of this his much-beloved wife greatly afflict-
ed Artaxerxes ; and therefore afterward, full discovery
having been madehow it came to pass, he banished his mother
to Babylon for it, and for some years after never saw her ;
but at length, time having mollitied his grief and resent-
ments, he permitted her again to return to court, and from
that time she made it her chief business to humour him in
every thing right or wrong, and no more crossed him in any
thing whatsoever it was that he had an inclination to do ;
and by this means she regained her interest with him, and
held it to her death. She was a most crafty woman, and of
great understanding and penetration in all affairs, and of as
great wickedness, as what is above related of her doth suf-
ficiently show.

Tissaphernes being settled in his government, and with
that enlargement of power which I have mentioned,
he began to set hard upon the Grecian cities in those ir,ax^,
parts : whereon they sent to the Lacedemonians to
pray their protection against him : and the}' being now freed
from that long war which they had with the Athenians, gladly
laid hold of this occasion of again breaking with the Persians,
and sent Thimbro into those parts with an army against
them ; which being strengthened by the conjunction of those
forces to it which Xenophon brought back from Persia, and
such others as were raised out of the Grecian cities which
he came to protect, he took the field with it against Tissa-
phernes, and wore out the time of his government in seve-
ral military actions in that country, in which he had some
few, but not great successes/

But he having kept very bad discipline in his army, and
permitted his soldiers to make great depredations on
the allies, complaint was made hereof to the Lacede- Artas'l'
monians ; whereon they sent Dercyllidas to take
charge of that war in his stead, who being an able general,
as well as a most excellent engineer, (which last he was
more particularly famous for,) he managed it with better or-
der, and much better success f and Thimbro being called
home to answer for what he was accused of, and convicted
of it, was sent into banishment for the punishment of his
crime.

Dercyllidas, after he had entered on his charge, finding
that he was not strong enough to wage war with Tissa-
phernes and Pharnabazus both together, resolved to agree
with the one of them, that thereby he might be the better

q Ctesias. Plutarclius in Artaxerxe.
r Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 3. Diodevus Siculus, lib. 14.
s Xenophon. et Diodorus, ibidem,
Vol. IL U

75 toSSEXlOS OF THE HISTORV OF [PART U

enabled (o encounter the other ; and therefore having, ac-
cording to this scheme, made peace with Tissaphernes, he
marched against Pharnabazus with all his forces, and took
from him all ^olis, and dispossessed him of several cities
besides in those parts ; whereon Pharnabazus, fearing that
he might invade Phrygia also, where was the chief seat of
his government, was glad to make a truce with him, to be
secured from his farther insults. '^

About this time Conon, by the means of Ctesias the Cni-
dian, who was chief physician to Artaxerxes, procured
peace from that king for Euagoras of Salamine, in the island
of Cyprus." This Euagoras having expelled Abdymon the
Citian out of that city, where he was governor for the Per-
sian king, set himself up in his stead, and reigned there as
king of that place many years. Conon having been one of
the generals of the Athenians at the battle of the Goats ri-
ver, as soon as he saw all was there brought to a desperate
point, made his escape with nine of the Athenian ships ; and,
having sent one of them to Athens, to acquaint his citizens
with the ill fate of the battle, fled with the rest to this Eua-
goras, with whom he had contracted a former friendship, and
there continuing with him, made use of the interest which
he had with the said Ctesias at the Persian court, to do his
friend this good office.^ For Ctesias being chief physician
to Artaxerxes (as I have already said) was much in his fa-
vour, and had a great interest with him. He was at first
physician to Cyrus his brother, and followed him to the bat-
tle in which he was slain; where, being taken prisoner, he
was made use of to cure Artaxerxes of the wounds receiv-
ed by him in that battle ; in which having well succeeded,
he was retained as chief physician in ordinary to that king,
and lived with him in that quality seventeen years. ^ While
he resided at this court, having well informed himself in the
histories of those countries, he wrote them in twenty-three
books.'' The six first of them contained an account of the
empire of the Assyrians and Babylonians, from the time of
Ninus and Scmiramis, to that of Cyrus ;* the other seven-
teen were of the affairs of Persia, from the beginning of the
reign of Cyrus, to the third year of the 95th Olympiad,
which was coincident with the year before Christ 398, the
very next immediately following after this which I now write.

t Xenophon. Hellenic. Jib. 3. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 14.
u Diodor. Sic lib. 14. Ctesias. Theopompus in Kxemptis Pholii. No. 176.
X Xenopiion. Hellenic, lib. 2. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 13. Plutarcbus in
Lysaiiilro. Cornelius Nepos in Conone. Isocrates in Euagorn.
y Plutarcbus in Artaxerxe. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2, p. 84.
z Diodorus Siculus, lib. 2, p. 84. Photius, cod. 62. Suidas in KT»r/«-
a Diodorus Siculu?, lib. 2, p. 84, and lib. 14, p. 421.

BOOK Vll.j THE QLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 7^

For here Diodorus Siculus tells us it ended.'' And he wrote
also an history of India. Out of both these Photius hath
written extracts : and these are all the remains which are
extant of his writings. He often contradicts Herodotus, and
jn some things also differs from Xenophon.*^ We find but a
poor character of him among the ancients, they generally
speaking of him as a fabulous writer f yet Diodorus Siculus
and Trogus Pompeius take most of that from him which they
have written of the Assyrian affairs ; for he having profes-
sed, that all which he wrote was taken out of the royal re-
cords of Persia, in which all transactions were, according to
a law there ordained for this purpose, faithfully registered,
this imposed on many to give him more credit than he de-
served.^ For that there were such royal records then in
Persia, in. which all the affairs and transactions of the go-
vernment were faithfully entered, was a thing well known ;
and the books of Ezra and Esther give us a testimony of
them.^ And his appealing to those records for the truth of
what he wrote, was the readiest way he could take to gain
authority thereto. While he lived in the Persian court, he
was employed by the Grecians, as their common solicitor in
most of their business which they had there depending ; and
in this quality Conon made use of him in the affair 1 have
mentioned.

This year the Athenians put Socrates to death for con-
temning their gods.s He was the father of the moral phi-
losophy of the Greeks, and a very excellent person; but
finding the theology of his countrymen too gross for a wise
man to follow, he endeavoured to reform it among his scho-
lars ; for which being accused, as one that believed not in the
gods that the city believed, and corrupted the youth, he was
condemned to death for it, and accordingly executed, being
then full seventy years old. But afterward the Atheniar)s re-
penting of it, did put all to death that had an hand in the
prosecution that was made against him.

Dercyllidas, having made the truce with Pharnabazus that
is above mentioned, marched into Bithynia, and there to^k
up his winter quarters. While he was there messengers
came to him from Lacedemon, to let him know, (hat his
command was continued for another year; and by them
he was also acquainted, that it had been desired by the Gre-
cian cities in the Thracian Chersonesus, that the isthmus

b Lib. 14, p. 421. c Photins, ibid.

d Aristotelis in Hist. Animalium, lib. 8, c. 28. Plutarch, in Artaxerxe.
e Diodor. Sic. lib. 2, p. 84. f Ezra iv. 15. Esther vi. 1.

g Diogenes Laerfius in Socrate. Plato in Apologia pro Socrate, and in
Phaidone. Diodor. Sic. li.b. 14. Stanley's Hiftory of Philosophy, part r?.
h Xenophon. Hellenico. Iib.3.

3© ceNNEXioN ep thb history of [part 1.

of that peninsula might be fortified with a wall, lo secure
them from the Thracian freebooters, who continually made
inroads upon them, and laid their lands waste, so that they
were discouraged from manuring them.

And therefore, having, the next spring, again made a

truce with Pharnabazus, he marched with his army in-
Artaq^7. to the Chersouesus or peninsula above mentioned,

and there built the wall which was desired ; within
•which he included eleven Grecian cities ; whereby they be-
ing secured from all farther ravages of the barbarians, thence-
forth safely manured their lands, and in great plenty reaped
the fruits of them.' On his return into Ionia, after this
work was tinished, he found that a company of banditti,
having fortitied the city of Atarna against him, from thence
made great depredations on the adjoining countries ; this
necessitated him to sit down in a formal siege before it, which
cost him eight months time before he could reduce it.

Pharnabazus, after his second truce with Dercyllidas,
made a journey to the Persian court, and there accused Tis-
saphernes to the king, for the peace which he had made with
Dercyllidas ; blaming him, that whereas he ought to have
joined with h.im, for the driving of those Grecians out of
Asia, he had scandalously bought a peace of them, and there-
by contributed to the maintaining of them there at the king's
expenses, and to the great damage of his affairs.'' This, no
doubt, contributed much to the creating of that suspicion in
the king of that great commander of his ; which being af-
terward increased by other causes, at length made him re-
solve on his ruin. And at the same time consultation being
had how the mischiefs which the king suffered from this in-
vasion of the Lacedemonians might be best remedied, Phar-
nabazus earnestly pressed him forthwith to equip a great fleet,
and make Conon the .Athenian, then an exile in Cyprus, ad-
miral of it, who was looked upon as the ablest coinmaiulcr
of his lime for a sea war, telling him, that hereby he would
make himself master of the seas, and that this would put
him in a condition to obstruct the passages of all iarlher re-
cruits from the Lacedemonians into Asia, which would soon
put an end to their power in those parts. iVnd Euagoras
the Cyprian having at the san\e time made the same propo-
sal, and offered his assistance in it, Arlaxerxes was prevailed
upon, by their concurrent advice, to resolve upon what they
proposed; and therefore having delivered to Pharnabazus five
hundred talents out of his treasury, he sent him with orders

i Xenophon.ibid. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 14.

k Diodorus Siculus, lib. 147, p. 41. Justin, lib. 6, c. 1. Pausanias in At-
ticis. IsOGpates in Euagora,. ct in Orationc ad Phiiippum.

HOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 81

to get ready such a fleet as he had advised, and to make Co-
non the admiral of it. And accordingly Conon had his com-
mission, and all hands were set to work on the coasts of
Phoenicia, Syria, and Cilicia, to make ready tltc ilect that was
to be put under his command.

Dercyllidas, after lie had reduced Atarna, and set a strong
garrison therein, marched into Caria, where 1 issa-
phernes had the chief seat of W\h residence' For inax^\
the Lacedemonians being made behcve, that, in case
he were attacked there, he would, for the saving of that
province, yield to all their demands, the} sent special orders
to Dercyllidas for the makir.gol this expedition, vvhereui he
had like to have lost all his army ; for Pharnabazus having
joined Tissaphernes, they marched both after him with a
great army, and soon had him at such an advantage, tliat had
they made use of it, and immediately fallen on him, they
could not have failed of cutting him and all his forces to pie-
ces. Pharnabazus was very earnest for making the assault;
but Tissaphernes, having experienced the extraordinary va-
lour of the Grecian troops that followed Cyrus to the battle
of Cunaxa, dreaded all Grecians in arms ever since, think-
ing all of that nation to be of the same valour and resolution
with those which he had encountered with at that battle,
and therefore could not be brought to hazard any conflict
with them ; but, instead of making use of the opportunity
which he had in his hands, of absolutely destro\ing them,
sent heralds to Dercyllidas, to invite him to a parie} ; in
which proposals of peace having been offered on both sides,
time was given for each to consult their piiiicipals, and in
the interim a truce was agreed on between them. And thus
Dercyllidas escaped ruin only b) the cowardice of his ene-
my, when there was nothing else that could have delivered
him from it.

One Herod, a Syracusian, being in Phoenicia, and seeing
a great many ships there anew building, and learning
that a great many more were prepaiing on all the \"ij_%'.
coasts of Phcenicia, Syria, and Cilicia, to make up a
fleet for some extraordinary expedition, and supposing it
could be only against the Greeks, he went on boaid the lirst
ship he could meet with that was bound for Greece, and
hastening to Lacedemon, informed the Lacedtmonians of
what was doing in those parts; at which news they being
terrified and much confounded, as not knov.ing what course
to take for the preventing of the mischief that was coming
upon them, Lysander proposed to them the sending Agesi-

1 Diodurus Sic. ibid. Xerophoii. Hellen. lib. 3.

82 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY ©F [PART I.

laus, who was one of their kings, into Asia, that by making a
strong assault there, he might divert the storm, wherever
else it was intended." Which advice being approved of, Age-
silaus was accordingly sent with a great augmentation of
forces into Asia, there to take upon him the command
which Dercyllidas then had, and prosecute the war with
the utmost vigour he could in those parts; and Lysan-
der, with several others of the principal Lacedemonians,
to the number of thirty in all, were sent with him, to assist
him with their counsel in this expedition." And this whole
matter was despatched with that speed and secrecy, that
Agesilaus arrived atEphesus before any of the king's officers
had the least intimation of it. So that there being no pre-
parations made to obstruct him, he took the field, as soon as
he arrived, with ten thousand foot, and four thousand horse,
and bore all before him wherever he went. Whereon Tis-
saphernes sending to him, to know for what end he came
thither, Agesilaus answered, that it was to restore the Gre-
cian cities in Asia to their liberty : hereon a parley being
appointed to treat of this matter between them, Tissaphernes
prayed a truce, till he should send to the king, and receive
his instructions what to do herein. And accordingly a truce
was agreed and sworn to on both sides. But Tissaphernes
having little regard to his oath, made no other use of this
truce, than to send to the king for more forces ; and to gain
a respite till they should arrive, was all that he intended by
it. For as soon as those auxiliaries joined him, he sent to
Agesilaus, to denounce war against him, unless he immedi-
ately left the country; at which the Lacedemonians and
confederates then present were very much concerned, as
fearing that the forces of Tissaphernes, now augmented with
his new auxiliaries, might be too much superior to be with-
stood by theirs, who scarce amounted to a fourth part of their
iiumber. But Agesilaus, not being at all moved or dismayed
thereat, with a pleasant countenance, bid the ambassadors
who came with the message, tell Tissaphernes, that he was
very much beholden to him. in that, by his perjury, he had
made the gods enemies to himself, and friends to the Grecians.
And thereon immediately drawing all his forces together, he
made a feint, as if he intended to invade Caria ; but as soon
as he understood that he had thereby drawn all the Persian
forces into that province to defend it against him, he turned
short and marched directly into Phrygia, a province of the
government of Pharnabazus, and where he had the chief

in Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 3. Plutarch, k Corn. Nep. in Agesilao.
n Plulaichus in Agesilao et Lysandro. Corn. Nepos in Agesilao. Pau-
!^anias in Laconicis. .Justin, lib. 6, c. 2. Xenophon, ibid.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 83

seat of his residence. His coming thither being wholly un-
expected, he found nothing there in a posture to resist him ;
and therefore overrun a great part of the province without
any opposition, till he came to Dascylium, the place of Phar-
nabazus's usual abode, where some of his horse meeting
with a defeat, he marched back by the sea-coast into loriia,
carried with him vast spoils gotten in this expedition, and
wintered at Ephesus.

Nephereus succeeding Psammilichus in the kingdom of
Egypt, the Lacedemonians sent to him, to solicit his
aid in their war against the Persians ; who thereon inax^^'io.
presented them with one hundred galleys for their
sea war, and six hundred thousand bushels of corn, for the
subsistence of their forces." At this time Pharax, admiral
of the Lacedemonians, held the mastery of the seas, with a
fleet of one hundred and twenty sail, who hearing at Rhodes,
where he put in, that Conon was with forty ships at Caunus,
a city of Caria, set sail thither, and besieged him in that
place. But an army of Persians coming to his succour,
Pharax was forced to raise the siege with disadvantage, and
return again to Rhodes ; whereon Conon having augment-
ed his fleet to the number of eighty sail, took the seas, and
sailed to the Doric Chersonesus : but he had not long been
there, before he was recalled by the Rhodians; for they, being
weary of the Lacedemonians, for some disorders, and inso-
lencies there committed, drove them thence, and sent for
Conon to protect them, and received him with all his fleet
into their harbour. While he was there, the ships which
were carrying Nephereus's gift of corn lo the Lacedemoni-
ans, put in at Rhodes, not knowing of the change of the
party which had been there lately made ; whereon Conon
having seized them all, plentifully furnished both his fleet,
and also that city, with the freight they were loaded with.
After this he was reinforced with ninety other ships, which
came to him from Phoenicia and Cilicia ; whereby he was
much superior to the Lacedemonians, and strong enough to
have effected all that was expected from him; but he was
hindered by the mutiny of his soldiers, occasioned by want
of pay, which they whom the king had intrusted with the
care of this matter fraudulently detained from them.

In the interim, Agesilaus, coming out of his winter quar-
ters, prepared to invade the Persians in the strongest part of
the country which they were possessed of in those parts, and
accordingly gave out his orders for his march towards Sardis.^
Tissaphernes thinking that this was intended only to deceive

p Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 3. Didor. Sic. lib. 14, p. 439. Flutarcb. et
Corn. Nepos in Agesilao.

•■» Diodor. Sic. lib. 14, p. 438. Justin, lib. 6, c. 2. Orosius. lib. 3.

IH CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OV [PART I,

him with another feint, hke that of the last year, took it that
now he really intended for Caria, because he had given out to
£;o another way, and therefore marched into that province to
defend it against hitn. But Agesiiaus, now truly acting as
he had "ivcii out. led his army into Lydia, Tissaphernes
hereon recalled his forces from their foimer route. But
Caria being a very rugged country, and untit for horse, he
had gone thither only with his foot, leaving his horse be-
hind upon the borders of that country ; and therefore, on
tlieir marching back for the relief of Lydia, the horse being
much before the foot, Agesilaus took (he advantage of fall-
inf upon the former, before the latter could come up to
their assistance; and, thereby having gotten a great victory
over them, and taken the Persian camp, he became absolute
master of the lield, and, having theron overrun all the coun-
try, brought back from thence vast spoils, with which he en-
riched both himself and all his army.

The loss of this battle very much incensed the king against
Tissaphernes, and autrmented the suspicion which he had
before conceived of him, as if he had other designs than
truly were for his master's interest ; and Conon com-
ing at this time to the Persian court, much heightened
the king's displeasure, by farther accusations which he
there brought against him.^ For the depriving the soldiers
of their pay on board Conon's fleet disabling him from do-
ing the king any service, and he having often in vain wrote
to the court of it, at length being encouraged thereto by
Pharnabazus, and having a commission from him for this pur-
pose, he went himself to the Persian court then at Babylon,
and, by the means of Tithraustes, captain of the guards, so
represented the matter to the king, as procured full redress;
and the blame of what had beeti hitherto done amiss in this
matter resting on Tissaphernes, this completed his ruin.'
For the king forthwith sent Tithraustes into the maritime
provinces of the Lower Asia, with orders to put Tissaphernes
to death, and succeed him in his government, which he ac-
cordingly executed, and sent his head to the king; of which
he made a very acceptable present to his mother, who could
never pardon him for the assistance he gave the king against
Cyrus her most beloved son.'* But this very consideration
ought to have moved Artaxerxes not to have dealt thus with
him, since to that assistance he owed both his life and his

q Diodorus, ibid. Plutarch, in Artaxerxe and .^gesilao. Xenophon, ibid.

r Cornelius Nepos in Conone. Justin, lib. 6, c. 2. Diodorus Siculus, lib.
14, p. 438, 439.

s Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 3. Diodorus, ibid. Polysenus Stratagem, lib. 7-
Plutarchus in Artaxerie and Agesilao.

BOOK VH.] iM*: OLD ASD \£\V TESTAWEA TS.

crown. But no nnerit Can be sufficient to secure any
one, either in his hfe or fortune., ^|je,.e arbitrary will and
pleasure reign without control, ana r-inces are at a full
loose to execute whatsoever their grounc-.^^g susnicions;
their extravagant humours, or their wild caprices, n..^,"^ ^!
them to. ^ ""P^

As soon asTissaphernes was cutoff, Tithraustessentto Age-
silaus, that the king having inflicted due punishment upon him
that was the cause of the war, he ought to be content with it
and return home, promising, on this condition, to grant full
liberty to the Grecian cities in Asia to live according to their
own laws, they paying their usual tribute to the king, which
was all the Lacedemonians desired when they first began
the war.* But Agesilaus, thirsting after greater conquests.,
would not hearken hereto; but, to put off the matter, re-
ferred him to the magistrates of Lacedemon, telling him he
could do nothing herein w^ithout them. However, for the
price of thirty talents paid him by Tithraustes, the storm
was diverted from his provinces, and Agesilaus ordered his
army to prepare for a march into Phrygia.

Butwhilehe wasmakingready forthis war,a newcommission
came to him from Lacedemon, whereby he was made gene-
ralissimo of their ileet, as well as of their armies, and had
all their forces in Asia, both by sea and land, put under his
command, that, by thus having the entire direction of the
whole war, he might conduct it with a gi-eater uniformity, for the
good of the state." This drew him down to the sea-coast,
to take care of the fleet: which having put in good order,
lie made Pisander, his wife's brother, admiral of it, and sent
it to sea under his command. And in this, it is certain, he
was more influenced by private affection to his brother-in-
law, or some other by-ends of his own, than i)y that due re-
gard which he ought to have had for the public good of the
s^ate ; for although Pisander were a man of valour and great
courage, yet he was, in other respects, noway adequate to
that trust, as the event afterward sufliciently proved.

Agesilaus, having thus settled the sea affairs, pursued his
designs of invading Phrygia : where having taken several
cities, and made great wastes and depredations in the pro-
vince, he passed on into Paphlagonia, being invited thither
by Spithridates, a noble Persian, who had revolted from the
king: where having made a league with Cotys, the king of
that country, and married the daughter of Spithridates to
him, he returned into Phrygia, and taking the city of Dascy-
lium, there wintered in the palace of Pharnabazus, and fed

t Xenophon, ibid. Plutarchus in Agesilao.

u Pausanias in Laconicis. Xenophon. and Plutarchus, ibid.

Vol. IL 12

8G CONXKXIOX OF THE HISTORY <>' [faRT I.

hrs army with the spoils which ^^ there got from the circum-
jacent country." * -,

Til}iraustes pep''~f ^'^^*^ Agesnaus was for carrying on the
war in Asia. *' '^'^'^''^ '^''" ^''^ni it, sent emissaries into Greece
with h'-n^ sums of money, to corrupt the leading men
j,, .le chief cities, and thereby induce them to rekindle a
war in Greece against the Lacedemonians, that so Agesilaus
might be called home to defend his own country ; which had
that elliect, that Thebes, Athens, Argos, and Corinth, with
other cities of Greece, entering into a confederacy together,
raised such a war against the Lacedemonians, as produced
all that was intended by Tithraustes in his stratagem, as will
by and by be related in its proper place. ^' And the putting
of the people of the same nation and interest together by
the ears hath elsewhere been found the most successful means
to advance the interest of a neighboring tyrant. And mo-
ney will never fail of this etlect, where there are minds cor-
rupted with vice, luxury, and irreligiun, to prepare men
for it.

in the beginning of the next spring, Agesilaus being ready to
take the tield,a parley was procured between him and
Amx^'ii. Pharnabazus; at which Pharnabazus having recited
the great services which he had done the Lacedemo-
nians in their war with the Athenians, and reproached them
with the ill requital they had returned him for it, especially
in the devastations which they had maiie in liis palace, park,
gardens, and estate, at Dascyiium, that were his own proper
inheritance : and all this being truths which could not be de-
nied, Agesilaus, and his Lacedemonian council that attended
him at the conference, were so confounded at it, that they
wanted an answer to excuse the ingratitude which they weie
charged willi.^ Flowever, to make him the best amends
they could, they made him a solemn promise, that they would
no more invade him, nor any of the provinces under his go-
vernment, as long as tliere were any else against whom they
might prosecute the war which they had with the Persian
king ; and then immediately Viithdrew out of those parts,
and thereon formed a design of invading the upper provin-
ces of Asia, and carrying the war into the very heart of the
Persian empire. But while Agesilaus was projecting this
expedition, there came messengers to him from Lacedemon,
to recall him thither.* For the Persian money having pro-

X Plutarchus in Agesilao. Xenophon. Hellenic, lib 4.

y Pausanias in Laconicis and Messenicis. Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 3.
Plutarchus in Agesilao and Artaxerxe.

z Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 4.

a Plutarchus in Agesilao &. Artaxeme. Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 4. Corn.
Nepos id Agetilao. Diodor. Sic. lib. 14, p. 441. Justin, lib. 6, c. 4.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT?, 87

cured a very strong confederacy of several of the Grecian
states and cities against thenr), they needed him at home to
defend his own country ; and accordingly he made all the
haste thither that he could, complaining, at his departure out
of Asia, that the Persians had driven him thence by thirty
tho'jsand archers, meaning so many darics, which were pieces
of gold that had the impression of an arclier upon them.
But so small a sum did not do this job: it cost the Persians
much more ; and they could not have bestowed their money
better to their own advantage ; for hereby they saved vastly
greater expenses, which otherwise they must have been at
in the war, had they not this way got rid of it. And there
are instances of other crafty princes who, by following the
same methods, have gamed the same success, and, in the way
of bribery and corruption, have done that by hundreds of
pounds in the councils of their adversaries, which they could
never bring to pass by millions in the open held.

Conon, on his return from the Persian court, having
brought money enough with him to pay the soldiers and mari-
ners of his fleet all their arrears, and supply it wiih every
thing else that was wanting, took Pharnabazus on board him,
and forthwith set sail to seek the enemy ; and finding their
whole fleet riding near Cnidus, under tlie command of Pi-
sander, he fell upon them and obtained a complete victory,
having slain Pisander himself in the fight, and taken fifty of
his ships ; which did put an end to the empire of the Lace-
demonians in those parts, and was a prelude to their losing
it every where else ; for after this it continued to decline,
till at length the overthrows which they received at Leuctra
and Mantinea put an absolute period to it.** But it is not
my purpose to treat of what was done in Greece any farther
than as the affairs of Greece interfere with what is the main
design of this history.

After this victory, Conon and Pharnabazus sailed round
the isles and maritime coasts of Asia, and took in most of
the cities which the Lacedemonians had in those parts ; only
Sestus and Abydus, two cities in the mouth of the Helles-
pont, being under the command of Dercyllidas, held out
against them ; whereon Pharnabazus assaulted them by land,
and Conon by sea; but not succeeding in the attempt, Phar-
nabazus, on the approach of winter, returned home, and
Conon was left to take care of the fleet, with orders to re-
cruit and augment it with as many ships from tlie cities oa

b 'Xenophon. Hellenic, lib 4. Justin, lib. 6, c. 3. Cornelius Nepos in-
Coiione. Diodorus Sicnlus, lib. 14, p. 441. Issocrates in Euagoia, ik. in
Oratione ad Philippum.

58 * OWKXIO.V OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

the Hellespont as he could get from them against the next
spring/

And C'onon iiaviiifr, according to this commission, gotten

ready a strong fleet of ships by the time appointed,
A^iai.^il Pharnabazus went on board of it, and sailing through

the islands, landed on Melos, the furthest of them ;
and having taken in that island, as lying convenient for the
invading of Laconia, the country of the Lacedemonians,
they from thence made a descent upon its maritime coasts,
and, having ravaged them all over, loaded their fleet with
the spoils which they there got.'^ After this Pharnabazus,
being on his return home into his province, Conon obtained
of him, to send him with eighty ships of the ^eet, and fifty
talents of money, to rebuild the walls of Athens, having made
him to understand, that nothing could conduce more to the
bringing down of the pride of the Lacedemonians, than by
this means to put x\thens again into a condition to rival their
power.® And therefore, being arrived at Piraeus, the port of
Athens, he immediately set about the work ; and having
gotten together a great number of workmen, and made all
that could be spared from on board the fleet, as well as the
people of the city, to set to their helping hand, he rebuilt
both the walls of Athens, and the walls of the port, with the
walls also called the Long \Val!s, leading from the former to
the latter, and distributed the fifty talents which he had re-
ceived from Pharnabazus among his citizens : whereby he
restored that city again to its pristine state, and may on this
account be reckoned as the second founder of it.

The Lacedemonians, being exceedingly moved at the hear-
ing of this, forthwith despatched Antalcidas, a citizen of
theirs, to Tiribazus, then governor for the Persian king at
Sardis, to propose terms of peace. And the confederates,
on the other hand, on notice hereof, sent their ambassadors
thither also, and, ainong them, Conon was one from the city
of Athens. The terms which Antalcidas proposed were,
that the king should have all the Grecian cities in Asia, and
that all the rest, both in the isles and in Greece, should be
restored to their liberty, and be governed by their own laws/
Which being a peace that would be very advantageous to the
l<ing, and very disadvantageous and dishonourable to the
Greeks in general, none of the other ambassadors would
consent to it. And therefore they all returned without ef-
fecting any thing, excepting Conon. For the Lacedemonians

c Xenophon Hellenic, ill). 4. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 14, p. 441.
d Xenophon. k, Diodor. Sic. iljid.

e Corn. Nepos in Conone. Plutarch, in Agesilao. Justin, lib. 6, c 6.
Isocrates in Euagora. Xenoph. &. Diodor. ibid. I'ausanias in Atticis.
9 Xenopli. Hellenic, lib. 4. Plutarch, in Age«ilao.

nooK vn.] THE old and new testaments. 89

bearing an implacable spite to bim for what he had done in
the restoration of Athens, accused him of purloining the
king's money for the carrying on of that work, and also of
having designs for the taking of iEolis and Ionia from the
Persians, and subjecting them again to the Alhenian slate ;
whereon Tiribazus clapped him in chains, and then, going
to the Persian court to communicate to the king the pro-
ceedings of this treaty, he acquairited him also of the ac-
cusation which he had received against Coi o:i :§ hereon
Conon being ordered to be brought to Susa, was there put to
death by the king's command.^

While Tiribazus was attending the court, Struthas was
sent down from thence to take care of the maritime
coasts of Asia; where, finding the great devastations Anax.^il
which the Lacedemonians had made in those parts,
he conceived from hence such an aversion against them as
carried him wholly over to the Athenian side.' Whereon
the Lacedemonians sent Thimbro again into Asia to renew
the war there ; but they not being able at that tim.e to fur-
nish him with strength sufficient for the undertaking, he was
soon cut olf by the superior power of the Persians, and all
his forces broken and dissipated. After him Dephridas came
thither to gather up the remains of this army, and carry on
the war ; and after him others were sent with the same com-
mission. But all tdeir doings in A^ia, after the battle of
Cnidus, were only as the faint struggling* of a dying power;
and therefore they were forced at length to give up all there,
when they could no longer hold it, by a treaty of peace,
which was very disadvantageous, as well as very dishonoura-
ble to all that were of the Grecian name.

And therefore Artaxerxes, being in a manner almost wholly
eased of the Grecian war, turned his whole power
against Euagoras king of Cyprus, and began a war Arui'x.^iV.
against him which he had long desiijncd, but was not
till now at leisure to prosecute it.'' How Euagoras seized
Salamine, by expelling the Persian governor, and made him-
self king of that city, and procured, by the means of Conon,
to be confirmed herein by Artaxerxes, I have already given
an account. But Euagoras, being a man every way qualified
for great undertakings, in a little time so enlarged his
strength and his power, that he made himself in a manner
king of the whole islaiid o.' Cyprus. The Amathusiafis, the
Solians, and the Citians, were those only that held out against

g Xenoph. ibid. Di>id. Sic. lib. 14, p. 442. Corn. Nepos in Conone.

h Corn. Nepos, ibid. Isocrates in Panegyrico.

i Xenoph. ibid. Diodor. Sic. lib. 14, p. 447.

k Isocrates in Euagora. Diodor. Sic. lib. 1-5, p. 458.

90 CONNEXIOiN OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

him ; and Artaxerxes, becoming jealous of the growing pow-
er of this active and wise prince, first countenanced them
herein, and afterward openly embraced their cause, and
declared war against Euagoras ; in which Isocrates tells us
he expended above fifty thousand talents, which may be reck-
oned at ten millions sterling.

The Athenians, notwithstanding the alliance they now
had with the Persians, and the benefits they had lately
An. 390. rg(.gjvg(j from them, would not deny their assistance
to Euagoras, who had much befriended them, espe-
cially in the kind reception which those who fled withConon
from the battle of the Goats river had found with him ;' and
perchance their resentments against the king, for the death
of that gallant Athenian their restorer, did not a little move
them to this resolution. And therefore they forthwith
equipped ten ships of war, and sent them to the aid of Euago-
ras, under the command of Philocrates. But a fleet which the
Lacedemonians had at sea, under the command of Telautias
the brother of Agesilaus, falling in with them in the isle of
Rhodes, took them all ; whereby it came to pass, that those
who were enemies to the king of Persia, destroyed those
who were going from his friends to make war against him.
Achoris succeeding Psammitichus in the kingdom of
Egypt, Euagoras drew him also and the Barceans, a
Amx ^16 p^'ople of L) bia, into a confederacy with him against
the Persians ; and all of them engaged in conjunc-
tion tof^ether, to carry on the war with vigour against them."
I'hilocrates having miscarried in his attempt of carrying
succours to Euagoras, in manner as hath been re-
An. 3^?. jatgd^ the Athenians sent Chabrias into the same ser-
vice Tith another fleet, and a good number of land
forces on board of it ; who arriving safe in Cyprus, managed
the war with that success, that he reduced the whole island
under the power of Euagoras, before he again left it ; which
redounded much to the honour of his own conduct, and also
to that of the Athenian arms."

The Lacedemonians finding themselves hardly pressed
by the confederacy of the Grecian cities against
Anax ^is' t'i«m, because desirous of a peace with the Persian
king, appointed Antalcidas again to treat with Tiriba-
zus about it; and resolving to make it on such terms as
should necessarily engage that potent monarch on their side,
instructed their ambassador accordingly ; and having made
him admiral of their fleet, under that blind, sent him with it

I Xenoplioii. Hellenic, lili. 4.

mTlieopompus in Excerptis Photii. Diod. Sic. lib. 15, p. 4o9.

II Cornelius .Nepos in Ctiabria. Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 5.

hOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 91

into Asia to transact this matter. On his arrival at Ephesus,
having appointed Nicolochus his lieutenant to take care of
the fleet, he went to Sardis, and there communicated to Tiri-
bazus the commission on which he was sent.' But Tiriba-
zus having no powers to enter into such a treaty, instead of
sending for orders about it from the Persian court, they both
went thither, where, on their arrival, the matter was soon con-
cluded. For Artaxerxes being at that time as much desirous
of a peace as the Lacedemonians, that so he might be the
better at leisure to prosecute the Cyprian war, which he had
then his heart much set upon, greedily accepted of the pro-
posal upon the scheme which Antaicidas offered. And ac-
cordingly peace was made thereupon. The terms of it
were, that all the Grecian cities in Asia, with the islands of
Clazomnas and Cyprus, should be under the power of the
Persian king; and that all the other cities of Greece, and
the isles, as well small as great, should be free, and wholly
left to be governed by their own laws, except the islands of
Scirus, Lemnus, and Imbrus, which having been anciently
subject to the Athenians, should still continue so to be ; and
that Artaxerxes should join with the Lacedemonians, and all
others that accepted of this peace, to make all the rest of
Greece submit thereto. p Which peace, being ratified under
the seal of king Artaxerxes, Tiribazus and Antaicidas re-
turned with it, and caused it to be proclaimed in all the cities
of Greece. Hereby the Grecian cities in Asia, iinding them-
selves betrayed by the Lacedemonians, were forced to submit ;
and scarce any other of tlie Grecian slates were pleased there-
with, it being very disadvantageous to many of tl.em, and
dishonourable to all. The Athenians and Thebaii<, of all
others, were the most dissatisfied with it. But not being able
alone to cope with the Persians, now joined with the Lace-
demonians their allies to see it executed, were forced for a
while to acquiesce therein. And it was not long that the La-
cedemonians themselves were well pleased with it; butal this
time being pressed on the one hand by the Persians, and on
the other hand by the confederacy of the Grecian cities
against them, and not being able to withstand both, they had
no other way to extricate themselves from the ruin which
seemed to threaten them, than by making this peace ; for
hereby they engaged the Persians into an alliance with them,
and, by virtue thereof, made all the confederated cities of

o Xenophon Hellenic, lib. 5. Plutajchus in Agesilao et Artaxerxe. Isoc-
rates in Panathenaico. Diod. Sic. lib. 14, p. 452, 453. Justin, lib. 6, c. G.

p The city of Clazomenae then stood on an island, but afterward that
island was joined to the continent in the same manner as were the islands of
Tyrus and Pharus. Strabo, lib. 1, p. 08.

92 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pAKT I.

Greece desist from that war which they were preparing
against them ; and by (his means they saved themselves from
the present danger; but, at the same time, they betrayed
the common interest of Greece, and also their own, as far
as it was involved in it. And Antalcidas at last met wi.th
his ruin from it; for the Lacedemonians, after the blow they
had received from the Thebans at Leuctra, needing the as-
sistance of the Persian power to support them, and being
made believe that Antalcidas could do every thing at that
court since the making of this peace, sent him thither to
solicit for money to help to bear them up in that distress.
But king Artaxerxes finding his interest noway concerned in
this proposal, as it was in the former, rejected it with scorn
and contempt. Vnd therefore being sent away without
success, either out of shame for being thus disappointed, or
out of fear of the resentments of his fellow-citizens for his
failing in this negotiation of what they expected from it, he
famished himself, and so put an end to his life. This peace
Polybius,"" Trogus Pompeius,' Diodorus Siculus,*^ and Strabo,"
tell us, was made in the same year that Rome was taken
by the Gauls. It was called, from the author of it, the peace
of Antalcidas ; but it was not with any honour, but rather
with infamy to his name, because of the prejudice and dis-
honour which it brought with it to all Greece.

The Athenians, on their accepting of this peace, were

forced to call home Chabrias out of Cyprus ; and
Aruix ^19 Artaxerxes, now freed of all trouble from the Greeks,

bent his whole force against Euagoras, king of that
island.'' For having drawn together an army of three hun-
dred thousand men, and a fleet of three hundred sail, he
made Gaus. the son of Tamus, (who hath been before spoken
of,) admiral of the fleet, and Orontes, one of his sons-in-law,
general of the army, and Tiribazus generalissimo over both,
and sent them to invade Cyprus : and accordit)gly they land-
ed this great army on that island, for the reducing of it.
Euagoras being pressed with so great a power, strengthened
himself for the war the best he could, having drawn into con-
federacy with him the Egyptians, Lybians, Arabians, Ty-
rians, and other nations, who were (hen at enmity with the
Persians; and with his money, of which he had amassed a
vast treasure, he hired a great number of mercenaries out of
all places wherever he could get them; which altogether
made a very numerous army. And he also got together a
considerable fleet of ships. These at first he sent out in par-

q riutarchus in Artaxerxe. r Lib. 1.

s Justin, lib. 6, c. 6. t Lib. 4.

u Lib. 6. X Diodorus Siculus, hb. 15.

LOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 93

lies to intercept the tenders and victuallers, which brought
provisions to the Persian armj from the continents ; which
in a few days reduced them to that distress, that the soldiers
mutinied and slew many of their oliicers and commanders,
for their want of bread. For the remedying of this, their
whole fleet was forced to set to sea to fetch provisions from
Cilicia ; whereby the army being plenlifuliy supplied, an end
was put to the mutiny. In the interim Euagoras received
a great supply of corn from Egypt, and fifty sail of ships,
which with others that he fitted up at home, making up his
fleet to two hundred sail, he adventured with them to engage
the whole naval force of the Persians, though in strength and
number much superior to him. He had fought a part of the
Persian army, and gained the victory, and, being flushed with
this'and some other advantages which he had obtained at land,
he was emboldened hereby to make this attempt upon them
by sea. But here he had not the same success. In the first
onset he had the advantage, and took or destroyed several of
their ships. But Gaus at length having brought up his whole
fleet into the fight, his valour and his conduct bore ail before
him, and drove Euagoras out of the seas, with the loss of the
greatest part of his fleet. With the remainder he escaped
to Salamine, where the Persians, after this victory, shut fiini
up in a close siege both by sea and land ; and Tiribazus went
to the Persian court with the news of this success, and, ha-
ving there obtained two thousand talents for th.e use of the
army, he returned with them farther to carry on the war.
During his absence, Euagoras, to relieve himself in the dis-
tress he was reduced to, got through the enemy's fleet in the
night with ten ships, and sailed for Egypt, leaving Protagoras
his son to manage all alFairs in his absence. His end in this
voyage was to engage xAchoris to join his whole power with
him for the raising of this siege.

But failing in the main of what he there expected,^ he
was sent back only with some supplies of money,
which were far short of what he needed to relieve A^."as.^2o.
him in his present distress ; and therefore being re-
turned to Salamine, and got again into the place, by the fa-
vour of the night, in the same manner as he came out, and
finding himself deserted by his allies, and destitute of all
other helps for the raising of the siege, he sent to Tiribazus
to treat of peace; but could be allowed no other terms than
to be divested of all that he had in Cyprus, excepting the
city of Salamine only, and to hold that of the king, as a ser-
vant of his lord, and pay him tribute for it. However, con-

y Diodorus Siculus, lib. 15.

Vol. 1L 13

Si rONNKXlOX OF THE UISTORV OF [I'ART J.

sideling the noccssity of liis airair?,he yielded to all this, ex-
cepting only the holding of Salamine as a servant under his
lord; he desired it might be as a king under a king. But
Tiribazus, not consenting to this, the war went on. In the
mean time Orontes, who commanded the land army, not
>)rooking the superiority which Tiribazus had over him, as
being generalissimo, and having the chief conduct of the
■whole war, and envying also tlie success which he had in
it, and the honour which ho had gotten thereby, wrote se-
cretly calumniating letters to the king, accusing him of hav-
ing secret designs against the king's interest, and that for this
purpose he held private correspondence with the Lacede-
monians, and had causelessly procrastinated the war, and ad-
mitted a treaty v/ith Euagoras, when it was in his power to
have suppressed him by force, and, by courting the atiection
of the otlicers and commanders of tlie army, had engaged
them all to him, foi- the promoting of his hidden purposes :
\vhereon he was taken into custody by order from the king,
and sent prisoner to the court, and Orontes had the chief
comiTiand conferred on him ; which was the thing he desired,
as what he thought belonged to him, much rather than to the
other, as being the king's son-in-law. But the army being
very much dissatisfied with the change, things went very
heavily on under his conduct ; for all his orders, through this
discontent of the soldiery, were very negligently executed,
and the enemy recovered courage and strength hereby ; so
that at length Orontes was forced to renew the treaty with
Euagoras for which he had accused his predecessor, and con-
cluded it upon terms which the other had refused : for he
consented that he should hold Salamine of the king of Per-
sia, as king of that city, yielding only tribute to him for it.
So peace was made with Euagoras. But this did not put an
end to the war in those parts : for Gaus taking ill the unjust
usage of Tiribazus, whose daughter he had married, and fear-
ing that this affinity might involve him also in the same pro-
secution, he entered into a confederacy with the Egyptians
and the Lacedemonians, and revolted from the king, and a
great part both of the fleet and army joined with him here-
in.^ The Lacedemonians entered gladly into this confede-
racy, because of the dislike which they now had of the peace
of Antalcidas. For by this time, discerning all the disad-
vantages of it, especially the ill consequence which it had in
alienating the atTections of all the other Greeks from them,
because of the dishonour, as well as the damages, which it
brought with it to all the Grecian name, they would, for the
redeeming of this fault, and the recovery of the credit which
7. DiodoFUS Siculus, lib. 15.

BOOK VIl.] THE OLD AM5 NEW TiiSTAMENT^. 95

they lost by it, have gladl}' laid hold of this opportunity of
again renewing the war with the Persians. But Gaus the
next year after, when he had brought his matters in some
measure to bear, being treacherously slain by some that
were under him, and Tachos, who set himself up to carry on
the same design, soon dying, the whole of it fell to nothing,
and after this the Lacedemonians no more meddled with the
Asian affairs.

Artaxerxes, having thus tinished the Cyprian war, led an
army of three hundred thousand foot, and ten thou-
sand horse against the Cadusians.^ But the country, J^^^x.^.
by reason of its barrenness, not affording provisions
enough to feed so large an army, he had like to have lost
them all for want thereof, but that Tiribazus extricated
him from this danger. lie followed the king in this ex-
pedition, or rather was led with the court in it as a prisoner,
being in great disgrace because of Orontes's accusation, and
having received inforntation, that whereas the Cadusians had
two kings, they did not act in a thorough concert together, by
reason of the jealousy and mistrust which they had of each
other, but that each led and encamped his forces apart from
the other, he proposed to Artaxerxes the bringing of them
to submission by a treaty ; and, having undertaken the
management of it, he went to one of the kings, and sent his
son to the other, and so ordered the matter, that making
each of them believe that the other was treating separately
with the king, brought both separately to submit to him, and
so saved him and all his army. These people inhabited
some part of the mountainous country wliich lies between
the Euxine and the Caspian seas, to the north of Media,''
xthere they, having neither seed-time i)or harvest, lived
mostly upon apples, and pears, and other such tree-fruits;
the land, by reason of its ruggcdness, and unfertility, not
being capable of tillage.'^ And this was that which brought
the Persians into such distress when they invaded them,
the country not being capable of affording provisions for
so great an army. Fuli'jr hath a conceit that these Cadu-
sians were the descendants of the Israelites of the ten tribes,
which the kings of Assyria carried captive out of the land
of Canaan •,'^ but his reason for it being only, that he thinks
they were called Cadusians, from the Hebrew word Kedu-
shini, which signifieth holy people, this is not foundation
enough to build such an assertion upon. It would have been
a better argument for this purpose, had he urged for it, that

a Plutarchtis in Artaxerxe. Diodorus Sicnlns, lili. 15, p. 462

b Slrabo, lib 11, p. 507, -'.OS, 510, 523, c24.

r Plutarchws in Aitaverxo. d Miscell. lib,3, c. 5.

96 OeNKEXIOX OF THE HISTORY OF [pART I.

llie Colcliians and neighbouring nations are said anciently
lo have used circumcision ; for not far from the Colchians
was the country of the Cadusians.®

Arlaxerxes lost a great number of men in this ill-project-
ed expedition; among others who perished in it was Ca-
missares, by nation a Carian. and a very gallant man. He
was governor of Lenco-Syria, a province lying between
Cilicia and Cappadocia ; and was, on his death, succeeded
th.erein by Datames, his son, who was also with Artaxerxcs in
this expedition, and did him great service in it, for the re-
ward of which he had his father's government conferred on
him. He was for valour and military skill the Hannibal of those
times. Cornelius Nepos hath given us his life at large; by
which it appears no man ever exceeded him in stratagems of
war, or in the valour and activity by which he executed
them. But these eminent qualities raised that envy against
him in the Persian court, as at last caused his ruin ; as
it hath been the fate of too many gallant men to have been
thus undone by their own merit.

On the king's return to Susa, the service which Tiriba-
zus did him in this expedition procured him a fair hearing
of his cause ; and it having been thoroughly examined before
indifferent judges appointed by the king for it, he was
found innocent and honourably discharged; and Orontcs,
his accuser, was condemned of calumny, and with disgrace
banished the court, and put out of the king's favour for it.*^

Artaxerxes, being now freed from all other wars, resol-
ved on the reducing of the Egyptians; they having
Arta'x"28. freed themselves from the yoke of the Persians, and
stood out in revolt against them now full thirty-
six years ; and accordingly he made great preparations
for it.^ Achoris, foreseeing the storm, provided against it
the best he could, having armed not only his own subjects,
but drawn also a great number of Greeks and other merce-
naries into his service, under the command of Chabrias the
Athenian. Pharnabazus, having the care of this war commit-
ted to his charge, sent ambassadors to Athens, to make com-
plaint against Chabrias for engaging in this service against
the king, threatening them with the loss of the king's friend-
ship, unless he were forthwith recalled. And at the same
time he demanded Iphicrates, another Athenian, and the
ablest general of his time, to be sent to him, to take on him
the command of the mercenary Greeks in the Persian army
for this war. The Athenians, at that time much depending

e TIerodoluS; lil). 2. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 1.

1" Diodorus Siciiliis, p. '1(53.

g Diodorus Siculus, lib. 15, p. 471. Corn. N«pos in Cliabria ct Ipliirrate

r.OOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 97

on the favour of the Persian king for the supporting of their
affairs at home, amid the broils which they had with the
other cities of Greece, readily complied with both these de-
mands ; for they immediately recalled Chabrias, setting
him a day for his return, and at the same time sent Iphicra-
tes into the Persian army, to take on him the charge he was
designed for. On his arrival, he having mustered his men,
applied himself to exercise them in all the arts of war; in
which he made them so expert, that thenceforth, under the
name of Iphicratesian soldiers, they became as famous among
the Greeks, as formerly the Fabian were among the Ro-
mans for the same reason. And they had time enough
before they entered on action, to grow up hereto, by the in-
struction that was given them.

For the Persians being very slow in their preparations,
it was two years after ere the war commenced.
In the interim died Achoris, king of Egypt, and was Arwx.'tg.
succeeded by Psammuthis in that kingdom, who
reigned only one year.^

After Psammuthis, reigned in Egypt Nepherites,'' the last
of the IVlendesian race in that kingdom : for, affer a
reign of four months, he was succeeded by Nee- ^"^^Jsg.
tanabis, the first of the Sebennite race, who reigned
twelve years.

Artaxerxes, that he might the easier get Grecian auxilia-
ries for his Egyptian war, sent ambassadors into Greece, to
put an end to all war there ; requiring that all the ditTerent
states and cities in that country should live in peace with
each other, upon the terms of the peace of Antalcidas ; and
that all garrisons being withdrawn, all should be left to enjoy
their liberty, and be governed according to their own laws.
This proposal was readily accepted by all the cities of
Greece, excepting the Thebans, who having then in view (he
gaining the empire over all, were the only Grecian people
that refused to comply herewith.

All things being now ready for the Egyptian war, the Per-
sian army was all drawn together at Ace, after-
ward called Ptolemais, and now x\con, in Palestine, Aia^x.^r.i!
and were there mustered to be two hundred thou-
sand Persians, under the command of Pharnabazus, and twenty
thousand Grecian mercenaries, under the command of Iphi-
crates : and their forces by sea Vv'ere proportionable here-
to ; for their fleet consisted of three hundred galleys,'and two
hundred ships, besides a vast number of victuallers and
tenders, which followed, to furnish both the fleet and army

5 Euseb. in Chronico. Syncellus, p. 25T. b Euseb. in Cbronico,

98 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [I'ART I.

with all things nrccssary.' At the same time the army march-
ed by land, the fleet set also to sea, that so they might the
better act in concert with each other, for the carrying on of
the war. The first attempt which they made was upon Pc-
lusium. Their design was to besiege it by sea and land ;
but the Persians having h6en long in preparing for this war,
gave Nectanabis time enough to provide for the defence of
the place ; which he did so effectually, that they could not
come at it either by land or sea. And therefore their fleet,
instead of making a descent at this place, as was first intend-
ed, sailed from thence to the Mendesian mouth of the Nile ;
for that river then discharged itself into the Mediterranean
by seven mouths (though now there are but two,'^) each of
which was guarded by a fortress and a garrison ; but the
Mendesian mouth not being so well fortified against them as
the Pelusian, because thcj were not here expected, they
easily landed at this place, and as easily took the fortress
which guarded it, destroying all those who were there set for
its defence. After this action Iphicrates advised that they
should immediately have sailed up the Nile to Memphis, the
capital of Egypt. And had they followed his advice, before
the Egyptians had recovered from the consternation which
this powerful invasion, and the first success thereof, had put
them into, they would have found the place wholly unprovi-
ded for its defence, and therefore must have certainly taken
it, and with it all Egypt must again have fallen under their
power. But the main of the army not being yet come up,
Pharnabazus would not engage till he had gotten all his
strength together, thinking that then his power would be in-
vincible, and he must necessarily carry all before him. But
Iphicrates, rightly judging, that by that time the opportunity
would be lost, pressed hard for leave to attempt the place
with the mercenaries only that were under his command.
But Pharnabazus envying him the honour which would re-
dound to him from hence, should he succeed in the enter-
prise, would not hf'arkcn to the proposal. In the interim,
the Egyptians having gotten all their forces together, and
put a sutncient guard into Memphis, with the rest took the
field, and so harassed the Persians, that they kept them from
making any farther progress, till at length, the Nile in its pro-
per season, overflowing all the country, forced them to with-
draw again into Phccnicia, with the loss of a great part of
their army.' And so this expedition, in which were ex-

i Diod. Sic lib. 15, p. 478. Corn.Nepos in Iphicrate.
k 'J'iiat is, Damietta and Rosetta

1 The nature of tiiis river is, to be six months rising, and six month*
falling; and when ills at the height, it doth for two months together over-

BOOK Vll.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 99

pended such vast sums of treasure, and so much time in pre-
paring for it, all miscarried, and came to nothing. This
produced great dissensions between the two generals ; for
Piiarnabazus, to excuse himself, laid the whole blame of this
miscarriage upon Iphicrates ; and Iphicrates, with much
more reason, on Pharnabazus. But Iphicrates being aware
that Pharnabazus would be believed before him at the Per-
sian court, and remenibciing the case of Conon, that he might
not meet with the like fate, privately hired a ship, and got
safely away to Athens. Hereon Pharnabazus sent ambas-
sadors after him, to accuse him of making this expedition
into Egypt miscarry ; to which the Athenians gave onl_y this
answer, that, if he were found guilty of this, they would pu-
nish him for it according to his demerit. But it seems they
were so far convinced of his innocency as to this matter, that
they never called him to atrial for it; and a little while
after they made him sole admiral of their whole fleet.

That which made most of the expeditions of the Persians
under this empire miscarry, was their slownes-s in the exe-
cution of their designs. For the generals Itaving nothing
left to their own discretion, but being in all things strictly
tied up to orders, durst not proceed on any emergency
without instructions from court; and usually, before these
could arrive, the opportunity was lost. And this was signal-
ly the case in this war. And therefore Iphicrates perceiv-
ing Pharnabazus to be very o,uick in his resolves, and very
slow in the execution of them, and having thereon asked
him how it came to pass that he was so forward in his words,
and so backward in his actions ? had the whole truth told
him in this memorable answer, That his words were his own,
but his actions wholly depended on his master.™ And many
like instances may be given wherein noble opportunities
of acting great things for the good of the public have been
wholly lost, by too strailly tying up the hands of those who
are to execute them.

The same year that these things were done in Egypt,

flow the whole country, and then there is no marching or encamping of an
army in any part of it. This is caused by (he rains, which for six months
together fall in the upper parts of Etliiopia, wliere (he rise of (be Nile is.
The.se rains begin to fall in April, and continue till October, and send great
floods into the Nile ; which beginning to reach Egypt in (he May tollowing,
do there cause this rising or increase of the Nile, which from thence con(i-
nues to rise higher and higher, till the beginning of October following, and
then it again falls in the same gradual manner as it rose, till (he April fol-
lowing. The months of (he overflow are August and Sep(ember, and some
part of October. It must rise sixteen cubits to make a fertile year ; but
sometimes it riseth (o twenty-three. If it riseth no higher than twelve or
thirteen cubits, a famine followeth in that country.
m Diodor. Sic. lib. 15, p. 478.

lOO CDNXEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART r.

Euagoras, king of Salamine, in the island of Cyprus, being
murdered by one of his eunuchs, Nicocles his son reigned in
his stead, and is the same for whose sake two of Isocrates's
orations were composed, and they still bear the title of his
nanne." In the tirst of these is proposed the duty of a king
to his subjects; in the second the duty of subjects to their
kings ; for which Nicocles gave him twenty talents," that is,
three thousand seven hundred and tifty pounds sterling.
The next year after,P which was the thirty-second of Ar-
taxerxes Mnemon, Joiada the high- priest of the
Am^x?32. Jews being deadj^i Johanan his son, called also Jona-
than,"^ succeeded him in his office, and held it thirty-
two years.

Artaxerxes again sent ambassadors into Greece to exhort
the states and cities, which were there at war with
Artoxf 34. each other, to lay down their arms, and come to an
accord upon the terms of the peace which he had
made with Aiitaicidas.^ All expressed a readiness to submit
hereto, except the Thebans. Ihat which made them at that
time dissent was, that by that peace it was provided, that all
the cities of Greece should be lelt to enjoy their own liber-
ties, and be governed according to their own laws. Upon
this article, the Lacedemonians pressed the Thebans to set
all the cities of Breotia free, and to rebuild Plateaand Thes-
pia, two cities of that country which they had demolished,
and restore them again to the former inhabitants, with the
territories appertaining to them. And on the other side,
the Thebans, retorting upon the Lacedemonians the same ar-
gument, pressed them to permit all the towns of Laconia to
enjoy their liberties, and restore Messena to its ancient own-
ers : for they urged, that the articles of the peace insisted on
did as much require the one as the other; and that there-
fore, if the Lacedemonians would not execute this article on
their part, neither would they on theirs. But the Lacede-
monians, not being sutliciently humbled by the loss of their
fleet at Cnidus, would not understand this way of arguing,
but looking on themselves still as much superior to the
Thebans, would have them submit to that which they
would not do themselves ; and therefore sent an army against
them, to force theni to it, which produced the battle at Leuc-
tra, in which the Lacedemonians were overthrown, with the
loss of Cleombrotus, one of their kings, and above four

n Aristotelis Politic, lib. 5, c. 10. Tiicopompus in Bihliotlieca Pliotii,
No. 176.

o Plutarch, in Vita [socratis. p Chronicon. .Alcxandrin.

(j Nehemiah xii. 22; xiii.28. r Nelietniah .Nii. li.

s Diodor. Sic. lib. 15, p. 483. Xcnoph. Hellenic, lib. 6.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 101

thousand of their citizens : which was the greatest blow they
had received in many ages past:* for it brought the The-
bans, in pursuit of this victory, into Laconia, which they
wasted all over, even home to the city of Lacedemon itself,
where they had not seen an enemy in five hundred years
before ; and it was with difliculty that they preserved this
their capital from falling under the same devastation.

The Lacedemonians being brought to this distress, sent
Agesilaus into Egypt, and Antalcidas to the Persian
court, to solicit for succours." But the Lacedemo- l"tax°'35
nians, since their overthrow at Leuctra, becoming
contemptible to the Persians, Antalcidas had that ill success
in his embassy, as caused him to put an end to his life, in the
manner as hath been above related.

However, this embassy prevailed so far with Artaxerxes,
that Philiscus of Abydus was, by his order, the next
year after, sent into Greece, to endeavour the com- A",^x!'g6,
posing of the wars, which were there risen, and the
bringing of all to peace upon the terms agreed on by Antal-
cidas.^ But the Lacedemonians refuiing to consent that Mes-
sena should enjoy its liberty (to which it had been restored
by the Thcbans, in their late expedition into Peloponnesus,
after the battle of Leuctra,) and the Thebans refusina^ to
come to peace on any other terms, this embassy ended with-
out any effect ; only Philiscus, thinking the Thebans stood
upon too high terms, and being much offended thereat, sent to
the assistance of the Lacedemonians two thousand mercena-
ries, which he had raised with the king's money, and so re-
turned.

The truth of the case was, the Thebans, being elevated
with their late success, and much confiding in their
two generals, Pelopidas and Epaminondas (the latter ^"Ui%
of which was one of the greatest men that ever
Greece produced,) aimed now at nothing less than the empire
of Greece. And therefore, to strengthen themselves for the
obtaining of it, they sent Pelopidas and Ismenias, two of the
eminentcst of their citizens, in an embassy to king Artaxerxes,
to secure him on their side.^ And, on the hearing of this
the A.thenians sent Timagoras and Leontes, and the other
cities of Greece other ambassadors, to take care of their
respective interests at that court on this occasion. At their
admission to audience, they being required to adore the king,

t Diodor. Sic. lib. J5. Xenoph. ibid. Plutarch, iii Pelopida. Corn. Nepos
in Epaminonda et Pelopida. %
u Plutarch, in Agisilao et Artaxerse.

sr Xenoph. Hellenic, lib. 7. Diodorus Siculus,lib. 15, p. 494.
y Plutarch, in Pelopida et Artaserse. Xenophon. Hellenic, lib. 7

Vol. II. 14

f02 fcONNEXieN OF THE HISTQRV OF [PART ?v

Asmenias, on his entrance into the presence of the king, drop-
ped his ring, and, stooping to take it up, thought by this trick
to satisfy the ceremonial, and save his honour at the same
time. But Timagoras the Athenian, to gain the greater fa-
vour with Artaxerxes, directly, without any trick or subterfuge,
paid him that ceremony of adoration which was required; for
which he was put to death on his return, the Athenians think-
ing the honour of their whole city sullied by this low act of
submission in one of their citizens, though made to the great-
est of kings/ Pelopidas and Leontes would iK>t submit to-
the Persianceremonialin this particular. However, they often
had free access to the king, and Pelopidas, by the fame of
his great actions, as well as by his noble demeanour at this
court, got that ascendant above all the other ambassadors,
both in the king's esteem and favour, that he obtained all
that he desired in behalf of his citizens, and returned with
full success from his embassy ; for he brought back letters
from the king under his seal royal, whereby it was required,
that the Lacedemonians should let Messena be free, and
that the Athenians should recall their fleet, and that all
the other cities of Greece should have the full enjoy-
ment of their liberties ; and war was threatened against
all that should not comply herewith.* The success of this
embassy was much to the satisfaction of the Thebans, they
thinking hereby most certainly to gain the superiority over
all the other cities and states of Greece. For, should
the peace be accepted of on these terms, and the Mes-
senians thoroughly restored, the Lacedemonians would lose
one half of their territory, and thereby would be brought
too low to be any more a match for them ; and, should the
other cities of Greece, as well small as great, be all set at
liberty, and made distinct states, free and independent of
each other, this would so divide their power, that none of
them would be in a condition to contend with them, but all
must submit to them. And if the peace were not accepted
of, then the king being engaged in this case to join with them
to force all to it, they thought, by this addition of strength,
they should easily overpower all, and thereby gain to them-
selves the same empire over the rest of Greece, as fust the
Athenians, and afterward the Lacedemonians, had for some
time enjoyed. But they failed of their expectations in both
these particulars ; for the cities of Greece, when met toge-
ther by their delegates to hear the contents of the king's let-
ters, ail refused to swear to the peace on those terms; and
Artaxerxes, not being at leisure to execute the other part of

•r. Valerius Maximus, lib. 5, c. 3.

a Plu(apcli. in Felopida. Xenophon. Hellenic. Iil>. 7.

liVOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 103

the treaty, did not, on this refusal of the Grecian cities to
come into his measures, proceed to make that war upon
them which he threatened ; and so this whole embassy came
to nothing, and the Thebans failed of all (hat they designed
by it. For,

All that Artaxerxes did hereupon was to send another em-
bassy into Greece, about two years after ; whereby,
although he could not draw all the cities to subscribe Artax.^%.
to his terms, and swear to the peace upon them, yet
he prevailed so far, that all laid down their arms, and sub-
mitted to be at quiet with each other on the scheme pro-
posed.^

About this time a wicked fact of Johanan the high-priest
of the Jews brought a great oppression upon the temple at
Jerusalem. For Jeshua his brother having much insinuated
himself into the favour of Bagoses, then governor of Syria
and Phoenicia for the Persian king, obtained of him a grant
of the high-priesthood with which Johanan had been invest-
ed several years, and came with this grant to Jerusalem, to
take possession of the office, and depose his brother from it.
But Johanan not submitting hereto, the matter came to a
great contention between them ; and while the one endea-
voured by force to enter on the execution of the office, and
the other by force to keep him from it, it happened that
Johanan slew Jeshua in the inner court of the temple ;
which was a very wicked act in itself, but aggravated and
rendered much more so by the great proAination which was
brought hereby on the holy place where it was"committed.
Bagoses hearing of this, came in great wrath to Jerusalem,
to take an account of the fact; and when, on his going into
the temple to see the place where it was perpetrated, they
would have hindered his entrance (all Gentiles being reckon-
ed by them as impure, and prohibited to enter thither,
he cried out with great indignation. What! am I not more
pure than the dead carcass of him whom ye have slain in the
temple? Whereon entering without any farther opposition,
and having taken a thorough cognizance of the fact, he im-
posed a mulct on the temple for the punishment of it, obliging
the priests to pay out of the public treasury, for every lamb
they offered in the daily sacrifice, the sum of fifty drachms,
which is about 1/. \\s. 3d. sterling. This, if extended only
to the ordinary sacrifices which were offered every day,
amounted to thirty-six thousand five hundred drachms for the
whole year, which is no more than 1 140/. 12s. 6d. sterling.
But, if it extended also to the extraordinary sacrifices, which

bDiodorus Siculns, lib. l.^. p. 4S>7. c Josephns Antiq. lib. 11, c. 7.

1«4 CONNEXION UF THE HISTOKY OF [PAKT I.

were added to the ordinary on solemn days, it will come to
about half as much more ; for the ordinary sacrifices, which
were offered every day, and called the daily sacrifices, were
a lamb in the morning,'^ which was called the morning sacri-
fice, and a lamb in the evening, which was called the even-
ing sacrifice ; and these in the whole year came to seven hun-
dred and thirty. But besides these, there were added on
every sabbath two lambs more f on every new moon scven,*^
on each of the seven days of the paschal solemnity seven,^
besides one more on the second day, when the wave-sheaf
was offered ;'' on the day of Pentecost sixteen ;' on the feast
of trumpets seven;'' on the great day of expiation seven ;^
on each of the seven days of the feast of tabernacles four-
teen ;™ and on the eighth day seven." So that the additional
lambs being three hnndred and seventy-one ; these, if reck-
oned to the other, make the whole number annually offered
at, the morning and evening sacrifices to be eleven hundred
and one. And therefore, if the mulct of fifty drachms a
lamb was paid for them all, it would make the whole of it to
amount to fifty-five thousand and fifty drachms, which is
1720/. 6s. 3d. sterling. But this sum being too small for a
national mulct, and far short of what governors of provinces
on such occasions are apt to exact fiom their provincials, it
seems probable, that all lambs that were offered in the temple,
in any sacrifice whatsoever, were taken into the reckoning ;
and, without this, there will be no sufficient cause for that
complaint which Josephus makes hereof; foilie speaks of it
as such a calamity and grievance upon the Jews, which a
payment of 172:0/. a year upon the whole nation of them
could not amount to. Capellus reckons this mulct at sixty
talents." This proceeds from his laying it at five hundred
drachms a lamb instead of fifty ; which is a plain mistake of
his: for the text of Josephus, in all copies, hath tti^itzxovtoc,
Jlfty, and not ■7n^7a.-/.o<7U<i^ five-hundred. But whatever this
mulct was, the payment of it lasted no longer than seven
years. For, on the death of Artaxerxes, the changes and
revolutions which tjien happened in the empire, having made
a change of the governor in Syria, he that succeeded Bagoscs
in that province no farther exacted it.

A new war having broke out in Greece between the Ar-

d Exod. xxix. 38. IVumb. xxviii. 3 — S.

e Numb, xxviii. 9, 10. f Numb, xxviii. 11.

g Numb, xxviii. 16 — 24. h Levit. xxiii. 12.

i Levit. xxii. 17, 18. Numb, xxvii. 27. k Numb. xxix. 2.

1 Numb. xxix. 8. m Numb. xxix. 12 — 34.

M Numb. xxix. 36.

o Historia Sacra et l'"xotira <iib A. M. 3rt3f>

KOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 103

cadians and the Elians, and that having produced
another annong the Arcadians themselves,P one party Ami. ^42.'
called in the Thebans to their assistance, and the
other the Lacedemonians and the Athenians. Hereon the
Lacedemonians set forth a great army, under the command
of Agesilaus, to help that party « hich they favoured, and the
Thebans another under the command of Epaminondas to
support the other party ; which produced the famous battle
of Mantinea, wherein the Lacedemonians lost the victory,
and the Thebans their general Epaminondas, which was the
greater loss of the two ; for with him all the vigour of the
Theban state expired, and they never more signified any
thing after this. But as they had attained all their power
and glory by the conduct and valour of this one great man,
so they lost it all again with him. These losses being re-
ceived on both sides, they made both weary of the war, and
therefore, soon after this battle, both parties, and with them
all the rest of the Grecian states, came to a general peace
among themselves; and the Messenians, notwithstanding
what the Lacedemonians endeavoured to the contrary, v/ere
also included in it, according as had been decreed by the
king of Persia.

While these things were doing in Greece, 'i Tachos suc-
ceeded Nectanabis iti the kingdom of Egypt, and gathered
together all the strength he could (o defend himself in it
against the king of Persia, who still pursued his designs of
recovering that kingdom again to his empire, notwithstanding
he had so often miscarried in (hem.

And, to make himself the stronger against so potent an
enemy, he sent into Greece to raise m^'xenaries, and
prevailed with the Lacedemonians to aid him with a Anax.^tl'
good number of their forces under (he command of
Agesilaus f for the Lacedemonians, being angry that Ar(a-
xerxes had forced them to include the Messenians in the late
peace, were glad to lay hold of this occasion to express their
resentments for it. And Agesilaus, ei(her out of fondness
still to be at the head of armies, or else out of a greedy de-
sire of gaining riclics by it, gladly accepted of the employ-
ment, though it neither suited his age (which was above
eighty) to be engaged in such an undertaking, nor the dignity
of his person, thus to become a mercenary, and let himself to
hire to a barbarous king. That which chiefly tempted him to
it was, Tachos promised him to make him generalissimo of all

p Plutarchus in Agesilao. Diodoius Siculus, lib. 15, p. 501,502. Corn.
!Nepos in Epaminoiida.

(j Corn. Nepos et Plutarchus in Agesilao. Diodor. Sic. lib. 15. p. 504.
V Plutarch. Cori<. Nepos et Diodor. ibid.

106 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

his forces. But when he was landed in Egypt, and, instead
of a great and glorious king, which his great actions had re-
presented hinn to be, the Egyptians found him a little old
man, ill clothed, and of a contemptible presence, and living
without pomp and ceremony, the} ver} much despised him ;
and Tachos would allow him no other command but that of
his mercenaries at laiid, committing to Chabrias the Athenian
the charge of his fleet, and reserving to himself the chief
command over all. And, when he had. joined the Grecian
mercenaries to the rest of his army, he marched with his
whole strength into Phoenicia, thinking it better to meet
the war there, than to expect till it should be brought home
to him to his own doors; and Agesilaus was forced to attend
him thither. But the old Grecian king saw the ill conse-
quence of this resolution, and advised him against it, telling
him, that, in the present unsettled state of his kingdom, it
was his interest to tarry in Egypt, and look well to his affairs
there, and manage the war abroad by his lieutenants. But
Tachos contemning his advice in this particular, and slighting
him in most things else, this so far alienated Agesilaus from
him, that when in his absence in Phoenicia, the Egyptians re-
volted from him, and set up Nectanebus his kinsman to be
king in his stead, Agesilaus joined with the revolters, and drove
Tachos out of his kingdom ; who thereon fled to Sidon, and
from thence went to the Persian court. Plutarch condemns
Agesilaus as guilty of treachery, in thus turning his arms
against the person into whose service he was hired. Agesi-
laus's excuse for it was, that he was sent to aid the Egyp-
tians, and that therefore the Egyptians having armed against
Tachos, he could not fight against ihem unless he had new
instructions from Lacedemon ; whereon messengers being
sent thither, the orders returned by them were, that Agesi-
laus should act herein according to what he judged would be
best for the interest of his country ; whereon Agesilaus go-
ing over to Nectanebus, Tacho^; was forced to make his flight
out of Egypt, in the manner as hath been related.

And he was no sooner gone, but another from among the

Mendesiansdid set up in his stead, against Nectanebus,
Afia'i.^4i ^nd got together an army of one hundred thousand

men to support his pretensions.^ Agesilaus's advice
to Nectanebus was, (hat he should fall on them immediately,
before they were well formed and Jisciphned ; and they be-
ing most of them raw and unexperienced men, they might
easil_y have been dissipated and broken, had this advice been
followed. But Nectanebus mistrusting it to be given with

s Flutareb. in Ageeilao. Diod. Sic. lib. 15.

BOOK Vn.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 107

an ill design, and growing jealous that Agesilaus intended to
betray him, as he had Tachos before, would not hearken to
him, but delayed the matter to gain more strength. In the
interim, his adversary having brought his army into form and
order, grew too strong for him ; whereon he was forced to
coop himself up, with all his forces, in one of his towns ; and
the other sat down before it to besiege him therein, and be-
gan to draw lines of circumvallation about it. Nectanebus,
seeing the danger, would then have had Agesilaus engage the
enemy to extricate him out of it. This he refused for some
time to do ; which increased the jealousy of that prince
against him. But when the lines were so far drawn round as
only to leave a sufficient space for the besieged to draw up
their army in it, then Agesilaus told Nectanebus, that this
was his only time to fall on ; that the lines which the enemy
had drawn, secured him from being encompassed; and that
the gap, which was still left void, allowed room enough for
him to bring all his forces to the battle ; whereon an engage-
ment ensuing, the besiegers were put to the route, and after
this Agesilaus managed the rest of the war with that success,
that he every where vanquished the other king, and at length
took him prisoner. And thereon, having settled Nectane-
bus in full and quiet possession of the kingdom, returned
homeward in the ensuing winter ; but being in his way dri-
ven by contrary winds on the African shore, at a place called
the haven of Menelaus, he there sickened and died, being
full eighty-four years old.

Towards the latter end of the reign of Artaxerxes, great
disturbances grew in the Persian court ; which were
occasioned by the contention of his sons, in making j^ui.^lt.
parties among the nobility about the succession.*^
For he had one hundred and fifteen sons by his concu-
bines, and three by his queen ; the names of the latter were
Darius, Ariaspes, and Ochus- For the stilling of these com-
motions, Artaxerxes declared Darius the eldest of them to be
his successor ; and for the firmer settling of the matter, allow-
ed him to assume the name of king, and wear the royal tiara
even in his life-time." But this not contenting him, and there
being also some disgust about one of the king's concubines
which he »ould have had from him, he formed a design
against lyrfather's life, and drew in fifty of his brothers into
the same conspiracy with him. He was chiefly excited to

t Plutarch. in Artaxerxe. Ctesias. Justin, lib. 10, c. 1, 2.

u This tiara was a turbant or cap with the peak upright. For the seven
couDsetlors wore their turbant with the peak forward ; all others with the
peak backwarc!, excepting the king, wh© wore it always with (he peak up-
right.

108 CONNEXION OF THE HISTOKV OF [I'ART i.

this by Tiribazus, whose name hath been often before men-
tioned. Artaxcrxes had promised him one of his daughters ;
but falling in love with her he had married her himself, and,
to make him amends, having promised him another of his
daughters, he married this also; such abominable incest was
in those times allowed in Persia, by the religion which they
then professed. These two disappointments greatly discon-
tenting Tiribazus, and provoking his resentments against the
king for them, to be revenged of him, he excited the young
king to this llagitious act. J3ut the whole being discovered,
Darius was cut ofl^ in such a manner as he deserved, and all
his accomplices with him.

After the death of Darius, the same contention was again
revived which was in the Persian court before his be-
Artair46.' '"g declared king; three of his surviving brothers in
the same manner making parties for the succession.*
These were Ariaspes, Ochus, and Arsames ; the two former
being the king's sons by his queen, claimed as the lawful
heirs ; but the other only by the favour of his father, to
v/hom he was the most beloved of the three, though born to
him only by one of his concubines. But the restless ambi-
tion of Ocluis prompting him to all manner of ways to ob-
tain the crown, he carried it from the other two by the wick-
edest and the worst of means. For Ariaspes being an easy
and credulous prince, he territied him so by menaces, which
he suborned the eunuchs of the court to bring to him as from
his father, that, apprehending himself to be just ready to be
used by him in the same manner as Darius had been, he poi-
soned himself to avoid it. But Arsames still remaining to
rival him in his pretensions, and being, in the opinion of his
father, as well as of all others, both for his wisdom and all
other accomplishments, the worthiest of the throne, to re-
move this obstacle, he caused him to be assassinated by
Harpates the son of Tiribazus. This loss, added to the for-
mer, and both aggravated by the wickedness whereby they
were caused, so overwhelmed the old king with grief, that,
being now ninety-four years old, he had not strength enough
to support himself under it, but broke his heart and died.
He was a mild and generous prince, and governed with great
clemency and justice ; and therefore, being honoured and
revered thieugh the whole empire, he had a fixed and tho-
rough settled authority in all the parts of it, which Ochus be-
ing sensible of, and knowing that it would be quite otherwise
with him on his succeeding,^ (tlie death of his two brothers
having rendered the generality of the people, as well as the

\ Ctesias k. Plularch. ibid.

y Plutarch, in Artaxerxe. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 15, p. 506.

BOOK VII.] THE OLU AND NEW TESTAMEN-T;^. 109

nobility, ill affected to him,) for the avoiding of the incon-
veniences which might from hence follow, he dealt with the
eunuchs, and all others that were about the dead king, to
conceal his death, and took on him to govern as under his
direction; and giving out orders and sealing decrees in his
name, as if he had still been alive ^^ in one of these decrees
he caused himself, as by his father's command, to be pro-
claimed king through the whole empire. And when he had
governed in this manner about ten months, thinking now his
authority fully established, he owned his father's death, and
openly ascending the throne, took the name of Artaxerxes.
But by the name of Ochus is he mostly spoken of in history.
But this artifice had not that full success which he propo-
sed. For as soon as it was known that the old king
was dead, and that Ochus had taken possession of the ocbus^/i
throne, all Lesser Asia, Syria, and Phoenicia, and
several other provinces of the empire, refused him their
obedience, and fell off from him ; which very much distress-
ed him.^ For hereby one half of the revenues of his
crown were cut off, and the remainder could not have suf-
ficed to carry on the war against so many revolters, had
they continued firm to each other. But this union being
wanting, they had not long been in the revolt, ere those who
were the first promoters of it were at a strife which should
soonest betray each other, and thereby reconcile themselves
to the king. The provinces of Lesser Asia, when they first
fell off from him, resolving on a joint confederacy for their mu-
tual defence, chose Orontes, governor of Mysia, for their com-'
mon head, and having agreed on the raising of twenty thou-
sand mercenaries, to be added to their other forces, they
committed the care of it to him ; but when he had received
for this purpose a sum sufficient, both for the raising of these
forces, and also for the maintaining of them for a year's time,
he put the money in his own pocket, and betrayed those to
the king that brought it to him from the revolted provinces.
And Rheomithres, another prime leader in this revolt in
Lesser Asia, being sent from thence into Egypt to gain suc-
cours in that kingdom, for the carrying on of this rebellion,
practised the same treachery ; for, on his return, with five
hundred talents and fifty ships of war, having called together
at Leucas, a city in Lesser Asia, several of the prime ring-
leaders of the revolt, on pretence of giving them an account
of his agency, he there seized them all, and made his peace
with the king by betraying them into his hands, and kept the
money for a prey unto himself. And by these means the

s PoWaenus Stratagem, lib. 7.

a Dio'dorus Siculusjlib. 16, p, 504 — 506.

Vol.. ir 1-'

110 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORV OF [PART I'

danger of this formidable revolt, which threatened the Per-
sian empire with absolute ruin, was all blown over, and Ochus
became settled on the throne much firmer than he deserved ;
for he was the cruelest and the worst of all that had reigned
of that race in Persia, which his actions soon made appear ;
for he had not been long on the throne ere he filled the palace
and all parts of the empire with a great number of murders.
That the revolted provinces might have none other of the
ro}'al family to set up in his stead, and that there might not
be any of them left on any other pretence whatsoever to
give him any disturbance, he cut them all olf, without having
any regard to sex, age, or nearness of blood ;^ for he caused
Ocha his own sister, who was also his mother-in-law, (for he
had married her daughter,) to be buried alive; and having
shut up one of his uncles, with one hundred of his sons and
grandsons, in an empty yard, he there caused them by his
archers to be all shot to death. This seems to have been
the father of Sysigambis the mother of Darius Codomannus.
For Quintius Curtius tells us, that Ochus slew eighty of his
brothers, together with their father, in one day.*^ And with
the same cruelty he proceeded against all others through the
whole empire of whom he had any suspicion, leaving none
of the nobility alive whom he thought to be any way ill af-
fected towards him. Diodorus Siculus placeth this revolt in
the last year of Artaxerxes ; but he being a prince, whose
conduct in the government had thoroughly settled him in the
esteem and aflfection of all his people, it is not likely that so
great an insurrection against the royal authority should have
happened in his days. But Ochus giving reason enough for
it, when the next year after he ascended the throne, I have
r-ather chosen here to place it. For his ill dispositions, and
the wicked means whereby he made away with two of his
brothers to come at the throne, were causes sufiicient tojmake
many of the nobility, who had the government of the pro-
vinces of the empire, to abhor the man, and refuse their sub-
mission to him. And he having taken the name of Artaxer-
xes, this might lead Diodorus into the mistake of placing that
in the father's reign, which was done in the son's. But this
revolt was soon again quashed by the means 1 have mention-
ed. Only Datames, governor of Cappadocia, having seized
also Paphlagonia, gave him much trouble. But when he
began Ins revolt, or when it ended, is nowhere clearly ex-
pressed. But by what is written of him by Cornelius
Nepos** and Polyaenus,® it appears, he maintained himself in

b Justin, lib. 10, c. 3. Valerius Maximus, lib. 9, c. 2. Q. Ciirlius, lib. lO^c. 8^
c Lib. 10, C.8. d In Vita Datamis,

- Siratagem. Ii^♦ 7.

EOjOK %ai.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. I'M

both these provinces in rebellion against the king of Persia a
long while : and it was not till the time of Ochus, and some
years after he had been king, that he was, by the treachery
of Mithridates, one of his confidents, at length cutoflf.

In the first year of the 106th Olympiad, about the middle
of the summer quarter, Alexander the Great, who
overthrew the Persian empire, was born at Pella in o^hus!^s.'
Macedonia. Plutarch*" and Justin^ tell us, that, at
the time of his birth king Philip his father had the news
that his horse had won the victory in the horse-race at the
Olympic games, which proves him to be born a little after
the celebrating of those games. And Arrian'* telling us
out of Aristobulus (who accompanied Alexander in all
his expeditions,) that he died in the 1 14th Olympiad, in the
year when Hegesias was archon at Athens, (which was the
first year of that Olympiad,) after having lived thirty-two
years and eight months, these thirty-two years and eight
months being reckoned backward from the said first year
of the 114th Olympiad, and the month Daesius, in which
he died, will lead us directly to the same time for his
birth which I have said. But Eusebius,' and the Parian
chronicle,"^ place it one year later, that is, in the second year of
the said 106th Olympaid. On the same day in which he was
born, the famous temple of Diana at Ephesus was designedly
burned by one Erostratus ;' when he was put upon the rack
to make him confess his inducements, he acknowledged
it was, that, by destroying so excellent a work, he might
perpetuate his name, and make it to be remembered in
after ages."" Whereon the common council of Asia made a
decree, that no one should ever name him ; but this made
him so much the more remembered ; so remarkable an ex:-
travagance scarce escaping any of the historians that have
written of those times. Artabazus, governor of one of the
Asian provinces," being in rebellion against the king,
drew Chares the Athenian to join him with such forces as
he then commanded in those parts, and, by his assistance,
overthrew an army of seventy thousand of the king's forces^
which were sent to reduce him ; for the reward of which
service Artabazus gave unto Chares as much money as paid
all his fleet, and the army which he had on board it. This
greatly offended the king ; and the Athenians being then

f In Vita Alexandri. g Lib. 12, c. 16.

h Lib. 7. i In Chronico. p. 175.

k Marm. Oson.

I Plutarch in Alexandre. Cicero de Natura Deorum, lib. 2, & de Divina-
tione, lib. 1.

m Valerius Maximus, lib. 8, c. 14. Aulus Gellius, lil). 2, c. 6. Solinus, c.40.
n Diocforus Sicnlus. lib. 1&, p. 527. 528

J 1:.'

<JONNEXiO.\ OF THE HISTORY OF [PART S.

engaged in a war against the Chians, Rhodians, Coans, and
Byzantines, who were associated in a revolt against them,
threats were given out, that the king, to be revenged of them,
was preparing a fleet of three hundred sail to help their
enemies in this war : whereon the Athenians not only re-
called Chares, but came also to an accommodation with
their revolted subjects, that thereby, being freed from all
embarrassments at home, they might be in a better posture
to defend themselves from all such invasions as might be
made upon them from abroad.

Artabazus, therefore, being thus deserted by the Athe-

nians, applied himself to the Thebans ; from whom
ocbufl having obtained a band of auxiliaries, to the number

of five thousand men, under the command of Pam-
menes, he did by their assistance, gain two great victories over
the king's forces ; which redounded much to the honour of
the Thebans and their general that commanded in this ex-
pedition."

About the same time happened the death of Mausolus
king of Caria,P which was rendered famous by the great
grief which Artemisia*! (who was both his sister and his
wife,) expressed hereat. For she having gathered together
his ashes and beaten his bones to powder, took a potion
of them every day in her drink, till she had in this manner
drunk them all down, aiming hereby to make her body
the sepulchre of her dead husband, and in two years time
pined herself to death in sorrowing for him. But, before
she died she took care for the erecting of that famous monu-
ment for him at Halicarnassus, which was reckoned among
the seven wonders of the world, and from whence all monu-
ments of more than ordinary magnificence are called mau-
soleums.'

As Artemisia succeeded Mausolus in the kingdom, so, on

her death, she was succeeded by Idrieus her brother,
ocbu^s**! who married Ada his sister, in the same manner as

Mausolus had married Artemisia, it bemg usual for
the Carian kings to marry their sisters, and for those
sisters, on the death of their husbands, to succeed them in
the kingdom, before their brothers or children.^

The Sidonians and other Phoenicians, being oppressed
and ill used by those whom thu king of Persia had set over

o Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 527, 528.

p Diodori-s Siculus, lib. 16, p. 529. Plin. lib. 36, c. 5, 6-

q Valerius Maximus, lib. 4, c. 6. Aulus Gellius, lib. 10, c. 18.

r Cicero Tusc. Quest, lib. 3. Strabo, lib. 14, p. 656. A. Gellius, lib. 10,
e. 18. Pausanias in Arcadicis.

8 Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 534 Arrian. de Expedition** Alexandri, lib. 1.
§frat)o. lib 14. p. fi?>«

BOOK Vn.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTj). US

them, revolted from him, and entered into confederacy with
Nectanebus, king of Egypt, against him.* The Persians
had long waged war with Necranebus, in order to reduce
Egypt again under their yoke, and were then preparing
a great army to invade him. But there being no other way
for them to enter Egypt but through Phoenicia, the revolt
of that country happened very opportune for him ; and
therefore, to encourage them to stand out in it, he sent
Mentor the Rhodian with four thousand of the Grecian
mercenaries to their assistance, hoping thereby to make Phoe-
nicia a barrier to Egypt, and there keep the war out of bis
own country. The Phoenicians, strengthened by these
auxiliaries, took the field, and, by their assistance, over-
threw the governors of Syria and Cilicia, two of the king's
lieutenants that were sent to reduce them, and drove the
Persians wholly out of Phoenicia.

The Cyprians, being provoked by the like ill usage, were
encouraged by the success of the Phoenicians to revolt also;
and therefore they joined with them and the Egyptians
in the same confederacy." Hereon Ochus despatched his
orders to Idrieus king of Caria to make war upon them ; who,
having accordingly got ready a fleet, sent it with eight thou-
sand Grecian mercenaries, under the command of Phocion
the Athenian, and Euagoras, to invade that island, who,
having there landed, and augmented their army to double its
number by other forces which came to thetn from Syria and
Cilicia, besieged Salamine by sea and land.* Another Eua-
goras had formerly reigned in that city, of whom we have
above spoken ; on his death he was succeeded by Nicocles
his son, and this Euagoras seems to have been the son of
Nicocles,^ and to have succeeded him in that kingdom ; but,
being driven out by Protagoras his uncle, was in banishment
when this war began, and therefore gladly joined in it, as
hoping thereby again to recover his crown. And the know-
ledge which he had of the country, and the party which
he might still have in it, made him thought a very proper
person to command in this expedition. Cyprus had then
nine chief cities, and each of them had its king, but subject
to the king of Persia. All these joined together in this
confederacy, with a view of getting rid of the Persian yoke,
and making themselves each supreme in his own city.

Ochus, finding his wars with the Egyptians to have been

t Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 531, 533. u Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 532

X This being a pptty prince, was subject to the king of Persia, and reign-
ed under his protection, and therefore was obliged to obey his orders.

y Vike Isocratom in Nicocle k. Eua^ora, fc Usserii Annales ad A. M
3630,3654.

7, Diod. Sic. lib. 16. p. 53-2,

114 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OV [I'ART I.

unfortunately managed, and that this proceeded from the ill
conduct of his lieutenants, resolved thenceforth to lead
his forces in person •, and therefore, having gotten to-
gether an arrny of three Inuidred thousand foot, and thirty
thousand horse, marched with them into Phoenicia.'* Men-
tor, who was then in Sidon with the Grecian mercenaries,
being terrified with the approach of so great an army, sent
privately to Ochus to make his peace with him, ofTering
not only to deliver Sidon into his hands, but also to give
him his assistance in his wars with Egypt, where, through
his knowledge of the country, he was enabled to do him
great services. Ochus, glad of this proflfer, spared no promises
to engage Mentor in his service. And he accordingly having
received such assurances from Ochus as he desired, en-
gaged Tennes, king of Sidon, in the same treason, and by
his assistance, delivered Sidon into his hands. The Sido-
nians, on his approach to lay siege to their city, had de-
signedly burned all their ships, that none might make use of
any of them to withdraw from the defence of their country.
And therefore, when they found they were betrayed, and
that the enemy was within their walls, having no way
now left to escape either by sea or land, they retired into
their houses, and, setting tire to them over their heads,
were all consumed with them, to the number of forty
thousand men, besides women and children ; and Tennes
escaped not any better than the rest : for Ochus, after he
had thus subdued Sidon, having no more need of him, caused
him to be put to death also ; which was a reward the traitor
sufficiently deserved, for thus selling his country to destruc-
tion ; and may all those who practise the like courses
meet with the like fate ! There were vast riches of gold and
silver in Sidon when this calamity happened to it, which
being all melted down by the flames, Ochus sold the ashes
of the city for great sums of money. The terrible de-
struction of this city frightening the rest of the Phoenecians,
they all submitted, and made their peace with thekmg upon
the best terms they could ; and Ochus was the willinger to
compound with then, that he might be no longer retarded
from the designs which he had upon Egypt.

But before he marched thither, he was recruited with ten
thousand mercenaries which were sent him out of Greece;''
for in the beginning of this expedition Ochus had sent thither
for auxiliaries. The Athenians and the Lacedemonians
excused themselves, telling the Persian ambassadors that
were sent to them for this purpose, that they should be glad
to maintain peace and friendship with the king, but could

a Diod Sir. lib 16. p. 531, 532. kc. U Diod Sic. lib. 16, p. 53:^

i)OOK Vll.J CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Oi *" ] ] ^,

not send him any succours at that time. But the Thebans
sent him one thousand men under the command of Lacha-
res, and the Argives three thousand under the command of
Nicostratus. The rest came from the Grecian cities of
Asia, and all these joined him immediately after his taking
of Sidon.

The Jews seem to have been engaged in this war of the
Phoenicians against Ochus : for, after he had taken Sidon,
he marched into Judea, and besieged and took Jericho, and,
making many of the Jews captive, he led part of them with
him into Egypt, and sent a great number of others into Hyr-
cania, and there planted them on those parts of that country
which lay on the Caspian Sea.*^

Ochus at the same time also got rid of the Cyprian war •
for having his mind wholly bent on the reducing of Egypt,
that he might not be diverted from it by any other embarrass-
ment, he was content to come to a composition with the
nine Cyprian kings ; and therefore, having removed their
grievances, they all again submitted to him, and were
confirmed by him in the government of their respective ter-
ritories/ The greatest difficulty in the bringing of this mat-
ter to a composure, was to content Euagoras, who claimed to
be restored to his kingdom of Salamine ; but he being con-
victed before Ochus of great crimes there committed, for
which he was justly ejected, Protagoras was continued at
Salamine, and amends was made Euagoras, by conferring
on him the government of another place. But having
there run into the same misdemeanours which he had been
guilty of at Salamine, he was ejected thence also; whereon
being forced to fly into Cyprus, he was there taken, and put
to death for them.

Cyprus, as well as Phoenicia, being thus wholly reduced,
and settled again in peace, Ochus set forward for
this Egyptian expedition.^ In his way he lost many ochus^s'
of his men at the lake of Serbonis. This lake
lay in the entrance into Egypt from Phoenicia, of the ex-
tent of about thirty miles in length. The south wind
blowing the sand of the desert upon it, made a crust upon
the surface of the water, that in appearance looked like
firm land ; but if any went upon it, they were soon swallowed
up and lost. And thus it happened to as many of Ochus's
men as for want of good guides marched on upon it. And
there are instances of whole armies which had been thus lost
in that place. On his arrival in Egypt, he planted his camp

c Solinus, c. 35. Syncellus ex Africano, p. 256. Orosius, lib. 31, c. 7.
Josephus ex Hecateo, lib. 1, contra Apionem. Euseb. in Chron.
d Diod. Siculus, lib. 16, p. 534. r Diodor. Sir- lib, W, p. 534, 535,

I ItJ CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PAHT I.

near Pelusium, and from thence sent out three detachments
to invade the country, setting a Grecian and a Persian in
joint commission over each of them. Over the first he put
Lachares the Theban, and Rosaces governor of Lydia and
Ionia; over the second Nicostratus the Argive, and Aristaza-
nes ; and over the third Me j tor the Rliodian, and Bagoas one
of his eunuchs: to each of which having given his orders,
he retained the main of the army about himself, in the
place where he had first encamped, there to watch the
events of the war, and to be ready from thence to relieve all
the distresses and prosecute all the advantages of it. In the
interim, Nectanebus having sufficient notice, from these pre-
parations against him, to provide for his defence, had gotten
together an army of one hundred thousand men, of which
twenty thousand were mercenaries out of Greece, and
twenty thousand out of Lybia, and the rest Egyptians.
With some of these he garrisoned his towns on the borders,
and with the rest guarded those passes through which the
enemy was to enter into the country. The first of Ochus's
detachments, under the command of Lachares, sat down be-
fore Pelusium, which was garrisoned with five thousand
Greeks. While this siege was carrying on, Nicostratus,
having put his detachment on board a squadron of the Persian
fleet of eighty ships that attended him, sailed up through one
of the channels of the Nile, into the heart of the country,
and, having there landed his forces, strongly encamped them
in a place convenient for it. Whereon all the soldiers of
the neighbouring garrisons taking the alarm, gathered toge-
ther under the command of Clinius a Grecian of the island
of Cos, to drive him thence. This produced a fierce battle
between them, in which Clinius, with above 5000 of his men
being slain, and all the rest dissipated and broken, this in a
manner determined the whole fate of the war. For hereon
Nectanebus fearing lest Nicostratus should sail up the river
with his victorious forces, and take Memphis the metropolis
of his kingdom, he hastened thither for its defence, leaving
those passes into his country open which it was his chief in-
terest to have defended. When the Grecians who garrison-
ed Pelusium heard of this retreat, they gave all for lost, and
therefore, coming to a parley with Lachares, agreed upon
terms of being safely conveyed into Greece, with all that
belonged to them, to yield the town to him. And Mentor,
with the third detachment, finding the passes deserted and
left open, marched through them, and, without any opposi-
tion, took in all that part of the country. For having given
it out through all his camp, that Ochus had given orders gra-
ciouslv to receive such as should vield unto him, but utterK

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS^ H7

to destroy all those that should stand out, in the same man-
ner as he had destroyed the Sidonians, he permitted all his
captives to escape, that they might carry the report of it all
over the country ; who accordingly returned to their respective
cities,and dispersingevery where what they had heard wasor-
dered by Ochus, (and the brutal cruelty of the man making it
believed) this so frighted thegarrisons through all the country,
that, in every city, both Greeks and Egyptians were at
strife which of them should first yield to the invader; which
Nectanebus perceiving, despaired of any longer being able
to defend himself; and therefore, gathering together all the
treasure he could get into his hands, fled with it into Ethio-
pia, and never again returned. And this was the last Egyp-
tian that ever reigned in this country, it having been ever
since enslaved to strangers, according to the prophecy of
Ezekiel,*^ which hath been already taken notice of. Ochus
having thus made an absolute conquest of Egypt, he disman-
tled their chief cities, and plundered their temples, and then
returned in triumph to Babylon, loaded with vast treasures
of gold and silver, and other spoils gotten in this war, leav-
ing Pherendates, one of his nobles, governor of the country.
And here Manetho ended his commentaries which he wrote
of the Egyptian affairs. s He was a priest of Heliopolis in
Egypt, and wrote, in the Greek language, a history of all
the several dynasties of Egypt, from the beginning of that
kingdom to this time,** which is often quoted by Josephus,
Eusebius, Plutarch, Porphyry, and others, an epitome
whereof is preserved in Syncellus. He lived in the time
of Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt ; for to him he dedi-
cates his book.

The chief cause of Nectanebus's losing of his kingdom
was his over-confidence in himself.* He had gained his king-
dom by the assistance of Agesilaus, and had preserved him-
self in it by the prudence and valour of Diaphantus an
Athenian, and Lamius a Spartan, who managing his v/ars,
and commanding his armies for him, made him victorious
against the Persians in all the attempts which they had hither-
to made upon him ; with which being elevated, he thought
himself now sufficient to conduct his own aflfairs, and there-
fore, dismissing those by whose help he had hitherto subsist-
ed, he was now ruined for want of it.

Ochus having thus mastered this war, and recovered Phoe-
nicia and Egypt again to his crown, he nobly rewarded the

f Ezekiel sxix. 14, 15. g SynceJlus, p. 250

h Vide Vossiutn de Historicis Grsecis, c. 14.
i Diodor. Sic. lib. 16, p. -535.

Vol. II. 16

IIS CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

service of Mentor, the Rhodian.'' The other
o^hu^s^V Greeks he had sent back into their country, with am-
ple rewards, before he left Egypt : but the success
of the whole expedition being chiefly owing to Mentor, he
not only gave him one hundred talents, with many other
valuable gifts, but also made him governor of all the Asiatic
coasts, and committed to his charge the management of the
war which he still had with some of the provinces that had
there revolted from him in the beginning of his reign, and
made him generalissimo of all his forces in those parts.
Mentor having thus gained so great a share in the favour of
Ochus, he made use of it to reconcile unto him Memnon his
brother, and Artabazus who had married their sister ; for they
had both been in war against him.^ Of the revolt of Artaba-
zus, and the several victories which he had gained over the
king's forces, I have already spoken ; but he being at length
overpowered, took refuge with Philip king of Macedon ; and
Memnon, who had joined with him in those wars, was forced
to bear with him the same banishment. After this recon-
ciliation, they both became very serviceable to Ochus, and
his successors of that race, especially Memnon, who was a
person of the greatest valour and military skill of any of
his time. And Mentor was not wanting in answering that
confidence which the king had placed in him : for, when
settled in his province, he soon restored the king's authority
in those parts, and made all ihat had revolted again submit
to him. Some he circumvented by stratagem and military
skill, and others he subdued by open force, and so wisely
managed all his advantages, that at length he reduced all
again under their former yoke, and thoroughly re-established
the king's ailairs in all those provinces.

In the first year of the 108th Olympiad died Plato, the
famous Athenian philosopher.™ The eminentest
ochus*^!. o^ ^''s scholars was Aristotle, the founder of the
Peripatetic philosophy. He was by birth of Stagira,
a small city on the river Strymon, in the northern confines of
Macedonia. He was born in the first year of the 99th Olym-
piad (which was the year before Christ 384.) At the age of
seventeen he came to Athens, and became one of the scho-
lars of Plato, and heard him till his death." Speusippus suc-
ceeding Plato in his school, Aristotle went into Asia, to
Hermias the eunuch, who was king of Atarna, a city of

k Diodor. Sic. lib. IG, p. 537. 1 Diodnr. Sic. lib. 16, p. 538.

in Diogenes LaM'tius in Platone. Dionysius Haiicarnesseu.? in Epistola ad
Aramaeum de Deinosthene. Athenseus, lib. 5, c. 13.

n Diog. Laert. in Aristotele. See also Mr. Stanley's account of the life
of Aristotle, in his History of Philosophy.

BOOK Vir.j THK OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. H^

Mysia, and having married his niece, hved with him three
years ; till at length Hermias, being circumvented and drawn
into a snare by Mentor the Rhodian, who commanded for
Ochus in those parts, was taken prisoner, and sent to the
Persian court, where he was put to death. Hereon Aristo-
tle fled to MityJene, and from thence went into Macedonia,
and became preceptor to Alexander the Great, with whom
he tarried eight years. After this he returned to Athens, and
there taught the Peripatetic philosophy in the Lyceum
twelve years. But being accused of holding some notions
contrary to the religion there established, and not daring to
venture himself on a trial, for fear of Socrates's fate, he
withdrew to Chalcis, a town in Euboea,and there died about
two years after, being then sixty-three years old. While he
lived with Hermias in Asia, he there fell acquainted with a
Jew of wonderful wisdom, temperance, and goodness, who
came thither from the upper parts of Asia upon some busi-
ness which he had on those maritime coasts, and having fre-
quent conversation with him, learned much from him. This,
Josephus tells us, from a book written by Clearchus, who
was one of the chiefest of Aristotle''s scholars." And from
what he then learned from this Jew, it is most likely, pro-
ceeded what Aristobulus, and out of him Clemens Alexan-
drinus, have observed of Aristotle's philosophy, that is, that
it contains many things which agree with what is written by
Moses and the prophets in the Scriptures of the Old Testa-
ment.P

Ochus, after he had subdued Egypt, and reduced again
all the revolted provinces, gave himself wholly
up to his ease, spending the rest of his life in luxury, ochu^s^^is.
laziness, and pleasure :^ and left the administration
of his affairs wholly to his ministers ; the chiefest of whom
were Bagoas his favourite eunuch, and Mentor the Rhodian,
who agreeing to part the power between them, the former
governed all the provinces of the Upper Asia, and the latter
those of the Lower.

Johanan, high-priest of the Jews, died in the eighteenth
year of Ochus, after he had been in that office thirty-
two years,*" and was succeeded by Jaddua, his son, bcims 13.
who held it twenty years.'

Ochus died after he had reigned twenty-one year?,*^ being
poisoned by Bagoas. the eunuch." This eunuch be-
ing an Egyptian by birth, had" a love for his country, otiit?2i.
and a zeal for his country religion, and thought to

o Joseph, contra Apion. lib. 1. p Strom, lib. 5.

q Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p 537.

r Chronicon Alexandr s Joseph. Antiq.lib. n,c. 7-

t Canon Ptol. n Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 564

120 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I,

have influenced Ochus in favour of both, on the conquest of
that kingdom ; but, not being able to overrule the brutal
ferocity of that prince, those acts were done in respect of
each of them which he deeply resented ever after. For
Ochus, on his conquering of Egypt, not only dismantled
their cities, robbed the inhabitants, and plundered their tem-
ples (as hath been already mentioned) but also carried away
all their public records (which were reposited and kept with
great sacredness in their temples,) and, in contempt of their
religion, slew their God Apis, that is, the sacred bull which
they worshipped under that name.^ For Ochus being as
remarkable for his sloth and stupid inactivity, as he was for
his cruelty, the Egyptians, for this reason, nick-named him
the ass, which angered him so far, that he caused their Apis
to be taken out of the temple where he was kept, and made
him to be sacrificed to an ass, and then ordered his cook to
dress up the flesh of the slain beast to be eaten by his at-
tendants.^ All this greatly offended Bagoas. The records
he afterward redeemed with a great sum of money, and sent
them back again to their former archives. But the atfront
oflfered his religion he most resented ; and it is said, that it
was chiefly in revenge of this that he poisoned him. And
his revenge did not rest here ; but having caused another
body to be buried instead of his he kept the true carcass,
and in revenge of his having caused the flesh of their Apis
to be eaten by his attendants, he cut his flesh into bits, and
gave it to be eaten by cats, and made of his bones handles
for swords. And, no doubt, when he did all this, there were
other causes concurring to excite him hereto, which reviving
the old resentments, and creating new ones, provoked the trai-
tor to all this villany against his master and benefactor, which
he executed upon him.

After the death of Ochus, Bagoas, who had now the whole
power of the empire in his hands, made Arses, the
irses^^i'. youngest of his son?, king in his stead, and put all the
rest to death; thinking that, by thus removing all ri-
vals, lie might best secure to himself the authority which he
]jad usurped ; for the name of king was all that he allowed
to Arses ; the power and authority of the government he
wholly reserved to himself."

Philip, king of Macedon, having overthrown the Thebans
and Athenians in a great battle at Chaironea, made himself
thereby in a manner lord of all Greece ;'' and therefore, cal-

X Diod. Sic. lil). K), p. 537.

y Severus Sulpitius, lib. 2. Eliani Var. Hist. lib. 4, c. 8. Suidas in a x"!-
v. Eliaui Var. Hist. lib. 6, c. 8. a Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 564.

b Plutarcli.iii Dfinnsthene ct Pliocione. Diod. Sic. lib 16, p. 555, .lnstin
Mh, 9. c. 3.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 121

lingtogetherat Corinth an assembly of all the Grecian cities
and states, he there caused himself to be chosen captain-
general of all Greece, for the carrying on of a war against
the Persians, and made every cit) to be taxed at a certain
number of men, which each of them was to send and main-
tain in this expedition.*^

And the next year after, he sent Parmenio, Amyntas, and
Attalus, three of his chiefest captains, into Asia to be-
gin the war, purposing soon after to follow in person ^"sest.
with all his forces, and carry the war into the heart of
the Persian empire.'^ But when he was Just ready to set
forward on this expedition, he was slain at home while he
was celebrating the marriage of Cleopatra, his daughter,
with Alexander king of Epirus.® Pausania?;, a young noble
Macedonian, and one of his guards, having had his body
forced, and sodomitically abused, by Attalus, the chief of
the king's confidents, he had often complained to Philip of
the injury ; but finding no redress, he turned his revenge
from the author of the injury upon him that refused to do
him justice for it, and slew him as he was passing in great
pomp to ihe theatre to finish the solemnities whereby he
honoured his daughter's marriage. It is observed by Diodo-
rus, that, in this solemnity, the images of the twelve gods
and goddesses being carried before him into the theatre, he
added his own for the thirteenth, dressed in the same pom-
pous habit, whereby he vainly arrogated to himself the ho-
nour of a god ; but he being slain as soon as the image en-
tered the theatre, this very signally proved him to be mortal.
After his death, he was succeeded by Alexander his son,
being then twenty years old.*^

About the same time. Arses, king of Persia, was slain bv
the like treachery, but not for so just a cause. For Bagoas,
finding that Arses began to be apprized of all his villanies and
treacheries, and was taking measures to be revenged on him
for them, for the preventing hereof, he came beforehand
with him, and cut off him and all his family. s

After Bagoas had thus made the throne vacant by the mur-
der of Arses, he placed on it Darius, the tliird of that
name that reigned in Persia. s His true name was liariS^i.
Codomannus; that of Darius he took afterward, when
he came to be king. He is said not to be of the royal
family, because he was not the son of any king that reigned
before him. However, he was of the royal seed as descended

c Justin, lib. 9, c. 5. Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 557.

d Justin, and Diodorus, ibid.

e Justin, lib. 9, c. 6. Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 558, 559.

f Diod. Sic. lib. 16, p. 55^, g Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. dS-i-

122 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

from Darius Nothus ; for that Darius had a son called Os-
tanes, of whom mention is made in Plutarch,'^ and he had a
son called Arsanes, who marrying Sysigambis, his sister, was
by her the father of Codomannus.' This Ostanes Ochus put
to death, on his first ascending the throne, and with him
above eighty of his sons and grandsons.*^ How Codoman-
nus came to escape this slaughter is nowhere said. Only, it
is to be observed^ that in the former part of Ochus's reign,
he made a very poor figure ; for he was then no more than
an Astanda, that is, one of the public posts or couriers that
carried the royal despatches through the empire.^ If we
suppose him to have been the chiefest of them, in the same
manner as there is a postmaster in England, and a chaous-
bashee at Constantinople, overall the rest of that order and
employment (which is the highest interpretation the word
will bear.) this will be but a low office for one of the royal
blood to be employed in. But in the war which Ochus had
with the Cadusians, toward the latter end of his reign, a
bold champion of that nation having challenged the whole
Persian army to find him a man to fight a single combat with
him, and Codamannus having accepted the challenge after
all others had refused, and slain the Cadusian, for the reward
of this action, he was made governor of Armenia, and from
thence, after the death of Arses, by the means of Bagoas,
ascended the throne in the manner as 1 hare mentioned.""
But he had not been long on it ere Bagoas, finding, that he was
not one that would answer his purpose, in permitting him to
govern all in his name (which was the thing he aimed at in
his advancement,) resolved to remove him in the same man-
ner as he had his predecessor; and accordingly provided a
poisonous potion for him. But Darius being advised of the
design, when the potion was brought to him, made him drink
it all himself, and so got rid of the traitor by his own artifice,
and thereby became thoroughly settled in the kingdom, with-
out any faither difiicully." The character given of him is,
that he was for his stature and the make of his body the good-
liest person in the whole Persian empire, and of the greatest
personal valour of any in it, and of a disposition mild and ge-
nerous : but having the good fortune of Alexander to encoun-
ter with, he could not stand against it. And he had been
scarce warm on the throne before he found his enemy pre-
paring to dismount him from it.

For Alexander soon after his father's death, having called

h In Artaxerxe. i Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 564.

IcQ. Curtius, lib. 10, c. 5.

i Plutarch, de Fortuna Alexandri et in Vita ejusdem.

m Diodor. ibid. Justin, lib. 10. c. 3. n Diodor. ibid.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 123

the general council of all the states and free cities of Greece
to meet again at Corinth, there prevailed with them to be
chosen his successor in the same general command which
they had conferred on him before his death, for a war against
the Persians ; and all excepting the Lacedemonians, consent-
ed hereto.' But the war which Alexander had with the Illy-
rians and Triballians calling him north as far as the river Da-
nube, in his absence, the Athenians, Thebans, and some other
cities, agreed to revoke this decree made in his favour, and en-
tered into a confederacy against him. But Alexander, return-
ing conqueror from his northern wars, soon brake this league ;
for passing the straits of Thermopylae with his victorious
army, he terrified the Athenians into a submission ; and se-
veral other cities, following their example, made their peace
with him ; only the Thebans stood out. AVhereon Alexan-
der, laying siege to their city, took it by storm, and abso-
lutely destroyed it,slaying ninety thousand of the inhabitants,
and selling the rest, to the number of thirty thousand more,
into slavery. The severity of which execution spread such
a terror of his arms over all Greece, as brought all to sub-
mit. So that, in a second council which he called at Co-
rinth, he was again chosen captain-general of all Greece
against the Persians, by a universal suffrage, and every city
consented to its quota both of men and money, for the car-
rying on of the war.P

Hereon Alexander returned into Macedonia, and having,
by the next spring, there gotten his forces together,
marched with them to Sestus, and there passed the Darius^2!
Hellespont into Asia.'^ The army which he led
thither, according to the highest account, amounted to no
more than thirty thousand foot and five thousand horse.
And with so small an army he attempted, and also accom-
plished, the conquest of the whole Persian empire, and ad-
ded India also to this acquisition. But that which was most
remarkable in this undertaking,'' was, that he set out on it
only with seventy talents, which was scarce sufficient to
furnish the army with necessaries for thirty days; for the
rest he wholly cast himself upon Providence, and Provi-
dence did not fail him herein ; for, within a few days after,
having encountered the Persian army at the river Granicus,
he gained a great victory over them, though they were
about tive times his number, which put him in possession,

o Justin, lib. 11, c 2. Arrian. lib 1. Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p 564.
p Plutarch, in .\lexandro Arrian. lib. 1. Diod. Sic. lib. 17, p. 566, 567, &:c.
q Arrian. lib. 1. Plutarch, in Alcxandro.

r At the highest reckoning, it comes to no more than fourteen thousand
fourkuridred and thirty-seven pounds and ten shillings sterling.

124 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART 1.

not only of Darius's treasure at Sardis, but also of all the
provinces of Lesser Asia ; for immediately all the Grecian
cities in those parts declared for him, and, after that, several
of the provinces made their submission to him, and those
which did not were subdued by force ; and in these transac-
tions was spent the remaining part of the year.

Before he went into winter-quarters, he ordered all of his
army that had married that year to return into Macedonia,
and spend the winter with their wives, and return again in
the spring, appointing three captains over them to lead them
home, and bring them back again at the time appointed ;
which exactly agreeing with the Jewish law (Deut. xxiv. 5,)
and being without any instance of the like to be found in the
usages of any other nation, it is most likely Aristotle learned
it from the Jew he so much conversed with while in Asia,
and, approving of it as a most equitable usage, communica-
ted it to Alexander, while he was his scholar, and that he
from hence had the inducement of practising it at this time.*

The next year after, in the beginning of the spring, he re-
duced Phrygia under his obedience, and after that
Dwiufs. Lycia, Pisidia, Pamphylia, Paphlagonia, and Cappa-
docia, and settled all these provinces under the go-
vernment of such of his followers as he thought fit to ap-
point.*

In the interim, Darius was not wanting to prepare for his de-
fence.* The advice which Memnon the Rhodian then gave
him, was to carry the war into Macedonia ; and a wiser
course could not be taken to extricate him out of the difficul-
ties he was then involved in ; for he would be sure there to
have the Lacedemonians, and several other of the Grecian
states who maligned the Macedonian power, "^o join with him ;
which would soon have brought back Alexander out of Asia,
to defend his own country. Darius, being made fully sensi-
ble of the reasonableness of this advice, resolved to follow
it, and therefore committed the execution of it to its author,
making Memnon admiral of his fleet, and captain-general of
all his forces that were appointed for this expedition : and
he could not have made a better choice ; for he was the
wisest man and the ablest general that Darius had of his
aide, and for some years had very faithfully adhered to the
Persian interest, and was one of their generals at the battle
of Granicus ; and, had he been hearkened to by the other
generals, the misfortune which there happened would have
been avoided : for his advice was, not then to have hazarded

s Arrian. lib. 1.

t Plutarchus in Alexandre. Q. Curtius, lib. 3. Arrian. lib. 1. Diodor.
Sic. lib. 17.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND SEW TESTAMENTS. 1S5

battle, but to have desolated the country through which the
Macedonians were to march ; and, had this been followed,
Alexander would have been forced soon to have returned
for want of provisions to support his army. But the rashness
and folly of the other generals overbearing what he wisely
offered, that defeat ensued which opened the way to the ruin
of the Persian empire. However, he did not desert Darius's
interest on the misfortune of that day ; but, having gathered
up the remains of the Persian army, retreated with them
first to Miletus, and from thence to Halicarnassus, and lastly
to the isle of Cos, where Darius's commission and the Persian
fleet meeting him, he set himself on the executing of the
design committed to his charge ; in order whereto, he took
in Chios and all Lesbos, except Mitylene, purposing next to
pass into Euboea, and from thence to have made Greece
and Macedonia the seat of the war. But that city holding
out a siege, he there unfortunately died, which proved the
ruin of that design, and the ruin of the Persian empire was
the consequence of it. For Darius having no othergeneral of
valour and wisdom equal to him for the carrying on of that
undertaking, he was forced to drop it. And therefore,
having now nothing to depend upon for his defence but his
eastern armies, he drew them all together at Babylon, to the
number, saith Plutarch, of six hundred thousand men, and
marched from thence to meet the enemy ; which Alexander
hearing of, made haste through Cilicia to take possession of
the straits which led from that country into Syria, purposing
there to expect and fight the Persian army :" for within those
straits there not being room any where to draw up above
thirty thousand men in battle array, the Macedonians could
there bring all their men to fight, and the Persians scarce
the twentieth part of theirs ; and therefore, should it there
come to a battle, they would have no advantage of their
numbers. Some of the Greeks, who followed Darius, see-
ing the disadvantage he would have in fighting in that place,
advised him to march back into the plains of Mesopotamia,
and there expect the enemy, where he might have room
enough to draw up his great army, and bring them all to
bear their part in the battle ; but the flattery of the courtiers,
and his adverse fate, would not suffer him to hearken to this
advice : for he was made believe, that Alexander was with-
drawing from him, and that therefore he ought to press for-
ward to take him, while entangled in those straits, lest other-
wise he should escape his hands. This drew Darius to fight
in those straits, where, being able to extend his front no

u Plutarch, in Alexandro. Q. Curthis, lib. 3. Arrian. lib. 2. Diodor.
Sic. lib. 17.

Vol. IL It

126 CONKEXIOK OF THE HISTORY OF [fART i^

longer than the Macedonians,by reason of the nnounfains which
enclosed him on cither side, he could dispose of his great
army no otherwise than by drawing them up in many lines
one behind the other. But the valour of the Macedonians
soon breaking the tirst line, and that being made to recoil
upon the second, and that hereby again upon the tbirdy
and so on, this did soon put the whole Persian army into dis-
order ; and the Macedonians pursuing the advantage, by
pressing forward upon those that fled, this increased the con-
fusion, till at length their whole army was driven to a route ;
and the crowd which was made in the flight of so numerous
an army through those narrow passes being very great, the
greatest number that fell that day were of such as were
trampled to death by their own men as they pressed to
escape. Darius, who fought in the first line, with great dif-
ficulty got out of the rout, and secured himself by flight j
but all his camp, bag and baggage, with his mother, wife, and
children (which, according to the usage of the Persian kings,
were carried with him in the campaign) fell into the enemy's
hands, and above one hundred thousand Persians were left
dead upon the field. This battle was fought at Issus in Ci-
licia, towards the latter end of the year, about the beginning
of our November ; and the immediate consequence of it to
the advantage of Alexander was, that it settled all the pro-
vinces behind him in their subjection to him, and added all
Syria to his former acquisitions, the capital whereof was
Damascus, Thither Darius, before the battle, had sent his
treasure and most of his valuable moveables, with his concu-
bines, and the greatest number of the court ladies that fol-
lowed the camp under a guard to protect them. All these,
with the town, the governor, as soon as he heard of the flight
of Darius, betrayed unto Alexander, and Parmeniowas sent
to take possession of the place ; where, besides a vast trea-
sure in money and plate, he found three hundred and twenty-
nine of Darius's concubines, and a great many other ladies,
that were the wives or daughters of the principal nobility of
Persia, whom he made all captives. And among them was
Barsena, the widow of Memnon, who being a lady of great
beauty, as soon as she came into the sight of Alexander, she
made a captive of him; for befell in love with her, and, taking
her into his bed, had a son by her, called Hercules, who, at
the age of seventeen, being called for by the Macedonians
to be their king, was murdered by the treachery of Cassander
and Polysperchon to prevent it.

While Parmenio took in Damascus and Ccele-Syria, Alex-
ander marched with the main of his army along the sea

Bet>K VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 127

coasts towards Phoenicia.^ As he advanced, all yielded to
him, and none more readily than the Sidonians. Eighteen
years before, Ochus had miserably destroyed that city, and
all in it, as hath been above related. On his going back
again into Persia, those who, by being absent on traffic at
sea, or on other occasions, had escaped that massacre, re-
turned and again built their city. But ever after detesting
the Persians for that cruelty to it, they were glad of this oc-
casion of shaking off their yoke, and therefore were of the
first in those parts that sent to Alexander on his march that
way to make their submission to him. But when he came
to Tyre, he there found a stop. As he approached their
territories, the Tyrians sent ambassadors to him with pre-
sents to himself, and provisions for his army : but being
rather desirous to have peace with him as a friend, than will-
ing to submit to him as a master, when he would have enter-
ed their city, they denied him admittance ; which Alexander,
now flushed with so many victories, not being able to bear,
resolved to force them by a siege, and they, on the other hand,
resolved to stand it out against him. What encouraged
them to this resolution, was the strength of the place, and
the confidence which they had in the assistance promised
them by their allies. For t!ie city then stood on an island,
at the distance of half a mile from the shore, and was forti-
fied with a strong wall drawn round it, upon the brink of the
sea, of one hundred and fifty feet in height ; and the Cartha-
ginians, who were a powerful state, and then masters of the
seas, had engaged to send them succours in the siege. And
what gave them this confidence for the war, gave Alexander
no less trouble in mastering the difficulties which he found
in it: for the city being so situated (as I have said) he had
no way of approaching to it for the making of an assault, but
by carrying a bank from the continent through the sea to the
island on which the city stood.

And therefore having resolved at any rate to take that city,
he resolved on the making of such a bank to ap-
proach it, which he accomplished, with unwearied D^riuf 4;
labour, in seven months time, and, by means there-
of, at length took the city. Had he here suffered a baffle,
it would have conduced much to the sinking of his credit,
and this might have lessened his success every where else in
the future progress of his affairs ; of which being thoroughly
sensible, he spared no pains to surmount this obstacle, and
by assiduous application, at last carried his point. To make
this bank or causey, the town of Old Tyre, which lay
on the continent, furnished him with stones and rubbish

X Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Plutarch, in Alexandro, Q. Ciirtins,lib. 4. Aman
lib. 2. Josephus, lib. 11, c. 8. Justin, lib. 11.

128 COlvXfiXlON' OF -PHE HISTORY OP f^PAUt K

(for he pulled it all down for this purpose, and Mount Liba-
nus, which is so famous in Scripture for its cedars, being near,
supplied him with timber for the work. And by this means
having carried home his causey from the continent to the
island, he there stormed the town and took it. And that
bank or causey is there still remaining even to this day, and
of the very same length as anciently described, that is, of
half a mile; whereby what was formerly an island at that
distance from the shore was thenceforth made a peninsula,
and so it hath ever since continued. ^

The Carthaginians having troubles at home, the Tyrians
could not have from them that assistance which was pro-
mised ; however, they fainted not in their resolutions of stand-
ing to their defence, and therefore, when Alexander sent to
them ambassadors with terms of peace, they threw them in-
to the sea, and went on with the war. But many of them,
for fear of the worst, sent their wives and children to Car-
thage. They had in their city a brazen statue or colossus
of Apollo, of a great height. This formerly belonged to
the city of Gela in Sicily : the Charthaginians having taken
Gela, in the year 405, sent it to Tyre, their mother city,
where it was set up and worshipped by the Tyrians.^ During
this siege, a fancy taking them, upon a dream which some
one among them had to this purpose, that Apollo was
about to leave them, and go over to Alexander, for the pre-
venting hereof, they chained this statue with golden chains
to the altar of Hercules, thinking thereby forcibly to detain
this their god from going from them. To such ridiculous
imaginations and superstitions was the religion of those times
degenerated. But whatever confidence they might then
place in their false gods, the oracles of the true God having
destined them to destruction, this became their fate. For
although what is predicted of the destruction of T^re by
Isaiah, (xxiii.) and by Ezekiel (xxvi. xxvii. xxviii.) was in
part veriticd in the destruction of that city by Nebuchad-
nezzar, yet there are several particulars in these prophecies
which seem applicable to this only. For Nebuchadnezzar's
devastation reached no farther than Old Tyre; those who
were in the island escaped that ruin. But the desolation of
both is plainly threatened in some part? of tbese prophecies,
that is, of that which stood on the island as well as that which
was on the continent ; and this Alexander only effected. Old
Tyre he wholly demolished to make his causey to the New ;
by the means of which having taken that new town, he bur-
ned it down to the ground, and destroyed or enslaved all the

y See Maundrel's Journey from Aleppo (o Jerusalem, p. 48— .-ftO.
K Diodor. Sic lib. 13, p. 3P0.

lOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 1'2'd

inhabitants : eight thousand he slew in the sackage of the
town, and two thousand of those he took prisoners he caus-
ed to be crucified. Those who were before sent to Carthage
escapc'd this ruin, and a great number were saved by the Si-
donians, and secretly conveyed away in their ships, on the
taking of the place; all the rest, to the number of thirty
thousand, were sold for slaves.* The cruelty to the two
thousand who were crucified was unworthy of a generous
conqueror. This Alexander did to gratify liis rage, tor be-
ing so long detained before the place, and (here so valiantly
resisted ; but afterward, to palliate the ntatter, he gave out,
that it was done b} way of just revenge upon them, for their
murdering their masters, and that, being slaves by oriorjn,
crucifixion was the punishment proper for them. This de-
pended upon an old story ; for some ages before, the slaves
of Tyre, having made a conspiracy against their masters,
murdered them all in one night (save only Strato, whom his
slave secretly saved,) and, marrying their mistresses, con-
tinued masters of (he town ; and from them the present Ty-
rians being descended, Alexander pretended thus to revenge
on them the murder committed by their progenitors some
ages before : and, to make it look the more plausible, he
saved all of the family of Strato, as not being involved in
that guilt, and, among them, Azelmelic their king, who was
of it, and continued the crown still to him and his family, af-
ter he had again repeopled the place : for, having thus rid
it of its former inhabitants, he planted it anew with colonies
drawn from the neighbouring places, and fiom thence would
be esteemed the founder of that city, though in truth he was
the cruel destroyer of it.''

On his taking this city, he unchained Apollo, rendered
thanks to him for hisi ntentions of coming over to him, sa-
crificed to Hercules, and did a great snany other superstitious
follies, which were reckoned as acts of religion in those days,
and then marched towards Jerusalem.

For the Tyrians, being wholly given to merchandise, and
neglecting husbandry, were mostly supplied with provisions
by their neiiihbours; and Galilee, Samaria, and Judea, be-
ing the countries from which thry were chiefly furnished,*^
Alexander, when he sat down before Tyre, was forced to
seek for his provisions from the same quarters ; and there-
fore sent out his commissaries to require the inhabitants to
submit to him, and furnish him with all necessaries for the
support of his army. The Jews pleaded their oath to Da-

a The number of those who were thus saved, Curtius tells us, were fifteen
thousand.
b Justin. lib. 18, c, 3. c Acts xii. 20.

130 CONNEXION OF TKE HISTORY OF [PART I.

rius ; by which thinking themselves obhged not to own any
new ntjaster, so long as he lived, would not obey his com-
mands.'^ This exceedingly angered Alexander, who, in the
flush of his late victories, thinking all ought to submit to him,
could bear no contradiction herein. And therefore, as soon
as he had done with Tyre, he marched against Jerusalem,
with intention to punish the Jews as severely as he had the
Tyrians, for not obeying his commands. In this distress, Jad-
dua the high-priest, who had then the immediate govern-
ment of that people under the Persians, being in great per-
plexity, and all Jerusalem with him, (hey had no other course
to take, but to fling themselves upon God's protection, and
implore his mercy to them for their deliverance from this
danger; and therefore, in order hereto, they made their de-
vout addresses unto him with sacrifices, oblations, and pray-
ers. By which God, being moved to compassion towards
them, directed Jaddua, in a vision of the night, to go out and
meet the conqueror in his pontifical robes, with the priests
attending him in their proper habits, and all the people ia
white garments. Jaddua, in obedience hereto, the next day
went forth in the manner directed, with the priests and peo-
ple ranged as in a sacred procession, and all habited as the
vision commanded, and advanced to a place called Sapha® (an
eminence without Jerusalem, which commanded a prospect
of all the country round, as well as of the city and temple
of Jerusalem,) there waited the coming of Alexander, and,
on his approach, met him in this pompous and solemn man-
ner. As soon as the king saw the high-priest in this manner
coming towards hmi, he was struck with a profound awe at the
spectacle, and, hastening forward, bowed down to him, and
saluted him with a religious veneration, to the great surprise
of all that attended him, especially of the Syrians and Phoe-
nicians, who expected nothing less than that Alexander should
have destroyed this people as he had the Tyrians ; and they
came thither with an eager desire, out of the hatred they
had to them, to bear a part in the execution. While all
stood amazed at this behaviour, which was so much contrary
to their expectations, Parmenio asked the king the reason of
it, and how it came to pass, that he, whom all adored, should
pay such adoration to the Jewish high-priest ; to which he
answered, that he did not pay that adoration to him, but to
that God whose priest he was. For that, when he was at
Dio in Macedonia, and there deliberating with himself how
he should carry on his war against the Persians, and
was in much doubt about the undertaking, this very per-

d Josephus, lib. 11, c. 8.

e It was so called from the Hebrew Zapha, which signifieth to see as from
a watch-tower, or any other eminence.

BOOK VII.] THE OLB A!!>ID NEW TESTAMENTS. 131

son, and in this very habit, appeared to him in a dream, and
encouraged him to lay aside all thoughtfulness and diffidence
about this matter, and pass boldly over into Asia, promising
him that God would be his guide in the expedition, and give
him the empire of the Persians ; and that therefore, on his
seeing this person, and knowing him by his habit, as well as
by his shape and countenance, that he was the very same
that appeared to him at Dio, he assured himself from hence,
that he made the present war under the conduct of God, and
should certainly, by his assistance, conquer Darius, and over-
throw the Persian empire, and succeed in all things concern-
ing it according to his desire ; and that therefore, in the
person of this his high-priest, he paid adoration unto him.
Hereon, turning again to Jaddua, he kindly embraced him,
and entered Jerusalem with him in a friendly manner, and
offered sacritices to God in the temple : where Jaddua
having shown him the prophecies of DanieF which predicted
the overthrow of the Persian empire by a Grecian king, he
went from (hence with the greater assurance of success in
his farther carrying on of the war, not doubting but that he
was the person meant by those prophecies. All which par-
ticulars rendering him kindly affected to the Jews, he called
them together when he was on his departure, and bid them
ask what they had to desire of him. Whereon they having
petitioned him, that they might enjoy the freedom of their
country, laws, and religion, and be exempted every seventh
year from paying any tribute, because in that year, according
to theirlaw, they neither sowed nor reaped, Alexander readi-
ly granted them all this request ; which brought another
very troublesome solicitation upon him.

For he was scarce gone out of Jerusalem, but he was ac-
costed by the Samaritans, who met him in great pomp and
parade, and prayed him, that he would honour also their
city and temple with his presence.^ These are Josephus's
words ; and they plainly prove, that the temple which they
invited Alexander to must have been built long before that
time, and not by leave from him, while he was at the siege
of Tyre, as he elsewhere by mistake relates. For if it had
not been built, but by leave from him, while at that siege,
the first foundation of it could scarce have been laid by this
time. For the siege of Tyre lasted only seven months, and
immediately from the taking of it he came to Jerusalem.

f That is, what is written in Daniel of the ram and he-goat, (c. viii.)
where that he-goat is interpreted to be the king of Grecia, who should con-
quer the Medes and Persians, (ver. 21,) and also what is written by the same
prophet of the said Grecian king, (xi. 3.) For both these prophecies fore
told the destruction of the Persian empire by a Grecian king.

§ Josephus, ibid.

13t CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PAKT J>

This same Josephus indeed tells us, that Alexander from
Tyre went imnfiediately to Gaza, and did not, till after two
months aiore spent in the taking of that city, come to Jeru-
salem. But herein he must be again mistaken ;'^ for Jeru-
salem lying in the way from Tyre to Gaza, it is by no means
likely, that Alexander should from Tyre go directly to Gaza,
then passing by Jerusalem, and afterward return (hree or four
days march with all his army back again to that city ; or that
he should at all think it safe to begin the siege of Gaza,
while such a city as Jerusalem was left untaken behind him ;
and moreover, all that write of the life and actions of Alex-
ander tell us, that, from the taking of Gaza, he went directly
into Egypt. And therefore taking it for certain, that his pro-
gress was from Tyre to Jerusalem, and from thence to Gaza,
I have related it in this order. However, supposing it were
otherwise, there would hereby be only two months more
added to the seven above mentioned for the building of this
temple, the siege of Gaza lasting no longer; and this would
not much mend the matter, it being as improbable that such
a temple could be built in nine months as in seven. When
the Jews refused to obey that summons which Alexander
sent them from Tyre to submit to him, these Samaritans
readily complied with it, and, to ingratiate themselves the
more with him, sent eight thousand of their men to assist
him in that siege ;' and valuing themselves upon this merit,
thought they had a much better title to his favour than the
Jews, and therefore, tinding how well the Jews had fared,
thought they might obtain at least the same, if not much
greater grants from him ; and in order hereto, made this pro-
cession to invite him to their city, and the eight thousand
Samaritans that were in Alexander's army joined with them
herein. Alexander answered them kindly, telling them
that he was hastening into Egypt, and had not then time to
spare; but that when he should come back again, he would
comply with their desires as far his aflfairs would permit.
They then requested of him to be discharged from paying
tribute on the seventh year. Hereon Alexander asked them
whether they were Jews? for to them only had he granted this
privilege. To this they answered, that they were Hebrews,
who, observing the same law the Jews did, neither reaped
nor sowed in that year, and he having, for this reason, granted
the Jews this immunity, they desired of him, that, having the
same plea for it, they might have the same grant also. Alex-
ander, not being then at leisure to make full inquiry into this
matter, referred this also to his return, telling them, that

h Vide Usserii Annalessub Annc Mundi 3673.
i Josephus, ibid-

SOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 133

then he would fully inform himself as to what they proposed,
and would do therein what should be reasonable, and then
marched on to Gaza.

On his arrival at that city,'' he found it strongly garrisoned
under one of Darius's eunuchs, named Betis, who, being a
very valiant man, and very faithful to his master, defended
it to the utmost; and it being the inlet into Egypt, Alexan-
der could not pass thither till he had taken it. This neces-
sitated him to sit down before it ; and, notwithstanding that
the utmost of military skill, and the utmost of vigour and
application, was made use of in the assailing of the place,
yet it cost Alexander and all his army two months time before
they could master it. The stop which this did put to his in-
tended march into Egypt, and two dangerous wounds which
he received in the siege, provoked his anger to that degree,
that, on his taking the place, he treated the commander and
all else that he found in it with inexcusable cruelty. For
having slain ten thousand of the men, he sold all the rest
with their wives and children into slavery ; and when Betis
was brought to him (whom they took alive in that assault
wherein they carried the place,) instead of treating him in a
manner suitable to his valour and fidelity, as a generous con-
queror ought to have done, he ordered his heels to be bored,
and a cord to be drawn through them, and caused him thereby
to be tied to the hinder part of a chariot, and dragged round
the city till he died, bragging, that herein he imitated his proge-
nitor Achilles, who as Homer has it, thus dragged Hector
round the walls of Troy. But that was a barbarous act in
the example, and much more so in the imitation : for it was
only Hector's dead carcass that Achilles dragged round Troy';
but Alexander thus treated Betis while alive, and thus made
him die in a cruel manner, for no other cause, but that he
faithfully and valiantly served his master in the post com-
mitted to his charge : which was deserving of a reward even
from an enemy, rather than of so cruel a punishment ; and
Alexander would have acted accordingly, had he made the
true principles of virtue and generosity, rather than the fic-
tions of Homer, the rule of his actions. But that young
conqueror, having the Iliads of this poet in great admiration,
always carried them with him, laid them under his pillow
when he slept, and read in them on all leisure opportunities ;
and therefore, finding Achilles to be the great hero of that
poem, he thought every thing said of him in it worthy of
his imitation, and the readiest way to make him an hero also ;
and the vanity of being thought such, and the eager desire
which he had of making his name in like manner to be cele-

k Josephus ibid. Plutarch, in Alexandro. Q. Curtius, lib. 4, c. 6. Arrian.
lib. 2. Diod. Sic. lib. 17.

Vol, II, 18

134 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [fART I.-

brated in after ages, was the main impulsive cause of all his
undertakings. But in reality, were all his actions duly
estimated, he could deserve no other character than that of
the great cut-throat of the age in which he lived. But the
folly of mankind, and the error of historians, is such, that
they usually make the actions of war, bloodshed, and con-
quest, the subject of their highest encomiums ; and those
their most celebrated heroes that most excel therein. In a
righteous cause, and the just defence of a man's country, all
actions of valour are indeed just reasons of praise ; but in all
other cases, victory and conquest are no more than murder
and rapine ; and every one is to be detested, as the greatest
enemy to mankind, that is most active herein. Those only
are true heroes, who most benefit the world by promoting
the peace, welfare, and good of mankind ; but such as op-
press it with the slaughter of men, the desolation of coun-
tries, the burning of cities, and the other calamities which
attend war are the scourges of God, the Attilas of the age in
which they live, and the greatest plagues and calamities that
can happen to it, and which are never sent into the world,
but for the punishment of it ; and therefore ought, as such,
to be prayed against, and detested by all mankind. To make
these the subject of praise and panegyric, is to lay ill exam-
ples before princes, as if such oppressions of mankind were
the truest ways to honour and glory. And we knew a
late prince, who, having broke through treaties, leagues,
and oaths, to rob his neighbours of their territories, gave no
other reason for the war, but that it was for his glory. And
it is too plain, that the like vain and false notions of gaining
glory this way, is that grand impulse upon the minds of prin-
ces, which moves them to most of those destructive wars
upon each other, whereby the peace of the world is so often
disturbed, and such great mischiefs and calamities brought
upon mankind.

As soon as Alexander had finished the siege of Gaza, and
settled a garrison there, he marched directly for Egypt, and,
on the seventh day after, arrived at Pelusium, where he was
met by great numbers of the Egyptians, who thither flocked
to him to own him for their sovereign, and make their submis-
sion to him ; for their hatred to the Persians was such, that
they were glad of any new comer that would deliver them
from that insolence and indignity with which they treated
them and their religion.' For how bad soever any religion
may be (and a worse than that of the Egyptians could scarce
any where be contrived,) yet as long as it is their national

1 Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Q. Curtius, lib. 4. Arrian. lib, 3. Plutarch, in
AteXandro

BOOK VII.3 THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 135

religion, no nation will bear affront and indignity to be of-
fered to it ; and nothing usually provokes a people more than
such a treatment. Ochus had slain their god Apis in a man-
ner of indignity, the most affronting that could be offered to
them, or their religion ; and the Persians whom he left to
govern the country carried on the humour of treating them in
the same manner; which raised their indignation against them
to so great an height, that when Amyntas came thither a
little before but with a handful of men, they were all ready
to have joined with him, for the driving of the Persians out
of the country. This Amyntas having revolted from Alex-
ander to Darius, was one of the commanders of the mercenary
Greeks at the battle of Issus,™ from whence having brought
off four thousand of his men, he got to Tripoli in Syria, and,
having seized as many of the ships which he found there as
would serve hispurpose,he burned the rest, and sailed thence,
first to Cyprus, and then to Pelusium in Egypt, and seized
that place ; for coming thither under pretence of a commis-
sion from Darius to be governor of Egypt, in the rooi , of
Sabaces the former governor, who was slain at Issus, he, by
this means, got quiet admission thither; but as soon as he
had made himself master of that strong fortress, he declared
his intentions of seizing Egypt for himself, and driving the
Persians thence ; and great numbers of the Egyptians, out of
hatred to the Persians, readily joined with him for this pur-
pose ; whereon he marched directly for Memphis, the capital
of that kingdom, and, in the first battle which he had with
the Persians, he got the victory, and shut them up within
the walls of that city. But after this success, Amyntas per-
mitting his soldiers to straggle for the plundering of the
country, the Persians took the advantage of sallying upon
'them, while thus scattered, and cut them all off to a man,
and Amyntas with them. However, this did not quell the
aversion which the Egyptians bore the Persians, but rather
increased it. So that, when Alexander entered that coun-
try, he found the people universally disposed to receive him
with open arms ; and therefore he had no sooner reached
their borders, but multitudes of them came thither to him to
Welcome him into the country, and make their submission to
him. For he coming thither with a victorious army was
thereby enabled to give them thorough protection, which
they could not so well promise themselves from Amyntas;
and therefore on his approach, they immediately without re-
serve, all declared for him : whereon Mazseus, who command-
ed at Memphis for Darius, seeing it in vain to struggle against

.m Arrian. lib. 2. <t. Ciirtius, lib. 4. c. 3. Diodor. Sic. lib. 17, p. 587, 688,

136 tONNEXI«N 0P THE HISTORY OF [PART 1.

such a power, submitted also, and, opening the gates of that
city to the conqueror, yielded up all to him ; whereby, with-
out any farther opposition, he became forthwith master of
the whole country.

From Memphis he projected a journey to the temple of
Jupiter Hammon, which was situated among the sands and
deserts of Lybia,at the distance of two hundred miles from
Egypt. For Ham," the son of Noah, as he was the first
planter of Egypt and Lybia after the flood, so he became, in
the idolatrous ages that after followed, the great god of those
countries; and there being an island of about tive miles
breadth of firm land among those deserts of sand, they there
built a temple to him. He was the same whom the Greeks
called Jupiter, and the Egyptians Ammon ; and hence it is,
that the city in Ei^ypt which the Scriptures call No Amnion"
(that is, the city of Ham or Ammon,) is by the Greeks called
Diospolis (that is, the city of Jupiter.) After times did put
the Egyptian name and the Greek name both together, and
called him Jupiter Hammon. Alexander's journey to this
temple was upon a design very foolish and vain-glorious,
and, according to the religion of those times, altogether as
impious. For finding in Homer, and other fables of ancient
times, that most of their heroes were described as sons of
some god or other, and aiming to be celebrated an hero as
well as they, he would be thought the son of a god also, and,
having chosen Jupiter Hammon to be his father in this farce,
he sent messengers before, to corrupt the priests, to cause
him to be declared the son of that god by their oracle, when
he should come to consult it, and then followed after to re-
ceive the honour of that declaration.''

In his way thither, observing a place over against the
island of Pharus on the sea-coast, which he thought a very
convenient place for a new city, he there built Alexandria,
which thenceforth became the capital of that kingdom; for
it having a very convenient port, and the Mediterranean
before it, and the Nile and the Red Sea behind it, by virtue
of these advantages it drew to it the trade both of the East and
of the West, and thereby soon grew up to be one of the most
flourishing cities of the world.'' But trade having taken
another current in these latter ages, on the finding out of a
way to India by the Cape of Good Hope, it is now degenera-
ted into a poor village, by the Turks called Scanderia, re-
markable for nothing else, but that it still shows some of the

n Vide Bocharti Phaleg. lib. 1 , c. 1.

e Jer. xlvi. 25. Ezek. xxx. 16. Naliuni iii. S.

p Justin, lib. 11, c. 11. Orosius, lib. 3, c. 1(>.

q Arrian. lib. 3. Q. Curtius, lib. 4 c. 8, Strabo. lib. 17, p. 59a.

SOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 137

ruins of what it anciently was."^ Alexander, in the building
of this city, made use of Denocrates for his architect, whose
name had been made famous in that art by his rebuilding the
temple of Diana at Ephesus, which had been burned by Ero-
stratus ;^ and having by his advice, drawn a plan of the city,
and set out its walls, gates, and streets, he left him to perfect
the work according to it, and went on in his journey to the
temple of Jupiter FJammon. It was from thence at the
distance of sixteen hundred furlongs (that is, two hundred of
our miles.) and most of the way was through sandy deserts ; in
which he did run two great hazards, the hrst of being over-
whelmed by the sands, and the other of perishing for want
of water. By the former, Cambyses lost an army of tifty
thousand men in these deserts (as hath been above related,)
and by the latter he had like to have been lost himself, and
all with him, but that they were miraculously relieved by a
shower of rain, when they were just ready to faint to death
for want of it. And indeed all his other undertakings
were of a piece with this, they being all a series of bold, rash,
and dangerous actions, in which he must have perished an
hundred times over had not Providence in as miraculous a
manner as now preserved him through all of them, for the
bringing to pass those events which he was designed for.
Having, on his coming to the temple, there paid his devo-
tions, and received from the oracle the declaration of his
being Jupiter's son, which he went thither for, he returned
in great triumph with that title, and thenceforth, in all his
letters, orders, and decrees, styled himself king Alexander,
son of Jupiter Hammon, giving it out that this god begot him
on Olympias his mother in the shape of a serpent. But while
he prided himself in the honour which he vainly assumed
hereon, every body else despised him for the folly of it ;
however, he persisted in it, did many acts of violence and
cruelty to make it pass upon others, and suffered it to grow
upon him with his prosperity so far, as at length to effect the
being thought a god himself, till in the conclusion, when Pro-
vidence had no more for him to do, his death showed him to
be a mortal like other men.

In his return he came again to Alexandria, and ^ took care
to people his new city with colonies drawn thither from many
other places, among which were many of the Jews, to whom
he gave great privileges, not only allowing them the use of
their own laws and religion, but also admitting them equally
into the same franchises and liberties with the Macedonians

r See Thevenot's Travels, part 1, book 2, c. 1, 2.

s Plin. lib. 5, c. 10. Araraianus Marcelljnus, lib. 22, c. 16. Strabo, lib.
14, p. 641. Solinus, c. 32, 40. t Q. Curtius, lib. 4, c. S.

138 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

themselves whom he planted there ; and then, departing
from thence, he returned to Memphis, and wintered in that
place."

It is remarked by Varro, that, at the time that Alexander
built Alexandria in Egypt, the use of the papyrus for writing
on was first found out in that country. I'he papyrus,^ in its
proper signitlcation, is a sort of great bulrush growing in the
marshes of Egypt near the Nile. It runs up in a triangular
stalk to the height of about tifteen feet, and is usually a foot
and a half in circumference, and sometimes more. When
the outer skin is taken otf, there are next several films or in-
ner skins, one within another, and naturally partable from
each other. These, when separated, and flaked from the
stalk, made the paper which the ancients used, and which,
from the name of the tree that bore it, they called also Pa-
pyrus.^ The manner how it was fitted for use may be seen
in the eleventh and twelfth chapters of the thirteenth book
of Pliny's Natural History, and the book entitled de Papyro,
which Guilandinus hath written by way of comment upon
them. But the clearest and best account hereof is given by
Salmasius, in his comment on the life of Firmusin Vopiscus,
who was one of the writers of the Historia Augusta. From
this papyrus it is, that what we now make use of to write
upon hath also the name of paper, though of quite another
nature from the ancient papyrus of the Egyptians. ^ Many
other devices were made use of in former times to find
fit materials to write upon. Pliny tells us, that the an-
cientest way of wTiting was upon the leaves of the palm-tree.^
Afterward they made use of the inner bark of a tree for this
purpose: which inner bark being in Latin called Liber and
in Greek b/^Aa?, from hence a book hath ever since, in the
Latin language, been called Liber, and in the Greek B/S'Aes,
because their books anciently consisted of leaves made of
such inner barks. ^ And the Chinese still make use of such
iimer barks or rinds of trees to write upon, as some of their
books brought into Europe plainly show. Another way
made use of among the Greeks and Romans, and which was
as ancient as Homer (for he makes mention of it in his poems,)
was to write on tables of wood covered over with wax.**
On these they wrote with a bodkin or style of iron, with
which they engraved their letters on the wax ; and hence it
is that the different ways of men's writings or compositions

u Joseph, contra Apion. lib. 2, h de Bello Judaico, lib. 2, c. 36.
X Plin. lib. 12, c. 13. Guilandinus de Papyro. Pancirol. part 2, tit. 13.
Salmuth in eundem. Parkinson's Herbal, tribe 13, c. 39.
y Vide Vossii Etymologicon in voce Papyrus. z Lib. 13, c. 11.

a Vide Vossii Etymologicon in voce Liber,
b Vide Vossii I'^tymologicon in voce Tabula.

BOOK Vn.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 139

are called different styles. This way was mostly made use
of in the writing of letters or epistles ; hence such epistles
are in Latin called Tabellas,^ and the carriers of them Ta-
bellarii.'' When their epistles were thus written, they tied
the tables together with a thread or string, setting their seal
upon the knot, and so sent them to the party to whom they
were directed, who, cutting the string, opened and read them.
But, on the invention of the Egyptian papyrus for this use,
all the other ways of writing were soon superseded ; no ma-
terial till then invented being more convenient to write upon
than this.'' And therefore, when Ptolemy Philadelphus, king
of Egypt, set up to make a great library, and to gather all
sorts of books into it, he caused them all to be copied out on
this sort of paper.*' And it was exported also for the use of
other countries, till Eumenes, king of Pergamus, endeavour-
ing to erect a library at Pergamus, which should outdo that at
Alexandria, occasioned a prohibition to be put upon the ex-
portation of that commodity. For the Ptolemy who then
reigned in Egypt not liking that his library should be out-
done by any other, to put a stop to Eumenes's emulation in
this particular, forbade the carrying any more papyr out of
Egypt, thinking that without it, he could no farther multiply
his books.*' This put Eumenes upon the invention of making
books of parchment, and on them he thenceforth copied out
such of the works of learned men, as he afterward put into
his library ; and hence it is, that parchment is called Perga-
mena in Latin, that is, from the city Pergamus in Lesser
Asia, where it was first used for this purpose among the
Greeks. ** For that Eumenes, on this occasion, first invent-
ed the making of parchment cannot be true : for in Isaiah/
Jeremiah," Ezekiel,'' and other parts of the holy Scriptures,
many ages before the time of Eumenes, we find mention
made of rolls of writing; and who can doubt but that these
rolls were of parchment ? And it must be acknowledged,
that the authentic copy of the law, which Hilkiah found in
the temple, and sent to king Josiah,* was of this material ;
none other used for writing, excepting parchment only,
being of so durable a nature, as to. last from Moses's time
till then (which was eight hundred and thirty years.) And
it is said by Diodorus Siculus, that the Persians of old wrote
all their records on skins.'' And Herodotus tells us of sheep-
skins and goat-skins made use of in writing by the ancient

b Vide Vossii Etymologicon in voce Tabula.

c Vide Vossii Etymologicon in voce Papyrus.

d Plin. lib. 13, c. 11.

e Vide Vossii Etymologicon in voce Pergamena.

flsa. viii.l. ' g Jer. xxxvi. h Ezek. ii. 9 ; iii. ], 3, 3.

i2Kingsxxii. 2Chron. xxxiv. kLib.2, p. 84.

i40 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [pART Ic

lonians, many hundreds of years before Eumenes's time.'
And can any one think, that these skins were not dressed
and prepared for this use, in the same manner as parch-
ments were in the after-times, though perchance not so artifi-
cially ? It is possible, Eumcnes might have found out a bet-
ter way of dressing them for this use at Pergamus, and per-
chance it thenceforth became the chief trade of the place to
make them ; and either of these is reason enough, from Per-
gamus, to call them Pergamenae. These were found so use-
ful for records and books by reason of their durableness, that
most of the ancient manuscripts we now have, are written
in them. But, from the time that the noble art of printing
hath been invented, the paper which is made of the paste
of linen rags is that which hath been generally made use of,
both in writing andin printing, as being the mostconvenientfor
both ; and the use of parchment hath been mostly appropria-
ted to records, registers, and instruments of law, for which,
by reason of its durableness, it is most fit. The invention
of making thissort of paper Mr. Ray puts very late: for he tells
us, in his Herbal, that it was not known in Germany till the
year of our Lord 1470; that then, two men, named Antony
and Michael, brought this at first to Basil, out of Galicia in
Spain, and that from thence it was learned and brought into
use by the rest of the Germans.™ But there must be a mis-
take in this; there being both printed books, as well as
manuscripts, of this sort of paper, which are certainly an-
cienter than the year 1470. There is extant a book called
Catholicon," written by Jacobus de Janua, a monk, printed
on paper at Mentz in Germany, A. D. 1460; and therefore the
Germans must have had the use of this sort of paper long be-
fore the time that Mr. Ray saith. And there are manuscripts
written on this sort of paper that are much ancienter, as may
be especially evidenced in several registers within this realm,
where the dates of the instruments or acts registered prove
the time. There is, in the bishop's registry at Norwich, a re-
gister book of wills, all made of paper, wherein registrations
are made which bear date so high up as the year of our Lord
1370, just one hundred years before the time that Mr. Ray
saith the use of it began in Germany- And i have seen a
registration of some acts of John Granden, prior of Ely,
made upon paper, which bears date in the fourteenth year
of king Edward 11. that is, A. D. 1320. This invention seems
to have been brought out of the East : for most of the
old manuscripts in Arabic, and the other oriental languages

1 Herodot. lib. 5. m Lib. 22, c. 2.

n This book is in the library collected by Dr. John Moor, late bishop of
Ely. See the Oxford Catalogue of the manuscripts of England and Ireland,
torn. 2, part l,p. 379.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 141

which we have from thence, are written in this sort of paper ;
and some of them are certainly much ancienter, than any of
the times here mentioned about this matter. But we often
find them written on paper made of the paste of silk, as well
as of linen. It is most likely, the Saracens of Spain first
brought it out of the East into that country; of which Gali-
cia being a province, it might from thence, according to Mr.
Ray, have been first brought into Germany : but it must
have been much earlier than the time he says.

Ptolemy the astronomer being an Egyptian, and a native
of Alexandria, begins the reign of Alexander over the East
from the building of this city. And here ends the reign of
Darius and the Persian empire ; and therefore I will here
also end this book.

VoT,. IL 19

THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c.

BOOK VIII.

ALEXANDER, while he wintered at Memphis, settled
the affairs of Egypt. The military command he in-
ATexfi.' trusted only with his Macedonians, dividing the
country into several districts, under each of which
he placed lieutenants, independent of each other, not think-
ing it safe to commit the whole military power of that large and
populous country into one man's hands.* But the civil go-
vernment he placed wholly in Doloaspes, an Egyptian ; for
his intentions being, that the country should still be govern-
ed by its own laws and usages, he thought a native, who was
best acquainted with them, the properest for this charge.
And that the finishing of his new city Alexandria (so called
from his name,) might be carried on with the more ex-
pedition and success, he appointed Cleomenes to be his su-
pervisor in that work, who continued many years in this
charge -^^ and hence it is, that in Justin he is said to be the
founder of that city.*^ He was of Naucratis,** a Grecian city
in Egypt, there built by a colony of the Milesians in times
long before past.® Alexander also did set him over the tri-
bute of Arabia ; but being a very wicked man, he abused
both these trusts to the great oppression of all that were un-
der him, till at length he received the just reward of all his
evil deeds in an ignominious death ; for Ptolemy, after he
had possessed himself of Egypt, finding him plotting against
him for the interest of Perdiccas, caused him to be executed
for it.^ There is extant a letter of Alexander's to him of

a Arriaii. lib. 3. Q. Curtius, lib. 4, c. 8.

b Arrian. h Q. Curtius, ibid. Aristotelis Oeconom, lib. 2.

c Justin, lib. 13, c. 4. d Arrian. lib. 3.

e Strabo, lib. 17, p. 801. Stephanus &. Suidas in NstwKTK.

i Pairsaaias tn Atticis.

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS CONNECTED. 143

a very odd nature ; for therein commanding him, on the
death of Hephestion, to build two temples to that favourite,
one in Alexandria, and the other in the island of Pharus ad-
joining, to excite his diligence herein, he promiseth him
such a pardon, as the pope often gives to his deluded vota-
ries, that is, of all his evil deeds, past, present, and to come.s
But this did not save him from the just vengeance which
Providence at length, by the hand of Ptolemy, brought upon
him for all his wicked and unjust actions.

When Alexander had thus disposed of all matters in Egypt,
the spring drawing on, he hastened towards the East to find
out Darius. In the way, on his returning to Palestine, he had
an account from thence which very much displeased him.**
On his going from that country into Egypt, he had made
Andromachus, a special favourite of his, governor of Syria
and Palestine •,^ on whose coming to Samaria, to settle some
matters there, the Samaritans mutinied against him, and, rising
in a tumult, set fire to the house in which he was, and burned
him to death. This, it is supposed they did out of a rage and
discontent that those privileges should be denied them which
were granted to their enemies the Jews ; whereas, by their
services to Alexander, especially at the siege of Tyre, they
thought they had merited much more from him than the
other, who had then denied him their assistance. Alexander,
being exceedingly exasperated hereby against that people,
as the fact sufficiently deserved, caused all that had acted
any part in this murder to be put to death, and drove all the
rest out of the city of Samaria, planting there, instead of them,
a colony of his Macedonians, and giving their other territo-
ries to the Jews.' Those that survived this calamity re-
tired to Shechem, under Mount Gerizim ; and from this time
that place became the head seat of this people, and the me-
tropolis of the Samaritan sect, and so continues even to this
day. And whereas eight thousand Samaritans had joined him
at Tyre and followed his camp ever since, that they might
not, on their return, revive this mutinous temper of their
countrymen, to the creating of new disturbances, he sent
them into Thebais, the remotest province of Egypt, and set-
tled them on such lands as he there caused to be divided
unto them.''

On Alexander's return into Phoenicia, he staid some time
at Tyre, that he might there settle the affairs of those coun-
tries which he was to leave behind him before he did set

§ Arplan.lib. 7.
Q. Curtiusjlib. 4, c. 8. Eusebii Chron. p. 177- Cedrenus.
Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2. k Joseph. Antiq. lib, U, C- *»

14ri CONNEXION OF THL HKSTOHV Of [pAni i»

I'orward to acquire more.' And, when he had there ordered
all matters as he thought fit, he marched with his whole army
to Thapsacus, and havine; there passed the Euphrates, direct-
ed his course towards the Tigris, in quest of the enemy.
Darius, in the interim, having solicited Alexander for peace
three several times, and finding, by his answers, that none
was to be expected from him but on the terms of yielding to
him the whole empire, applied himself to provide for ano-
ther battle; in order whereto, he got together at Babylon a
numerous army, it being by one half bigger than that with
which he fought at Issus, and from thence took the field with
it, and marched towards Nineveh." Thither Alexander fol-
lowed after him, and, having passed the Tigris, got up with
him at a small village called Gaugamela ; where it came to
a decisive battle between them ; in which Alexander, with
fifty thousand men (for that was the utmost of his number at
that battle.) vanquished the vast army of the Persians, which
was above twenty times as big, and this in an open plain
country, without having the advantage of straits to secure
his flanks, as in the battle of Issus ; and hereby the fate of
the Persian empire was determined ; for none after this could
to any purpose make head against him, but all were forced
to submit to the conqueror ; and he thenceforth became ab-
solute lord of that empire in the utmost extent in which it
was ever possessed by any of the Persian kings. And here-
by was fully accomplished all that which, in the prophecies
of Daniel, was foretold concerning him." This battle hap-
pened in the month of October, much about the same time
of the year in which was fought the battle of Issus two years
before ; and ihe place where it was fought was Gaugamela
in Assyria; but that being a small village, and of no note,
they would not denominate so famous a battle from so con-
temptible a place, but called it the battle of Arbela, because
that was the next town of any note, though it were at the dis-
tance of above twelve miles from the field where the blow
was struck.

Darius, after this defeat, fled into Media, intending from
thence, and the rest of the northern provinces of his empire,
to draw together other forces for the farther trial of his for-
tune in another battle." Alexander pursued him as far as
Arbela; but, before his arrival thither, he was, by the quick-
ness of his flight, got out of his reach. However, he there

1 Plutarch in Alexandre. Q. Curtius, lib. 4, c. 8. Arrian. lib. 3. Diod.
Sic. lib. 17.

tn Darius had in this battle about one million one hundred thousand.

n Dan. vii. 6 ; viii. 6, 6, 7, 20, 21 ; x. 20 ; xi. 3.

o Plutarch in Alesandro. Q, Curtius, lib. 5. Arrian. lib. 3. Diodorus
Siculus, lib. 17,

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 145

took his treasure, and his royal equipage and furniture, which
was of vast vaUie, and then returned to his camp ; where,
having allowed his army such time of rest as was necessary
for their refreshment after the fati^^ue of the battle, he march-
ed towards Babylon. Mazaeus was governor of that city and
the province beiotiging to it, and had been one of Darius's
generals in the late battle ; where, after the defeat, having
gathered together as many of the scattered forces of the
Persians as he could, ht- retreated with them to that place.
But. on Alexander's approach with his victorious army, he
had not the courage to stand out against him ; but, going
forth to meet him, surrendered himself and all under his
charge to him ; and Bagaphanes, the governor of the castle,
where the greatest part of Daiius's treasure was kept, did
the same ; and both acted hereui as if they were at strife
which of them should be most forward to cast off their old
master and receive the new. After thirty days tarrying in
that city, he continued \Iazaeu?, for the reward of his trea-
chery, in the government of the province; but, placing a
Macedonian in the command of the castle, he took Baga-
phernes along with him. and marched to Susa,and from thence
after the taking of that city, to Persepolis, the capital of the
empire, carrying victory with him over all the provinces atid
places in the way. Arriving at Persepolis about the middle
of December, he gave the city to be sacked by his army,
reserving only the castle and palace to himself. Hence fol-
lowed a vast slaughter upon the inhabitants, and all other
barbarities which in this case use to be acted by soldiers let
loose to their rage and licentiousness. This city being the
metropolis of the Persian empire, and that which of all others
bore the greatest enmity to Greece, he did this, he said, to
execute the revenge of Greece upon it. After the cruelty
of this execution was over, leaving Parmenio and Craterus
in the place with the greatest part of his forces, he made a
range with the rest over the neighbouring countries, and,
having reduced them all to a submission to him, returned
again to Persepolis, after thirty days, and there took up his
winter quarters.

While Alexander lay at this place, p he gave himself much
to feasting and drinking, for joy of his victories, and
the great conquests he had made. In one of his Aiex. ^2!'
feasts, wherein he had entertained his chief com-
manders, he invited also their misses to accompany them ;
one of which was Thais, a famous Athenian courtesan,
and then miss to Ptolemy ; who was afterward king of Egypt.

p Plutarch, in Alexandre. Q. Curtius, lib, 5. Arrian. lib. 3. Diod. Sic,
lib. 17. Justin, lib. 11.

146 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pAnT I.

This woman, in the heat of their carousals, proposed to
Alexander the burning down of the city and palace of Per-
sepolis, for the revenf^ing of Greece upon the Persians, es-
pecially for the burning of Athens by Xerxes. The whole
company being drunk, the proposal was received with a
general applause, and Alexander himself, in the heat of his
wine, rmuiing into the same humour, immediately took a
torch, and all the rest of the companx doing the same, they
all went thus armed with him at their head, and, setting fire
to the city and palace, burned both to the ground ; which
Alexander, when he came again to his senses, exceedingly
repented of; but then it was too late to help it. Thus at
the motion of a drunken strumpet, was destroyed by this
drunken king, one of the finest palaces in the world. That
this at Persepoiis was such, the ruins of it sufficiently show,**
which are still remaining even to this day, at a place called
Chehel-Minar, near Shiras, in Persia. '!'he name signifieth,
in the Persian language, /or/j/ ;??7/ar5, and the place is so
called, because such a number of pillars, as well as other
stately ruins of this palace, are there still remaining even
to this day.""

In the interim Darius being fled to Ecbatana in Media,
there iiathered together as many of his broken forces as
fled that way, and endeavoured all he could to raise others
to add to them, for the making up of another army. But
Alexander having, by the beginning of the spring, settled all
his atfairs in Persia, made after him into Media. Of this,
Darius having received intelligence, left Ecbatana, with in-
tentions to march into Bactria, there to strengthen and aug-
ment his army with new recruits. But he had not gone far
ere he altered his purpose : for, fearing lest Alexander should
overtake him before he could reach Bactria, he stopped his
march, and resolved to stand the brunt of another battle
with the forces then about him, which amounted to about
forty thousand men, horse and foot. But while he was pre-
paring for it, Bessus, governor of Bactria, and Nabarzanes,
another Persian nobleman, confederated with him in the
treason, seized the poor unfortunate prince, and, making
him their prisoner, put him in chains, and then, shutting him
up in a close cart, tied with him towards Bactria, purposing,
if Alexander pursued after them, to purchase their peace with
him, by delivering him alive into his hands ; but, if he did
not pursue after tliem, then their intentions were to kill him,
and seize his kingdom, and renew the war.^ Alexander, on

q See the Travels of Herbert, Thevenot, and Chardin.
ir Vide Golii Notas ad Alfraganum, p. 113.

9 Arrian. lib. 3. Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Plutarch, ia Alejandro. Curtius,
?ib. 5.

BOOK Vni.J THE eLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. H7

his coming to Ecbatana, found Darius was gone from thence
about eight days before ; however, he pursued hard after him
for eleven days together, till he came to Rages, a city of
Media, often mentioned in Tobit,* and which was the place
where Nabuchodonosor, king of Assyria, is said in the book
of Judith, to have slain Arphaxad king of Media." Here
finding that it was in vain to pursue after Darius any farther,
he staid in this place several days for the refreshing of his
army, and for the settling of the affairs of Media. Of which
having made Oxidates, a noble Persian, governor, he march-
ed into Parthia ; where, having received intelligence of
Darius's case, and what danger he was in from those traitors
who had made him their prisoner, he put himself again upon
the pursuit after him with part of his army, leaving the rest,
under the command of Craterus, to follow after him : and,
after several days hard march, he at last came up with the
traitors : whereon they would have persuaded Darius to
mount on horseback for his more speedy flight with them ;
but he refusing thus to do, they gave him several mortal
wounds, and left him dying in his cart. Philistratus, one
of Alexander's soldiers, found him in this condition ; but he
expired before Alexander himself came up to him. When
he saw his corpse, he could not forbear shedding tears at so
melancholy a spectacle ; and, h.nving cast his cloak over it,
he commanded it to be wrapped up therein, and carried to
Sysigambis at Susa (where he had left her with the other
captive ladies,) to be buried by her with a royal funeral, in
the burying-placeof the kings of Persia, and allowed the ex-
penses necessary for it. And this was ihe end of this great
king, and also of the empire over which he reigned, after it
had lasted, from the first of Cyrus, two hundred and nine
years. After this fact, Nabarzanes fled into Hyrcania, and
Bessus into Bactria, and there he declared himself king by
the name of Artaxerxes.

Alexander was not staid by the death of Darius from still
pursuing after the traitor Bessus ; but, finding at length that
he was gotten too far before him to be overtaken, he return-
ed again into Parthia ;^ and there having regulated his af-
fairs in the army, as well as in the province, he marched in-
to Hyrcania, and received that country under his subjection.
After that he subdued the Mardans, Arians, Drangeans,
Aracausians, and several other nations, over which he flew
with victory, swifter than others can travel, often with his
horse pursuing his enemies upon the spur whole da_ys and
nights, and sometimes making long marches for several days,

t Tobiti. 14; iv. 1. u Judith i. 15.

% Plutarch, in Aiesandro. Diodor. Sic. Arrian. Q. Curtius, & Justin, ih.

148 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

one after the other, as once he did in pursuit of Darius, of
near forty miles a day, for eleven days together. So that,
by the speed of his marches, he came upon his enemy before
they were aware of him, and conquered them before they
could be in a posture to resist him. Which exactly agreeth
with the description given of him in the prophecies of
Daniel, some ages before ; he being in them set forth under
the similitude of a panther or leopard with four wings r^ for
he was impetuous and tierce in his warlike expeditions, as a
panther after his prey, and came on upon his enemies with
that speed, as if he flew with a double pair of wings. And
to this purpose he is, in another place of those prophecies,
compared to an he-goat coming from the west with that
swiftness upon the king of Media and Persia, that he seem-
ed as if his feet did not touch the ground.^ And his actions,
as well in this comparison as in the former, fully verified the
prophecy.

While Alexander was among the Drangeans, discovery
was made of a conspiracy formed against his life, of which
Philotas, the son of Parmenio, one of the chief commanders
in his army, and principal confidents, being found to be the
head, was put to death for it, with all his accomplices.*
And whether Alexander thought Parmenio to have been in
the plot also, or feared his revenge for the death of his son.
he sent to Ecbatana, where he had left him with part of his
forces, to guard his treasure which he had there laid up, and
caused him to be put to death also ; which brought great envy
upon him, this old commander having been his chief assist-
ant in conducting his armies to most of those victories which
he had hitherto obtained. After this, Alexander, notwith-
standing the approach of winter, marched still forward to
the north, and subdued all in his way, carrying on his con-
quests as far as Mount Caucasus, where having built a city,
which, from his name, he called also Alexandria, as he had
several others, he there terminated the actions of this year.

Early the next spring, he made after Bessus ; and having
driven him out of Bactria, and settled that province
A"ex.^a' under his obedience, be followed him into Sogdiana,
the country now called Cowaresmia, where he was
retired.^ This province being separated from Bactria by
the river Oxus, which was large and deep, Bessus's chief
contidence was in the unpassableness of it : for, having ta-

y Daniel vii. 6. z Daniel vUi. 6.

a Arrian. lib. 3. Plutarch, in Alexandre. Diod. Sic. lib. 17. Q. Curtius,
lib. 6, c. 7,8,9, &.C.

b Arrian. lib. 3. PIntarch. in Alesandro. Diod. Sic. lib. 17, Q. CurtiuJ,
lib. 7.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. H9

ken away or destroyed all the shipping and boats that were
to be found on it, he thought Alexander could not possibly get
over it to pursue him any farther. But no difficulty being
unsurmountable to that conqueror, he found means, by stuff-
ed skins, and such other devices, to get his army all over ;
whereon Bessus's followers, despairing of his case, seized
his person, and delivered him bound to Alexander, who
gave him into the hands of Oxatres, the brother of Darius,
to be punished by him as he should think tit, for the treason
he had been guilty of in murdering his king. For after the
death of Darius, this Oxatres surrendered himself to Alex-
ander, who very kindly received him, and admitted him into
the number of his friends, and treated him with favour as
long as he lived. And Oxatres having thus gotten the trai-
tor into his hands, made him die such a death as his treason
deserved.

Sogdiana breeding a great number of horses,*^ Alexander
came thither very opportunely for the remounting of his ca-
valry ; for, by the quick and fatiguing marches which he had
made, he had either killed or spoiled most of the horses of
his army. But, notwithstanding, he had not such quick suc-
cess in his conquests here, as in other provinces ; for he had
not now to do with the effeminate Persians and Babylonians,
but with the Sogdians, Dahans, and Massagets, valiant and
hardy people, who were not bat with great difficulty to be
subdued. And therefore this province found him a full
year's work before he could bring it into thorough subjection
to him. It lay upon the eastern side of the Caspian Sea,
between the river Oxus on the south, and the river Orxantes
on the north; the last of these Quintus Curtiusand Arrian call
Tanais, very erroneously ; for the river Tanais is much more
to the west, and dischargeth itself, not into the Caspian, but
into the Euxine Sea, and is the same which we now call the
Don. Pliny takes notice of this mistake, and tells us it pro-
ceeded from Alexander's soldiers calling it so, and that in his
time it was called Silys.^ The capital of this province was
Maracanda,a great city of near ten miles in compass, and is
the same which, being now called Samarcand, is the chief
city of the Usbeck Tartars. While Alexander lay there
with his army, towards the beginning of winter,® he basely,
in a drunken fury, murdered Clitus, one of the best of his
friends, which afterward he condemned himself for, as much
as every body else ; for it was a very vile action, and the
greatest blot of his life. After he had thoroughly subdued

c Q. Curtius, lib. 8. Arrian. lib. 4. Diodor. Sic. lib. 17.

d Lib. 6, c. 1«.

8 Plutarch, in Alexandro, Q, Curtius, lib. 8, c/1, Arrian. lib. 4,

Vol, H, 20

150 CCmiSfEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I»

the Sogdians, and reduced such of the Bactrians as had re-
volted from him, he took up his winter quarters in Nautaca,
and there gave his army rest and refreshment for three
months.

While he lay there, being wholly at ease from the fatigues
of war, he fell in love with Roxana, the daughter of
Met^^l' Oxyathres, a noble Persian, who was among the cap-
tive ladies in his camp, and took her to wife. She
was the most beautiful woman of her time, and also one of
the most wicked, as afterward by her actions, especially in
the murder of Darius's daughters, she sufficiently made ap-
pear/ That Alexander's marrying this lady might be made
no objection against him among his Macedonians, he encou-
raged as many of their leaders and prime men as he found
inclined that way to do the same, and take them wives in like
manner from among the Persian ladies. So that most of the
time that he spent in these quarters was taken up in making
such marriages, and in nuptial feastings upon them.

But, while these things were doing in the camp, Alexan-
der's head was busy in projecting an expedition into India ;S
his main incentive to this dangerous and unprofitable enter-
prise, was all an excess of vanity and folly. He had read
in the old Grecian fables, that Bacchus and Hercules, two of
Jupiter's sons, had made this expedition into India, and he
would fain, in emulation of them, do the same : for having
been declared Jupiter's son as well as they, he would not be
thought to come behind them in any thing, and he had flat-
terers enough about him to blow him up into this conceit.
And about this time it was that he began to require divine
honours to be paid to him, and commanded that all that were
admitted to make addresses unto him should adore him, as
formerly they had the Persian kings. All his old friends
disliked this conduct in him, and none more than Calisthenes
the philosopher. He was a kinsman of Aristotle, Alexan-
der's master, and had been sent by him to attend this young
conqueror on his first entering on the Persian war, and had
accompanied him through all his expeditions ever since ;
and, being a very wise and grave man, was thought the pro-
perest person to advise and direct him against those excess-
es which the heat of his youth might carry him into.'' And
this being the whole end for which he was sent to attend him,
he could not but express his dislike of this folly. But Alex-
ander, not being able to bear the freedom with which he

jf Q. Curtius, lib. 8, c. 4. Anian. lib. 4. Plutarch, in Alexandre,
g Arrian. lib. 4. Q. Curtius, lib. 8, c. 5, 9, 10, kc. Plutarch, in Alexan-
iJro. Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. .Justin, lib. 12, c. 7.
h Laertius iij Vita Aristoteiis. Plutarch, in Alexandio. et in Syllar

BOOK Vnr.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 151

expressed himself in this matter, caused him to be put to
death for it ; which, next the death of Chtus, is that which,
of all his other actions, bore hardest upon his reputation ;
and indeed, if duly estimated, it was by much the worst of
the two ; for he was in the heat of wine, and also highly
provoked by saucy and abusive language, when he slew Cli-
tus ; but Calisthenes he did put to death deliberately and
designedly, and for no other reason, but that he expressed
his dislike of those follies which he was sent on purpose by
his instructions and advice to correct in him.

But, before' he went on his Indian expedition, he very
providentially took care to secure all in quiet behind him :
and therefore, while he lay in those quarters at Nautaca,
he removed several of the governors of provinces who had
oppressed their provincials, and remedied all the grievances
they had been guilty of towards them, that none might have
any just cause in his absence to create disturbances, or make
any risings against him or his authority in any part of the
empire. And the better to provide against all such, as well
as for the more successful carrying on of the new war which
he was going to enter upon, he caused thirty thousand young
men of the sons of the principal men of the conquered coun-
tries, to be listed for the augmenting of his army, that, hav-
ing tliem with him in this expedition, they might be hostages
with him for the good behaviour of their relations, as well as
useful to him in the war.

On his marching into India, his army, with these augmen-
tations, consisted of one hundred and twenty thousand men,
Grecians and Persians, besides fifteen thousand which he
left with Amyntas in Bactcia, to keep those parts in quiet.""
Many nations on this side the river Indus were then reckon-
ed to be of India ; and in subduing of those was this whole
year employed. Some of them he conquered by force, and
some he received by submission. But none pleased him
more than those that welcomed him, as the third son of Ju-
piter that had come among them, meaning Bacchus and Her-
cules for the other two ; so far was he intoxicated with the
vain conceit of being thought the son of that imaginary god.'
Among those whom he subdued by force were the Assacans.
But Cleophis, the queen of that nation, being a very beauti-
ful woman, redeemed her kingdom by prostituting her body
to his lust ; whereby she incurred that infamy and contempt
among the Indians, that they afterward called her by no other
name than that of the royal whore. By this concubinage
she had a son, whom, from the name of his father, she called

i Anian. lib. 4. Q. Curtius, lib. S, c. 5. k Q. Curtius, ibid

1 Arriaa. lib. 4. Q. Curtiu?, lib. 8. Plutarch, in Alesandio.

152 t:eXNExiOxV of the history of [part i.

Alexander, who afterward reigned in those parts ; and,
if Paulus Venetus nnay be believed, there were in a certain
province of India, which he calls Balascia, kings of his race
reigning there even to this time.

Early the next spring, he passed the river Indus, over a
bridge of boats there prepared for him, and from
Aiex^^I. thence marched forward to the river Hydaspes.*"
Between these two rivers lay the kingdom of Tax-
iles, who submitted to him. But beyond the Hydaspes lay
the kingdom of Porus, a prince of great valour and power,
who was there ready with a great army to impede his
farther progress. This, on Alexander's passing that river,
produced a fierce battle between them ; wherein, after a
tight of eight hours, Porus's army was vanquished with great
slaughter, and he himself was taken prisoner; but the mag-
nanimity and generosity of his carriage under his misfortune,
so took with Alexander, that he again restored to him his
kingdom, and also augmented it. For, after this, having
passed the river Acesinis, which terminated Porus's king-
dom on the east, and taken all the territory that lay between
that and the river Hydraotes, he added this also to Porus's
dominions. After this, passing the Hydraotes, he marched
to Hyphasis, and would gladly have passed that river also,
and gone on to the Ganges. But his soldiers being weary
of following him any farther in these expeditions of knight-
errantry, forced him there to put an end to his farther pro-
gress. And therefore, having on the banks of that river
erected twelve large altars, for a memorial of his having
been there, he marched back again to the Hydaspes ; where
having, at the place where he vanquished Porus, built a city
which he called Nicaea, in memory of that victory, and ano-
ther not far from it which he called Bucephala, in memory
of his horse Bucephalus, which there died, he oidered his
fleet to be drawn thither to him, for his passing down that
river into the Indus, and the southern parts of India, pur-
posing to carry on his arms and conquests (hat way as far as
the ocean, and then to return to Babylon.

This fleet he had ordered to be prepared from his first
passing the Indus, and it had been ever since making
Alex, ^'e! ready for him in the several places that he had ap-
pointed ; which, when it was all brought together,
amounted to two thousand vessels of all sorts. The chief
command hereof he gave to Nearchus, and then, putting his
army on board, he sailed down the Hydaspes into the Acesi-
nis, and through that into the Indus ; for the first of these fell
into the second, and the second into the third. In his
m Plu(arch. ct Curtius, ibid. Diodor. Sic. lib, 17. Arrian. Iib« 5.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 153

way, he had to do with two very vahant nations, the
Oxidracians and the Malhans. The former of these
inhabited where the Hydaspes fell into the Acesinis, and
the other where the Acesinis fell into the Indus. Both
these he forced into a submission, though not without great
difficulty. And, while he besieged one of the cities of the
Mallians, he was very near losing his life ; for, being the
first that scaled the walls, he rashly leaped into the city, be-
fore any others were at hand to second him, and was there
almost wounded to death, ere any of his followers couid get
in to rescue him. Thence he sailed down the Indus as far
as the ocean, conquering all the nations in his way on both
sides that river. When he had passed the niouth of the In-
dus into the southern ocean, and had now carried his con-
quests to the utmost boundaries of the earth on that side, he
reckoned that he had obtained all that he proposed ; and
therefore returning back to land, when he had given such
orders as he thought fit for the settling of his Indian con-
quests, he sent Nearchus with that part of the fleet which
was fittest for the voyage, back again into the ocean, order-
ing him to sail that way into the Persian gulf, and up through
that into the Euphrates, and meet him at Babylon ; and then
he with his army marched over land towards the same place."

The way that he took in his march thither was through the
southern provinces of Persia ; a great part of which
being a very barren country, and full of sandy deserts, ai"k. ^^r
he suffered very much in his passage through it, both
for want of water as well as of provisions ; and the scorch-
ing heat of the climate, added to the calamity, which grew
so great that it destroyed a great part of his army. And to
this it was chiefly owing, that he did not bring back above a
fourth part of the number which he first carried wi'.h him
into India. When he arrived in the province of Carmania
(the same which, retaining its ancient name, is still called
Kerman.) he marched in a bacchanalian procession for seven
days together through that province, in a way of triumph
for his Indian conquests. For it seems he had heard that
Bacchus returned in this m.anner after his like expedition
into that country ; for he much affected to imitate Bacchus
and Hercules in all this expedition : and he did too much
the former of them, for a great part of his life, in that ex-
cessive drunkenness which he gave himself up unto."

Nearchus, having coasted along all the countries, from the
Indus to the mouth of the Persian gulf, arrived at the isle of
Harmusia (now called Ormus ;) where, hearing that Alexan-

n Arrian. lib. 6, Q. Curtius, lib. 9. I'lutarchus in Alexandro.
o Plutarchiis. Curtius- Arrianus, ibid.

154 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

der was within five days journey of that place, he went to
him, and gave him an account of his voyage, and what disco-
veries and observations he had made in it; with which being
exceedingly delighted, he sent him back again to complete
his first orders, and sail up the Euphrates to Babylon, as he
had appointed.

While Alexander was in Carmania, he had many com-
plaints made to him of the oppressions exercised by his lieu-
tenants, and other officers in the provinces, during his ab-
sence in India ; for, reckoning that he would never come
back again, several of them did let themselves loose to ra-
pine, tyranny, and all manner of cruelty and oppression. All
these he caused to be put to death for the expiation of their
crimes, and with them six hundred of the soldiers who had
been their instruments in these enormities; and he exerci-
sed the same severity upon all other of his officers whom he
after that found in the same abuses ; which conduced very
much to the making of his government acceptable to the
conquered provinces.

Being exceedingly pleased with the successful voyage that
Nearchus had made with his fleet, and the account which he
gave him of his discoveries, he resolved on more sea adven-
tures, purposing no less, than from the Persian gulf, to sail
round Arabia and Africa, and return by the mouth of the
straits (then called Hercules's pillars, now the straits of
Gibraltar,) into the Mediterranean Sea; a voyage which
had been several times attempted, and once performed at
the command of Necho king of Egypt, (of which an account
hath been above given.) In order hereto, he sent his com-
mands to his lieutenants in Mesopotamia and Syria, for a
fleet of ships, fit for such an undertaking, to be forthwith built
at several places on the Euphrates, especially at Thapsacus,
ordering great quantities of timber to be cut down on Mount
Libanus, and carried thither for this purpose. This shows
the greatness of his designs ; but this, as well as all others of
them, were quashed by his death.

On his coming to Pasargada, he was much offended at the
violation which had been offered to the sepulchre of Cyrus,
who was there buried. For since he was last there (which
was a little after his taking of Persepolis,) it had been broken
up and robbed. The Magians who had the keeping of the
sepulchre, and several others, were put to the torture, for
the finding out of the authors of the sacrilege. But no dis-
covery being made this way, at length, by the malice of Ba-
goas, a beloved eunuch of Alexander's, the whole guilt was
charged upon Orsines, the governor of the province. This
Bagoas was a very beautiful young eunuch : Nabarzanes, who

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. ] 5 j

conspired with Bessus in the imprisonment, and afterward
in the death of Darius, presented him unto Alexander for
the service of his lust; and by this present saved his life; so
acceptable was the catamite to him for this vile use ! and, by
being thus frequently used by him, he grew so far into his
favour, that he prevailed with him to sacrifice this noble
Persian to his revenge, contrary to all honour, justice, and
gratitude : for he had very much served him, especially in
that province; for Phrasaortes, the governor of it, dying
while Alexander was in India, and all things there being
like to run into confusion upon it, for want of one to take
care of the government, he took upon him to supply that
defect, and preserved all things there in good order for the
service of Alexander, to the time of his arrival thither; and
on his entering the province, met him in the most honoura-
ble manner, and, being a person of great wealth, as well as
of ancient nobility, he presented him and his followers with
many noble presents, to the value of several thousand talents.
But, when he presented the rest of Alexander's friends and
favourites, taking no notice of Bagoas, and saying withal
when he was put in mind of him. That he paid his respects to
the king^s friends, not to his catamites ; this so angered the
eunuch, that, to work his revenge, he contrived, that the
whole charge of violating the sepulchre of Cyrus was turned
upon the governor of the province; and having suborned
false witnesses, to accuse him of this and many other enor-
mities, he prevailed with Alexander to put him to death, in
the manner as 1 have said ; which, considering the services
he had done him, and the munificence with which he had re-
ceived him on his entering into his province, is deservedly
reckoned one of the basest of his actions.

From Pasargada he marched to Persepolis, where he la-
mented his folly in having burned that city ; from thence he
passed on towards Susa. In his way thither he met Near-
chus with his fleet : for Nearchus, according to his orders,
had sailed up the Persian gulf, into the Euphrates ; but there,
hearing Alexander was on his march towards Susa, he sailed
back again to the mouth of the Pisitigris, and from thence
up that river to a bridge which Alexander was to pass. And
there the land army and the sea army meeting, they both
joined together. For which Alexander offered sacrifices of
thanksgivii>g to his gods, and made great rejoicing in his
camp, and high honours were there given to Nearchus, for
his successful conduct of the fleet, in bringing it safe through
so many dangers to that place.P

p Arrianus de Rebus Indicis.

laG CONNEXION OF THE HISTOIU" OF [PART i.

When Alexander came to Susa, where he had left all the
captive ladies at his last being there, he took to wife Statira,"*
the eldest of Darius's daughters, and gave the younger, call-
ed Drypetis, to Hephestion his chief favourite, and at the
same time married most of the rest of them, to the num-
ber of about one hundred, to others of his command-
ers and principal followers. For they being the daughters
of the prime nobility of the Persian empire, he hoped, by
these marriages, to make such a union of the Grecians and
Persians together, as should render them both as one nation
under his empire. And, for five days together, these nup-
tials were celebrated with great pomp and solemnity, and all
manner of feasting and rejoicing. All the dowries of these
ladies Alexander paid, and at the same time distributed great
rewards to such of his followers as had best deserved of him
in the wars, and paid the debts of all the soldiers of his ar-
my ; which last article alone amounted to ten thousand ta-
lents ; Justin and Arrian say twenty thousand. On these
and other occasions, he expended vast sums, which were all
supplied him out of the immense treasures of Darius ; for
out of them he laid up in his treasury at Ecbatana only one
hundred and ninety thousand talents, besides what he had at
Babylon, and in other treasuries through the empire/

These nuptial solemnities being over, he left the main of
his army under the conduct of Hephestion,^ and with the
rest, went on board the fleet, which he had caused to be
brought up the Euiseus (in Daniel called the Ulai,*^) on which
Susa stood, and sailed down that river into the Persian gulf,
and from thence passed up the Tigris, to the city Opis, where
Hephestion met hitn with the rest of the army. On his
coming to that place, he caused it to be proclaimed through
the whole army, that all those Macedonians, who, by reason
of their age, or the wounds they had received in the wars, or
other infirmities, found themselves unable any longer to bear
the fatigues of the camp, should have full liberty to return
into Greece, declaring his intentions to dismiss them boun-
tifully, and to cause them with honour and safety to be con-
veyed to their own homes." This he intended as a kindness

q Diodor. Sic. lib, 17. Plutarchus in Alexaudro, &. in iibro de Eortuna
Alexandri. Arrian. lib. 7, where, by mistake, tliis dauglitcr of Darius is
called Barsina. For Barsina was the concubine, not the wife of Alexander,
and the daugliter of Artabazus, not of Darius. She was first married to
Meranon, and, after his death, being taken into tlie bed of Alexander, she
had a son by him called Hercules.

r Justin, lib. 12, c. 1. This amounts to above thirty-five millions and an
half sterling, according to the lowest calculation ; but, according to Dr
Bernard's computation, it comes to near forty millions.

s Arrian. lib. 7. t Dan.viii.2, 16.

n Plutarch, in Alexandro. Arrian. lib. 7. Q. Curtius, lib. 10, c. 2

BOOK Vllf.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 157

to them ; but, it being taken by anotlier handle, as if he were
weary of his Macedonians, and dismissed them only to make
room for the new recruits which he had lately raised out of
the conquered countries, to be taken into the army in their
stead, they fell into a mutiny, and desired all to be dismiss-
ed ; telling him, that since he despised his soldiers, by whom
he had gained all his victories, he and his father Hammon
might alone wage his wars for the future ; they would serve
him no longer. Thus his folly in challenging that imagi-
nary god for his father, how much soever he valued himself
upon it, was made his reproach on this, as well as on all
other occasions by every body else. This mutinous hu-
mour, though it broke not out till on this occasion, had been
long breeding among them. They disliked his affecting the
Persian manners and habit, his marrying a Persian lady, and
his causing so many of his followers to do the same. But
that which disgusted them most, was his ingrafting the new
recruits, which he made out of the conquered countries,
into the Macedonian militia, and the advancing of many
Persians to places of honour and trust, both in the army and
in the provinces, equally with the Macedonians : for he ha-
ving conquered by them alone, they thought they alone ought
to reign with him, and engross all his favours, and therefore
were grievously discontented with all the methods which he
took for the uniting of the Persians with them ; and these
discontents being heightened by every step which he made
for the effecting of this union, at length broke out into a mu-
tiny on the occasion mentioned. Whereon he having pu-
nished some of them, and this being of no effect to reduce
the rest, he retired into his tent, and there shut himself up
for two days ; after that, on the third, he called together his
Asiatic soldiers, excluding the Macedonians, and spoke very
kindly to them, assured them of his favour, and treated them
as if he intended for the future wholly to depend upon them,
choosing his guards out of them, and advancing several of
them to places of honour and trust, without taking any far-
ther notice of the mutineers ; which soon brought them to
a better temper ; for seeing themselves thus kept at a dis-
tance, and wholly neglected, and excluded the favours they
formerly enjoyed, they came to the door of his tent with
tears of repentance, and there continued for two days in
humble supplication for his pardon and favour: this prevail-
ed with him -on the third to admit them into his presence,
and be reconciled unto them ; and from this time they no
more mutinied against him, or faulted any of his proceedings.

From Ophis, he marched by several stations to Ecbatana
in Media. While he was there, he lost his favourite He-

Vol. If. 31

158 CONNEXION OF THE HISTOKY Oi' [I'ART i.

phestion ; for, having drunk too hard, he contracted a fever
by it, and of that he died.^ For Alexander, having long
given himself up to great drinking, encouraged his followers
in it, drinking sometimes whole days and nights with them ;
and it is said, that in one of these drunken bouts at which
he was present, the excess was carried on so far, that forty
persons died of it.^ The death of this favourite was much
lamented by him, and his funeral was solemnized with ex-
travagant honours, as well as expenses, and also with as ex-
travagant cruelty ; for he caused his physician to be cruci-
fied,for no other reason, but that he could not make a man im-
mortal, who, by all manner of excesses, did the utmost he
could to kill himself. And this cruelty was the more signal,
in that the patient himself baffled all that the physician pre-
scribed for his recovery ; for when, to allay the heat of his
fever, and make way for the remedies to take place for the
cure of it, the physician had directed an abstinence from all
flesh-meats and wine, he rufused to be restrained from either,
but took both in such quantities, as soon put it beyond the
power of physic to give him any relief; and thus, by the
cause of his distemper, and by wilfully disappointing all the
means of being cured of it, he became doubly his own mur-
derer ; and yet the poor physician, who could help neither,
was forced to answer for all. And many instances may be
given of such irrational and unjust actions, where will and
pleasure rule without restraint, which often, upon reflection,
bring the authors themselves to the bitterness of regret, and
too late repentance ; and may be suflicient to let all such see,
that it is the interest of princes, as well as of their people,
that their authority be regulated by such just laws, as may
hinder them from doing such irrational and unjust things, as
often passion and humour, when let loose from all restraint,
may carry men into.

Alexander, to divert his grief after this loss, led his army
against the Cossseans (a warlike nation in the moun-
Aiex^^s! tains of Media, which none of the Persian kings could
ever bring into subjection to them,) and having, in a
war of forty days, wholly subdued them, he passed the Ti-
gris, and marched towards Babylon.^ On his approach near
that place, the Magians and the olher prognosticators sent
advice to him not to come thither, several signs portending,
that his entering that city would prove fatal unto him. But,
contemning all these, he marched with his whole army into
that place, where he found ambassadors from all quarters of

X Plutarch, in Alexandro. Arrian. lib. 7. Diodor. Sic. lib. 17.

y Athen. lib. 10, c. 12. Plutarch, in Alex. JEU&n. Hist. Var. lib. 'J,

z Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Arrian. lib, 7. Plutarch, in Alexandro.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 159

the world waiting his coming thither; to all which he gave
audience in their order, and took care to return such answers
to every one of them as would send them away from his
presence best pleased with him.

While he continued at Babylon (which was near the space
of a whole year,) he projected many designs ; one was the
circumnavigation of Africa ; another for the making of a full
discovery of the Caspian Sea, and of all the nations round
it ; and for both these he had provided fleets : another was
to conquer the Arabians ; and a fourth, to make war against
the Carthaginians, and carry on his conquests to the pillars
of Hercules, having a great ambition in all things to imitate
that hero of the Grecian poets. And, besides all these, he
had many designs for the improving of Babylon. For,
finding it, not only in its greatness, but also in the abundance
which it was supplied with of all things necessary, either for
the support or pleasures of life, to exceed all other places of
the East, he resolved there to fix the seat of his empire : and
therefore projected to add all the improvements to it that it
was capable of. What damage that place, as well as the
country about it, suffered by Cyrus's breaking down the
banks of the Euphrates at the head of the canal called Pal-
lacopa, I have above shown. This he did set himself to
remedy in the first place ; whereby he would have recovered
a whole province, which was drowned by the overflowings of
the river in that place, and also have made the river itself
much more navigable, and consequently much more profita-
ble to the Babylonians, by turning the main of the stream
again that way, as formerly it had been. In order hereto,
he sailed to the place where the breach was made, and, ha-
ving taken a view of it, he immediately ordered that to be
done for the repairing of it which he thought would have
remedied the evil. How he failed of the effect hath been
already said. But that which he chiefly set his heart upon,
was to repair the temple of Belus. This Xerxes destroyed
in his return fron. Greece (as hath been above related,) and
it had lain in its rubbish ever since. This he purposed to
build again, and in a more stalely and magnificent manner
than it had been before.^ In order whereto, in the first place,
he commanded the ground where it stood to be cleared of its
rubbish ; but finding the Magians to whom he had commit-
ted the care of the work, went on but slowly with it, he em-
ployed his soldiers to assist them ; and although ten thousand
of them laboured every day in this work for two months to-
gether, to the time of his death, yet were they forced to

a Arri. lib. 7. Diod. Sic. lib. 17.

160 CON.\EXI0X OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I»

leave it imperfect, the ground being still uncleared, so great
were the ruins of the old building that were left upon it.
But when it came to the turn of the Jews, who then served
Alexander among his Asian recruits, to labour in this work,
they could not by any means be induced to put the least
helping hand to it : arguing that their religion being against
idolatry, it forbad them to do anything towards the building of
an idolatrous temple : and to this resolution they all firmly
stood ; so that, though several severe punishments were in-
flicted upon them for it, not one of them could be brought to
recede from it ; whereupon Alexander, admiring their con-
stancy, dismissed them his service, and sent them all home
into their own country.^

But the greatest part of the time that Alexander lay in
Babylon was spent in gratifying himself in the pleasures and
luxuries of the place, especially in drinking ; which he car-
ried up to the utmost excess, spending sometimes whole days
and nights in it, till at length he drank himself into a fever, of
which in a few days after he died, in the same manner as
his favourite Hephestion had before him.

This happened about the middle of the spring in the 6rst
year of the 140th Olympiad, which fell in the year
phiiip^i'. before Christ 323.'' At his death, there went a ge-
neral report that he died of poison ; and the same hath
been said of other great princes, when they have died unex-
pectedly, and often with very little reason for it. He having
sat out one long drinking-bout, was immediately invited to
another ; at which there being twenty in company, he drank
to every one of them in their order, and pledged each of them
again,*^ and then calling for the Herculean cup ^which held
six of our quarts) he drank this full to Proteas, a Macedonian,
who was one of the guests ; and a little after pledged him
again in the same.^ And he having done thus much, I think
there needed no other poison to kill any man living. Imme-
diately after this last cup, he dropped down upon the place,
and then fell into that violent fever of which he died. How-
ever, that he died of poison was not only a transient report,
but a fixed and lasting opinion among the Macedonians ; and
there were such strong reasons to make it believed, as ren-
dered it very probable, that a poisonous liquor was also one
ingredient of the cup that killed him. The sonsof Antipater
were charged to be the authors of this treason ; and the com-

b Joseph, contra Apionem, lib. 1.

c Arri. lib. 7. Plut. in Alex. Q. Curtius, lib. 10, c. 5. Diod. Sic. lib. 17.
d Allien, lib. 10, c. 11, k lib. 12, c. 18.

e Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Plutarch, in Alexandro. Sen.ep, 83. Macrob.
Salurnal. lib. 5. c. 21. Athen. lib. ] 1, c. 17.

BOOK Vni.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. Jgi

moti report was, that Cassander the eldest of them brought
the poison out of Greece, and that lollas his brother, who
was cup-bearer to Alexander, gave it to him; and that he
chose this time for it, that the excessive quantity of wine
which he then drank, might cover this worse cause of his
death/ Alexander, a little before this time, having dismissed
ten thousand of his veterans, who were past his service sent
Craterus to conduct them into Greece, with commission to
succeed Antipater in his government of Macedon, Thrace,
and Thessaly : and ordered Antipater to come to him to
Babylon, to take Craterus's place in the army. But Anti-
pater being jealous, and not without good reason, that he was
sent for to be put to death for the many maladministrations
he had been guilty of in his government, did b^ the hands
of his sons, execute this treason upon the life of Alexander,
to save his own. And the death of Alexander happening so
convenient to deliver him from this danger, made it the more
believed that he was the author of it. And, it is certain,
Cassander could never after overcome the odium of it, but
was detested for it by the Macedonians as long as he lived.
Pausanias, in his Arcadics, tells of a fountain in Arcadia
called Styx, whose waters are so exceeding cold, as to be
poisonous. s Some water of this fountain, they say, was
mingled with the last cup that Alexander drank at this enter-
tainment, and thereby it was made mortal to him. This
water distils from the rock Nonacris, out of which it proceeds
in a small quantity, and is of so piercing a nature, that it
breaks through all vessels into which it is put, excepting only
a mule's hoof. And therefore they tell us, that it was car-
ried in such a hoof from Greece to Babylon, for the executing
of this villanous murder.

And here ended all the designs of this great and vain-glo-
rious prince. Never had any man a greater run of success
than he had for twelve years and an half together, (for so
long he reigned from the death of his father :) in that time
he subjected to him all the nations and countries that lay from
the Adriatic Sea to the Ganges, the greater part of the then
known habitable world. And although most of his actions
were carried on with a furious and extravagant rashness, yet
none of them failed of success. His tirst attempt upon the

f Plut. in Alex, \rrian. lib. 7. Diod. Sic. lib. 17 Just. lib. 12, c. 13, 14,
Pausan.in Arcadicis. Q. Curtius, lib. 10. c. 10. Plin. lib. 30, c. 16. Vitru-
vius, lib. 8, c. 3.

g Curtius by mistake placeth this fountain in Macedonia . but Vitruvius,
lib. 8. c. 3. Plutarch in the life of Alexander, Strabo, lib. 8. p. 389, put it in
the same place where Pausanias doth, that is, in the mountain Nonacris in
Arcadia, and tell us, that Alexander was poisoned with the water of it in
the same manner as he and ethers relate.

162 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 1.

Persians, in passing the Granicus with only thirty-live thou-
sand men against an army above five times as many guarding
the banks of the river on the other side, was what no
man else that was well in his wits would have run upon,
and yet he succeeded in it ; and this success creating a
panic fear of him throuuh all the Persian empiie, made way
for all the other victories which he afterward obtained ; for
no other army after that, though twenty times the number
of his (as was that of Arbela,) would take courage enough
to stand before him. He was a man of some virtues, but these
were obscured with much greater vices. Vain- glory was his
predominant folly, and that which chiefly steered him through
all his actions. And the old Greek ballads, and the fables
of their ancient heroes, were the patterns from which he form-
ed most of his conduct. This made him drag Betis round
the walls of Gaza, as Achilles had Hector round those of
Troy. This made him make that hazardous expedition into
India ; for Bacchus and Hercules were said to have done
the same. And this made him, in inntation of the former,
make that drunken procession through Carmania on his re-
turn, which is above mentioned ; for Bacchus was said to
have returned that way \n the same manner. And (he same
was the cause of that ridiculous affectation, whereby he
assumed to himself to be called the son of Jupiter: for most
of the Grecian fables, making their heroes the sons of some
god or other, he would not be thought in this as well as not
in any thing else, to come behind them. But God having or-
dained him to be his instrument, for the bringing to pass of
all that which was by the prophet Daniel foretold concerning
him, he did, by his Providence, bear him through in all things
for the accomplishing of it, and when that was done, did cast
him out of his hand; for ha died in the prime vigour and
strength of his life before he had outlived the thirty -third
year of his age.

After his death, there arose great confusion among his fol-
lowers about the succession.^ But at length, after seven days
contest, it came to this agreement, that Aridaeus, a bastard
brother of Alexander's, should be declared king; and that,
if Roxana, who was then gone eight months with child,
should bring forth a son, that son should be joined with him
in the throne, and Pcrdiccas should have the guardianship of
both ; for Aridasus, being an idiot, needed a guardian as
much as the infant. After this, the governments of the em-
pire being divided among the chief commanders of the army,
all went to take possession of them, leaving Perdiccas at

h Curtius, lib. 10. Diod. Sic, lib. 8. Plutarch, in Eumene. Justin. lib.
13, c. 1—4

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 163

Babylon to take care of Aridaeus, and direct for him the main
affairs of the whole empire. For some time they contented
themselves with the name of governors ; but at length
took that of kings, as they had the authority from the tirst.
As soon as they were settled in the provinces to which
they were sent, they all fell to leaguing and making war
against each other, till thereby they were, after some years,
all destroyed to four. These were Ca^sander, Lysimf^chus,
Ptolemy, and Seleucus ; and they divfded the whole empire
between them. Cassander had Macedon and Greece ; Ly-
simachus, Thrace, and those parts of Asia as lay upon the
Hellespont and Bosphorus; Ptolemy, Egypt, Libya, Arabia,
Palestine, and Coelo-Syria; and Seleucus, all the rest.
And hereby the prophecies of Daniel were exactly fulfilled,
which foretold, that the great horn of the Macedonian
empire, that is, Alexander, being broken off, there should
arise four other horns, that is, four kings out of the same na-
tion, who should divide his empire between them :' and the
manner how they did so, will, in the future series of this his-
tory, by fully declared.

Aridaeus being thus placed on the throne, they changed
his name to that of Philip ;'^ and from hence the Philippian
era hath its original, which the Egyptians, computing from
the first day of that year in which Alexander died, that is,
from the first day of their Thoth preceding, (which fell in
the twelfth of our November,) Ptolemy the astronomer doth
the same in his canon, though contrary to the method
hitherto observed by him ; for, in all other descents prece-
ding this, he begins the reign of the successor from the Thoth
following, and not from the Thoth preceding the death of
the successor.

Sisygambis, the mother of Darius, though she had borne
with great patience the death of her father, her husband, and
eighty of her brothers slain by Ochus in one day, and, since
that, the death of her son, and the ruin of his family, yet
could not bear the death of Alexander.^ He had shown
great kindness to her, and not knowing where to expect any
more, she took his death to be the completion of her cala-
mity, and therefore, on hearing of it, refused to take any more
sustenance, and famished herself to death out of grief for it.
Her death was accompanied with that also of her two grand-
daughters, Statira the widow of Alexander, and Drypetis, the
widow of Hephestioii ;" for Roxana having craftily got them
into her power, by the concurrence of Perdiccas, caused

i Dan. vii. 6 ; viii. 8, 21, 22 ; xi. 4.

k Justin, lib. 13, c. 3. Diod Sic. lib. 18. Ptolemaeiis in Canone.
1 Diodor. Sic. lib. 17. Justin, lib. 13, c. 1. Q. Curtius, lib. 10, c. S.
m Plutarch, in Alexandro,

Ig'l CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [i'ART I,

them both to be flung into a well and murdered. She feared
Statira might be with child ; and if that proved to be a son,
it might disturb the settlement which was made in favour of
her son, in case she bore one ; and therefore thus made her
away, to prevent it, and her sister with her. And, not long
after she was delivered of a son, who was called Alexander,
and his name, with that of Andaeiis or Philip, was afterward
joined in the government of the empire ; though neither of
them had any more than a name in it, the authority being
wholly usurped by those who had divided the provinces
among them."

In this division of the provinces, Cappadocia and Paphla-

gonia were assigned to Eumenes, who had been se-
Phiiip^^2.' cretary of state to Alexander." But these had not

yet been thoroughly subjected to the Macedonian
dominion ; for Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia, still held
those countries, and Alexander having been called out of
those parts in the prosecution of his other wars, before he
could fully reduce him, was forced to leave him behind in
the possession of his kingdom, and he had continued in it
ever since. And therefore, he being first to be conquered
before Eumenes could be put in possession of this govern-
ment, Perdiccas sent to Antigonus and Leonnatus for the
effecting of it. The former of them had the government
of Pamph}lia, Lycia, Lycaonia, and the greater Phrygia ;
and the latter, that of the Lesser Phrygia and the Helles-
pont. But they having both of them other designs in their
heads, for the promoting of their own interest, neither of
them had any regard to what Perdiccas ordered. Leon-
natus was then marching into Greece, under pretence of
carrying assistance to Antipater, governor of Macedonia,
who was then hard pressed by a confederacy of the Greeks
against him, but, in reality, to seize Macedonia and Greece
for himself; but he being slain in battle against those Greeks,
this did put an end to all his designs. When Eumenes came
to him with Perdiccas's order, he endeavoured to draw him
into his measures, and, in order hereto, communicated to
him his whole scheme. But Eumenes, liking neither the
man nor his project, refused to be concerned with him in it.
Whereon Leoiuiatus would have put him to death for the
concealing of the secret ; which Eumenes being aware of,
fled to Perdiccas, and revealed the whole matter to him.
Whereon he grew very much into his confidence, and was,

n Arrian. in Excerptis Photii. Pausan. in Atticis &i Bceolicis. Diodor-.
Sic. lib. 19.

o Plutarch, in Eumene. Q. Curtius, lib. 10, c. 10. Diodor. Sic. lib. 18.
■Tustin. lib, 13, c. 4. Arrian. in Excerptis Photii

BOOK VIII.j CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY Oi' I G5

on other accounts, very acceptable unto him ; for he was a
very steady man, and had the best head-piece of all Alexan-
der's captains. And therefore Pcrdiccas, to gratify him,
taking the two kings along with him, marched into Cappa-
docia, and, having vanquished Ariarathes, and cut him otf,
with all his family and kindred, settled Eumenes in the quiet
possession of his government ; and afterward having subdued
Isaurus and Laranda, two cities of Pisidia, that had slain
their governors and revolted, he marched into Cilicia, and
there took up his winter quarters. While he lay there, he
projected the divorcing of Nicaea, the daughter of Antipater,
whom he had lately taken to wife, and the marrying of Cleo-
patra, the sister of Alexander the Great, in her stead. She
had been wife to Alexander king of Epirus ; but he having
been slain in his wars in Italy, she had ever since lived a
widow, and was then at Sardis in Lydia. Thither Perdiccas
sent Eumenes to propose the match, and court her to it ;
for she being in great credit and esteem with the Macedoni-
ans, as sister to Alexander, both by father and mother, he
proposed by this marriage to strengthen his interest with
them, and then in her right to seize the whole empire. An-
tigonus getting knowledge of this project, and that the cut-
ting of him off, to make way for the success of it, was one
part of the scheme, he fled into Greece to Antipater and
Craterus, who were then making war with the ^Etolians,
and discovered to them the whole plot; whereupon, clap-
ping up a peace with the iEtolians, they immediately march-
ed to the Hellespont to watch these designs, and took Pto-
lemy, governor of Egypt, into confederacy with them, for
the better strengthening of themselves against them. This
Craterus was one of the eminentest of Alexander's captains,
and of all of them the best beloved and esteemed by the
Macedonians. Alexander, a little before his death, had
sent him to conduct home into Macedonia ten thousand of
his veterans, who were by age, wounds, or infirmity, disa-
bled for farther service, with orders to take upon him the
government of Macedonia and Greece, in the room of Anti-
pater, whom he had called to Babylon, as hath been before
mentioned. And therefore, after the death of Alexander,
these provinces having been assigned to him in joint au-
thority with Antipater, he had accordingly taken on him
the government of them in copartnership with him, and
very amicably associated with him in all his wars, as
especially he had done in this, which the discovery of
Perdiccas's designs made it necessary for them to engage
in. In the interim, Perdiccas sent Eumenes into his pro-
vince, not only to put all things there in as good posture as
Vol. TI- ' 22

Ib6 COXKKXION Ui' THE HisTORY Oi' [PARi 1.

he could, but also to have a watchful eye upon Neoptole-
mus, governor of Armenia, which lay next him ; for Perdic-
cas had some suspicion of him, and not without cause, as it
will afterward appear.

In the beginning of the next spring, Perdiccas having as-
sembled all his forces together in Cappadocia, deli-
Phiiip^^k berated with his friends whether he should march
immediately into Macedonia against Antipater and
Craterus, or else into Egypt against Ptolemy.P Should he
march first into Macedonia, the fear was, that Ptolemy, whs)
had made himself very strong in Egypt, should take the
advantage to seize all the greater Asia. For the preventing
of this it was resolved not to leave Ptolemy at his back, but
to reduce him first, and after that to carry the war into Ma-
cedonia, and that, in the interim, Eumenes should be left
with a part of the army to guard the Asian provinces against
Antipater and Craterus. For the executing of which reso-
lutions, Perdiccas gave unto Eumenes the provinces of Caria,
Lycia, and Phrygia, in addition to those he had before, and
made him captain-general of all the countries from the
Hellespont to Mount Taurus, ordering all the governors of
them to obey his orders ; and then, by the way of Damas-
cus and Palestine, marched into Egypt, carrying the kings
with him in this expedition also, thereby to give the greater
countenance and authority to his actings in it.

Eumenes, to make good his charge, lost no time in provi-
ding for himself an army to withstand Antipater and Craterus,
who had passed the Hellespont to make war upon him.i
They, in the first place, made use of all manner of endea-
vours to draw him over to their party, promising him
the provinces which he had, with the addition of others to
them ; but he, being a steady man, would not, on any terms,
be wrought upon to break his faith with Perdiccas. But
they had better success with Alcetas and Neoptolemus ; for
they prevailed with the former, though the brother of Per-
diccas, to stand neuter, and with the other to come over to
him ; but, while he was on his march to join their army,
Eumenes fell upon him, and having vanquished him in bat-
tle, took from him all his baggage ; and Neoptolemus himself
difficultly escaped, with three hundred horse only, to Anti-
pater and Craterus, the rest of his forces, that were not cut
off in battle, taking service under Eumenes. Whereon An-
tipater marched into Cilicia, from thence to pass into Egypt
to the assistance of Ptolemy, if his atTairs should require it ; ♦

p Diod. Sic.lib. 18. Plularchus in Eumene. Justin, lib. 13, c. 6. Corn.
Nep. in Eumene. Arrian. in Exceiptis Fliotii.

q Plutarch. L Corn. Nepos in Eumene. Diod. Sic. lib. 18, Justin, lib
13\ c. 8. Arrian. in Excerpiis Thotii.

BOOK Vlir.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 167

and sent Craterus and Neoptolemus, with the rest of the
army, into Cappadocia, against Eumenes ; where, it coming
to a battle between them, Craterus and Neoptolemus were
both slain, and Eumenes gained an entire victory ; which was
wholly owing to his wisdom and military skill in ordering
the battle ; for, whereas the Macedonians generally had that
love for Craterus, that not one of them would have drawn a
sword against him, Eumenes ordered the matter so, that none
of the Macedonians that were in his army knew that Cra-
terus was with the enemy, till that he was slain, and the vic-
tory won.

In the interim Perdiccas entered Egypt, and there v/aged
war against Ptolemy, but not with the same success. For
Ptolemy, since his having entered on the government of
Egypt, managed all things there with that justice and benig-
nity, that he had not only made himself strong in the affec-
tion of the Egyptians, but had drawn many others thither,
who flocked to him out of Greece and other countries, to
enjoy the benefit of so just and mild a government; which
added great increase to his strength ; and the army of Perdic-
cas were so well afFected to him, that they went with great
unwillingness to make war against him, and many of them
daily deserted to him ; all which made against Perdiccas,
and at last ended in his ruin; for, having unfortunately en-
deavoured to pass a branch of the Nile, which made an
island in it over against Memphis, he had one thousand of his
men drowned in the attempt, and as many more devoured
by the crocodiles of that river; which angered the Mace-
donians who followed him to that degree, that, rising in a
mutiny against him, they slew him in his tent, and most of
his friends and confidents with him."" About two days after
came the news of Eumenes's victory. Had it been known
two days sooner, it would have prevented the mutiny, and
the revolution which afterward followed in favour of Ptole-
my, Antipater, and those of their party. The next day after
the death of Perdiccas, Ptolemy passed over the Nile into
his camp, and there so effectually pleaded his cause before
the Macedonians, that he turned them all over to him ; and,
when the news of Craterus's death came, he took the ad-
vantage of that grief and anger with which he saw them ac-
tuated for it, as to cause them, by a public decree, to declare
Eumenes, and fifty others of that party by name, enemies to
the Macedonian state ; and, by the same decree, Antipater
and Antigonus were appointed to make war against them as
such. And whereas all were inclined to have conferred on

r Diodorus Sidulus, lib. 18. Plutarch, in Eumene, Arriati. in Exoerptis
Photii. Pausan. in Attici?.

168 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART 1.

him the guardianship of the kings, in the room of Perdiccas,
he rather chose to keep where he was, recommending Pithon
and Aridfeus to this charge, and by his interest it was that
they were appointed to it. The former had been a noted
commander in the army of Alexander through all his wars,
and followed the party of Perdiccas till his late misfortune
at the Nile ; when, in dislike of his conduct, he deserted
from him, and went over to Ptolemy. But as to the other,
no mention is made of him, till, on the death of Alexander,
he was appointed to take care of his funeral ; for which
having made great preparations, at length, after two years
time spent herein, he carried the corpse in great solemnity
from Babylon into Egypt, and there deposited it in the city
of IMemphis ; from whence it was afterward translated to
Alexandria. A prophecy having been given out, that
wherever Alexander should be buried, that place of all others
should be the most happy and prosperous, this put the chief
governors of provinces upon a strife which of them should
have the body of this deceased prince, each of them de-
siring to make the chief seat of his government happy by
it. Perdiccas, out of love to his country, would have car-
ried it to Egas in Macedonia, the usual burying-place of the
Macedonian kings, and others elsewhere. But l^tolemy pre-
vailed to have it brought into Egypt; where Aridaeus having
carried it not long before the death of Perdiccas, Ptolemy,
in order to gratify him for it, procured that he was chosen
into this office. But Eurydice, the wife of king Aridauis
(now called Philip,) putting in to have all affairs managed ac-
cording to her direction, and the Macedonians favouring her
in this pretence, they were so tired with the impertinency of
this woman, that, when they had led back the army to Tripa-
radisus in Syria, they there resigned their charge, and it
was conferred wholly on Antipater ; who thereon made
a new partition of the provinces of the empire, wherein
he excluded all that had been of the party of Perdiccas
and Eumenes, and restored all of the other party that had
been dispossessed. In this new distribution Seleucus had
the government of Babylon conferred on him ; who, from
this beginning, afterward grew up to be the greatest of Alex-
ander's successors, as will hereafter be related. Antipater,
liaving thus settled affairs, sent Antigonus to make war upon
Eumenes, and then returned into Macedonia, leaving his son
Cassander, with Antigonus, in the command of general of the
horse in his army, to be a spy upon him.

This year Jaddua, the high-priest of tlic Jews, being dead,
Onias, his son, succeeded him in that office, and lived in it
iwenty-one years.''

5 ,To5Pph. \iiti<7- lib. 11- (■ ■*, riii-017. Aipx. Eusfb.in Chronirf!

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AM> NEW TESTAMENTS. 169

Early the next spring, Antigonus marched out of his
winter quarters against Eumenes ; and, at Orcynium,
in Cappadocia, it came to a battle between them, in pi";if"'^4
which Eumenes lost the victory, with eight thousand
of his men.* This was caused by the treachery of Apollo-
nides, one of the principal commanders of his horse, who,
being corrupted by Antigonus, deserted to him in the bat-
tle. However, the traitor escaped not the punishment
which he deserved ; for Eumenes, having taken him, caused
him immediately to be hanged for it. After this, Eu-
menes shifted from place to place, till at length he was shut
up in the castle of Nora, which was situated in the confines
of Cappadocia and Ljcaonia, where he endured the siege
of a whole year.

In the mean time, Ptolemy, finding how convenient Syria,
Phoenicia, and Judea, lay for him, both for the defence of
Egypt, as well as for the invading from thence the island of
Cyprus, which he had an eye upon, resolved to make him-
self master of these provinces. They were, in the first par-
tition of the provinces of the empire, granted to Laomedon,
the Mytelenian, one of Alexander's captains, and had been
confirmed to him also in that second partition which was
made by Antipater at Triparadisus ; and he had accordingly,
from the death of Alexander to this time, been possessed of
them, without any interruption or disturbance. Ptolemy, at
first, thought to have bought him out of them, and offered
him vast sums for this purpose ; but not prevailing this way,
he sent Nicanor, one of his captains, with an army into Syria
against him, while he with a fleet invaded Phoenicia. Nica-
nor, having vanquished Laomedon in battle, and taken him
prisoner, thereon seized all the inland country, and Ptolemy
had the same success on the maritime ; so that hereby he
made himself master of all those provinces ; and Antipater
being returned into Macedonia, and Antigonus otherwise en-
gaged against Eumenes, neither of them could hinder this
enlargement of his power, though both disliked it.'^

But when all other parts of the country, after this van-
quishing of Laomedon, readily yielded to Ptolemy, the
Jews alone refused to submit to this new master, and for
sometime stood out against him. For, having a just sense
of the oath which they had sworn to the former governor,
they were truly tenacious of the faith which they had there-
by engaged to him ; and therefore, till overpowered by
force, would comply with nothing that was contrary to it.

t Plutarch, et Corn. Nepos in Eumene. Diodor. Sic. lib. IS.
u Diodorus Siculus, lib. 18. Plutarch, in Deniet. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12,
r. 1. Appian. in Syriacis. Pausan. in Atticis.

170 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART I.

Whereon Ptolemy marched into Judea, and laid siege to Je-
rusalem.* The place, being strongly fortified both by art
and nature, might have held out long against him, but that
the Jews had then such a superstitious notion for the keeping
of their sabbath, that they thought it a breach of their law
concerning it, even to defend themselves on that day ; which
Ptolemy having observed, made choice of their sabbath to
storm the place ; and then took it in the assault, because
none of them would, on that day, defend their walls against
him. Josephus, being unwilling to expose his nation to the
contempt of the Greeks for so ridiculous a folly, tells the
story otherwise in his Antiquities, as if Ptolemy were ad-
mitted into Jerusalem upon articles of composition, and
seized the place in breach of them ; but other historians,^
and those whom he himself quotes elsevs'here, give that
other account of it which I have here related, and which
I think was the truth of the matter ; for it appears from the
book of the Maccabees,^ that till Matlathias, and those with
him, made a decree to the contrary, it was the stated opinion
of the Jews, that they were to do nothing on the sabbath-
day, even for the saving of their own lives, against those that
fought against them.

When Ptolemy had thus made himself master of Jerusa-
lem and all Judea, he did at first deal very hardly with the
inhabitants ; for he carried above one hundred thousand of
them captives into Egypt.* But afterward, reflecting on the
steadiness with which they adhered to the fealty they had
sworn to their former princes and governors, he thought
them the properest for the highest trust ; and therefore,
having chosen out of them thirty thousand of the strongest
and best qualified for military service, he committed to them
the garrisoning and keeping of those towns which were of
the greatest importance to him to have well maintained, and
appointed the rest, at their desire, to be with them in the
same places, to administer all necessaries to them- And
whereas he had lately brought under him Cyrene and Libya,
he placed several of them there ; and from them were de-
scended the C}^renian Jews, of whom was Jason, '^ who wrote
the history of the Maccabees in five books, (of which the se-
cond book of Maccabees, which we now have, is an abridg-
ment,) and of whom also was Simon*^ that bore Christ's cross
at his crucifixion, and others that are mentioned in the Acts
of the Apostles.^

X Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 1. &, contra Apiori. lib. 1.

y Agatharcides ap Joseph, lib. 1, contra Apion. Vide etiatn Aristeam.

z 1 Maccab. ii 41. a Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 1. Aristeas.

b 2 Maccab. i. c Matt, xxvii, 32. Mark xv. 21. Luke xxiii. 26.

d Acts ii. 10 ; vi. 9.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 171

Antipater being worn out with age, died in Macedonia,® and
at his death, appointed Polysperchon, who was the
oldest of Alexander''s captains then remaining, to be phum's.
the guardian of the kings, and governor of Macedonia,
in his stead ; which Cassander resented with great indigna-
tion : for he could not bear that his father should prefer any
one before him in this trust; and therefore be forthwith set
himself to form a party against the new guardian, and seized
as many places as he could within the verge of his govern-
ment, both in Greece and Macedon, and purposed no less
than the dispossessing him of all the rest. And for the bet-
ter carrying on of all this design, he sent to Ptolemy and An-
tigonus, to engage them to be on his side in it ; and they both
encouraged him to proceed therein, but with a view only to
their own interest. The aim of the former was to secure
himself in the provinces he had gotten ; and that of the other
was, to possess himself of all Asia ; and they thought, if the
Macedonians were embarrassed by a war at home, they
might both of them, with the greater ease, obtain their de-
signs. For no sooner was Antipater dead, but Anligonus, find-
iiig himself possessed of the greatest power of all Alexander's
captains then surviving, formed a project of making himself
master of all : for he was left by Antipater generalissimo of
all the Lesser Asia, with full authority over all the provinces
in it, and had then under his command an army of seventy
thousand men, besides thirty elephants ; which was a force
which no other power in the empire could then resist, and
therefore he resolved to seize the whole. In order hereto,
his first step was to make a reform in all the governments of
the provinces within the verge of his power, by putting out all
such governors as he had no contidence in, and placing
others in their stead who wholly depended on him. And ac-
cordingly he drove Aridaeus out of his government of the Les-
ser Phrygia and Hellespont, and Clitus out of that of Lydia,
and so proceeded to do the same in all the other provinces
and cities of the Lesser Asia. But his greatest difficulty
was to master Eumenes, whose valour, wisdom, and military
skill, made him more formidable to him than all the rest,
though he had then been for a whole year shut up and be-
sieged by him in the castle of Nora. And therefore he
would make trial again to draw him over to him, and sent
his countryman Jerom of Cardia, the famous historian of
those times, to make proposals to him for this purpose ; with
whom Eumenes managed the treaty so wisely and craftily,
that he got rid of the siege at the time, when he was almost

e Dioilor. Sic. lib. 18. Plutarch, in Phocione

17-2 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART i'»

brought to the point of perishing by it, and without obhging
himself to any tl)ing that Aiitigonus intended by the com-
position. For an agreement being made, and the oath
whereby Eumenes was to swear to it being according to the
form sent by Antigonus, that he should hold all for friends
or enemies, as they were friends or enemies to Antigonus,
he altered the form, putting it, that he should hold all for
friends or enemies, as they were friends or enemies to Olym-
pias, and the kings, as well as to Antigonus, and then refer-
red it to the Macedonians that lay at the siege, to judge
which was the most proper form ; who, still retaining their
affection for the royal family, gave their judgment for the
latter. And therefore Eumenes having sworn according to
this form, they raised the siege, and departed. But when
Antigonus had an account how this matter was managed, he
was so displeased at it, that he refused to ratify the treaty,
and immediately despatched his orders to have the siege
again renewed. But they came too late to be put in execu-
tion : for Eumenes, immediately on the raising of the siege,
quitted the fortress, and, with the five hundred men that
bore the siege with him, marched into Cappadocia,and there
got together of his old soldiers about two thousand more,
and made all other preparations for the war which he knew
would be again renewed against him.^

In the interim, the defection of Antigonus from the inter-
est of the kings, and setting up for himself, being notorious, a
commission was sent to Eumenes, in the name of the kings,
from Polysperchon their guardian, constituting him captain-
general of all the Lesser Asia, with orders to Teutamus and
Antigenes, commanders of the Argyraspides, tojoin with him,
and, under his command, to make war against Antigonus."
And those who had the keeping of the king's treasures were
commanded every where to supply him with money for this
war. And letters were sent every where from Olympias to
the same purpose. Hereon Eumenes set himself with
vigour to augment his forces with new recruits, and make all
other preparations which might enable him successfully to
execute all the orders he had received. But, before he
could get together an army sufficient for it, Menander, one
of Antigonus's captains coming upon him into Cappadocia,
with a great army, he was forced to march thence in haste
with only three thousand men that he had then about him.
But having, by long marches, gotten over Mount Taurus
into the country of Cilicia, he was there met by the Argy-
raspides, who, according to the orders received from the

f Plutarch, fc. Corn. Nepos in Eumenc. Diod. ib.
S Djod. Plutarch. &. Corn. JVepos, ib

hOOK VIII. J THE OLl> AND NEW XKS TAMENTS. 173

kings, joined with him, they being in number about three
thousand men. These were the remainders of the old sol-
diers of Alexander, by whom he had won all his victories ;
and he having given them, when they marched with him
into India, shields plated over with silver, as a mark of spe-
cial honour to them, from hence they were called the Argy-
raspides, that is, the silver shielded (for so that name signified
in the Greek language.)'' And they were eminent, above
all of their time, for valour and skill in war. But the
year being then spent, Eumenes could do no more at that
time than enter into winter quarters with them in that coun-
try.

While he lay there, he sent his emissaries into all parts to
raise him more forces ; who, being plentifully sup-
phiup'^'e. plied with money, executed their commissions so
successfully, that, in the ensuing spring, he took the
field with an army of twenty thousand men, horse and foot;
which did put all his enemies into no small fear of him.*
And therefore Ptolemy, for the crushing of him, came with
a fleet upon the coasts of Cilicia, and made all manner of
attempts to draw off the Argyraspides from him ; and Anti-
gonus endeavoured the same by several emissaries sent into
Eumenes's camp for this purpose. But both miscarried
herein : for Eumenes carried himself with that benignity and
affability to all that were with him. and conducted all his
affairs with so much prudence, that he engaged the hearts of
all his soldiers to him with so strong a link of affection and
confidence, that not a man of all his army could be induced
to desert him.

And therefore, having his army thus firmly fixed to him,
he marched with them into Syria and Phoenicia, to dispossess
Ptolemy of these provinces, which against all right, he had
violently seized to himself.*^ His intention hereby was to
open a secure correspondence between him and Polysper-
chon by sea : for, could he have gotten the naval strength
of the Phoenicians into his power, this, in conjunction with
the fleet of Polysperchon, would have made them absolute
masters of the seas, and they might then have sent and re-
ceived succours to and from each other, according as their
affairs should require ; and had this design succeeded, they
must have carried all before them. But the fleet of Polys-
perchon being, through the folly of Clitus who commanded
it, all broken and destroyed by Antigonus, this baffled the
whole project. For Antigonus, immediately on tlie gaining

h Justin, lib. 12, c. 7. Q. Curtius, lib. S, c. '».
i Diod. Sic. lib. 18. Plutarch. St Corn. Nepos in Eumene
k Diodor, Sic. ibid.
Vol. II. 23

174 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY •? [PART I^

^
of this victory, put himself upon the march with a great army
to find out Eumenes, who, having received intelligence, and
finding himself not strong enough to encounter so great a
force as Antigonus was bringing against him, he durst not
stay his coming ; but forthwith withdrew out of Phoenicia,
and, marching through Coelo-Syria, passed the Euphrates,
and wintered at Carrhae and Mesopotamia. This was the
ancient Charan, or Haran, of the holy Scriptures, where
Abraham dwelt before became into the land of Canaan, and
after that Nahor the brother of Abraham, and his posterity
after him, had their habitation for several generations.'
And it was, in the histories of after-ages, rendered famous
for the great battle there fought between the Romans and
the Parthians, wherein the former received that signal over-
throw, in which Crassus, and most of their army under his
command, were cut in pieces." The Turks now call it
Haran by the old name ; and it was, in late ages, famous for
being the prime seat of the Sabians, a noted sect in the East,
of which I have above spoken." Hence those of this
sect were called Haranites, as well as Sabians, in those
parts.

Eumenes, while he lay at Carrhae, sent to Pitiion govern-
or of Media, and Seleucus governor of Babylon, to
phiHp^'?. joi" ^^'th him, for the aiding of the kings against An-
tigonus, and caused the orders of the kings for this
purpose to be communicated to them. ' Their answer hereto
was, that they should be very ready to give all aid to the
kings, but would have nothing to do with him, who had been
declared a public enemy by the Macedonians. But the truth
of the matter was, they feared the great genius of Eumenes ;
for the intention of most of Alexander's commanders, who,
after his death, had divided the governments and provinces
of his empire among them, was to set up for themselves,
and make themselves sovereigns each in the country which
he had seized ; and it was with a view to this, that, on the
death of Alexander, they did set up an idiot and an infant to
have the names of sovereigns after him, that, under so weak
a government, they might the better ripen their designs for
the usurpations they intended ; and all these measures they
thought would be broken, if Eumenes got the ascendant ;
and therefore all of them that were for these measures were
against him. But. whether his purpose was to advance him-
self to the sovereignty, or preserve it to the family of Alex-
ander, is uncertain. His professions always were for the

m Plutarch, in Crasso. Appian. in Parthicis. Strabo,lib. 16, p. T47.
n Vide Golii Notas ad Alfraganiim, p. 249, 250.
o Diodor. Sic. lib. 1<>.

BOOK VIH.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 175

family of Alexander, and, whatever his secret intentions
might be, none of his actions made any discovery to the con-
trary. But this much is certain, that as he was the wisest
and the valiantest of all Alexander's captains, so was he the
most steady and faithful to all his obligations, having never
falsided his faith in any one particular wherein he had en-
gaged it ; though he himself perished for want of it in others,
as will be hereafter related.

From Carrhae Eumenes marched, in the beginning of the
spring, towards Babylon ; in which march he had like to
have lost all his army, by a stratagem of Seleucus upon him.^
For he having encamped on a plain near the Euphrates,
Seleucus, by cutting the banks of the river, overflooded the
place where he lay. But Eumenes, having immediately
drawn oflf his army to an adjoining eminence, thereby saved
them from the present danger, and the next day after, having
found out a way again to drain off the overflowings, he march-
ed off without receiving any great inconvenience from it :
whereon Seleucus prayed truce with them, and permitted
him safely to pass through his province to Susa, where he put
his army into quarters of refreshment, and from thence sent
messengers to all the governors of the upper provinces of
Asia to call them to his assistance. He had before trans-
mitted to them letters from the kings, which commanded
them to join him for the support of the royal interest, and
now he sent to let them know where he was, and to press
upon them the speedy execution of the royal command.
And his messengers found them all together, they having
lately joined in a war against Fithon, governor of Media,
which they had just then tinished. For Pithon, playing the
the same game in those provinces of the Upper Asia that
Antigonus did in the Lower, had put Philotas to death to
seize his province, and intended to have proceeded in the
same manner with the rest, till he should have usurped all
to himself. Which being discerned, they all joined, under
the command of Peucestes, governor of the province of
Persia, in a common war against him ; in which having van-
quished him in battle, they drove him out of Media, and
forced him to tly to Babylon, to crave of Seleucus the pro-
tection of his life. And they were still encamped together
after this victory, when Eumenes's messengers came unto
them; whereon they immediately marched to Susa, and
there joined him with all their forces, which consisted of
about twenty-five thousand men, horse and foot. This rein-
forcement made him more than a match for Antigonus, who

p Diodorus Siculus,lib. 19.

176 CONJJEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART J.

was then on his march after him ; but, the year being far
advanced before he could reach the Tigris, he was forced to
take up his winter quarters in Mesopotamia, where Seleucus
and Pithon, who were then of his party, joining him, they
there concerted together the operations of the next cam-
paign. .

In the interim a great change happened in Macedonia.^
For Olyrnpias, the mother of Alexander, having formerly
fled out of Macedonia intoEpirus with Alexander her grand-
son, and Roxana his mother, for fear of Antipater, now after
his death was again returned, and havisig gotten the power
of the kingdom into her hands, put Aridaeus, the nominal
king (whom they call Philip.) to death, with Eurydice his
wife, after he had borne the title of king six years and se-
ven months ; and with him she slew also Nicanor, the bro-
ther of Cassander, and an hundred more of his principal
friends and adherents : which cruelty was retaliated upon her
the next year after ; for then Cassander, coming upon her
with an army, besieged her in Pydna, and, having forced her
to surrender, first shut her up in prison, and afterward caused
her to be there put to death. After the cutting off of Ari-
daeus, Alexander, the son of Roxana, alone bore the title of
king, till at length he was also in like manner cut off by the
treachery of those who usurped his father's empire. But
almost ail the time he bore this title alone, he bore it in a
jail ; for Cassander, after he had taken Pydna, shut up him
and his mother in the castle of Amphipolis, till at length he
murdered them both, to make way for himself to be king of
Macedon ; as will hereafter, in its proper place, be more
fully related.

Antigonus, in the beginning of the spring, marched to Ba-
An. 31G l^y'on, where, having joined the forces which Pithon
^"us^i" ^""^ Seleucus had there got ready for him, he passed
the Tigris to find out Eumcnes ; and, on the other
hand, Eumenes was not wanting to put himself in a posture
to encounter him, being now superior to him in the number
of his forces, and much more so in the wisdom and sagacity
of his conduct : not that theolherwas defective herein ; for,
next Eumenes, he was certainly (he best general and the
wisest politician of his time/ But the great disadvantage
which Eumenes lay under was, he commanded a volunteer
army, it being made up of the forces brought him by the se-
veral governors of provinces, who had joined him, and every
one of these would have the general command : and Eu-
menes not l)eing a Macedoinan, but a Thracian by birth,

q Diod. Sic. lib. ]'X .Tustin,lib. 14.

r Diod. Sic lib. 19. Plntarcii. et Corn. Nepos in Eumene.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 177

there was not one of them but thought himself, for this rea-
son, preferable before him. To master this difficulty, he
pretended that Alexander had appeared to him in a dream,
and showed him a royal pavihon richly furnished, with a
throne in it, and told him, that, if they would sit in council
there, he himself would be present to prosper all iheir con-
sultations and undertakii»gs upon which they should enter in
his name; and, having wrought the superstition which they
had for Alexander mto a belief of this, he caused such a pa-
vilion and throne to be erected as he pretended to have seen
in his dream ; and, placing a crown and sceptre in the throne,
he prevailed with them there to meet in council, and con-
sult together in common, under the presidency of Alexan-
der, in the same manner as when he was alive, without
owning any other superior ; which quelled all farther strife
about this matter ; for hereby a priority was yielded to none,
and all pretences to it being still kept alive, were reserved to
the opportunities which the future events of their affairs
might give to lay claim thereto. However, the army had
that confidence in the great abilities of Eumenes, that, in
time of battle, and in all cases of danger, he was always
called to the supreme command, and the soldiers would not
fight till they saw him in it. And, by the wisdom of his ma-
nagement, he brought it to pass in all other cases, that though
in outward show he seemed to waive all superiority, yet in
reality he had it, and all things were ordered according to his
directions. And, the rojal command to all the keepers of
the public treasuries being to give out uiilo Eumenes all such
sums as he should think fitting to require, this command of
the purse gave him the command of all things else ; for
hereby he was enabled constantly to pay his army, and also
to give gratuities to the chief leaders among them ; which
had no small influence to engage them to hiin. And in this
posture stood the affairs of both parties, when this year's war
was begun, whi< h was carried on with great vigour on both
sides; and all xMedia and Persia became the field of it ; for
they ranged these countries all over with marches and coun-
ter-marches upon each other, and all manner of stratagems
and trials of military skill were put in practice on both
sides. But Eurnenes hiiving a genius jnuch superior in ail
such matters, he did thereby, notwithstanding the disadvan-
tages he lay under from a mutinous and ungovernable army,
make the campaign end in his favour ; for he had worsted
Antigonus in two encounters, in which he had slain and ta-
ken a great number of his men ; and, when winter approach-
ed, he secured the best quarters for himself in the province
of Gabiena, and forced Antigonus to march northward, to

178 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART 1.

seek for his in the country of Media, at the distance of twen-
ty-five days march from him.

But the hcentiousness of Eumenes's soldiers being such
An 315 ^'^'^^ ^^^^y ^^^^^^ ''ot be kept together, but, for the
Aiexamter sakc of 3 morc luxuHous plenty, scattered them-
selves over the province, and quartered at so great
a distance from each other, as would require several days
for them again to embody.^ Antigonus, on his having an
account hereof, took a march towards him in the middle of
winter, reckoning to be upon him before he should be able
to get his army together, and thereby gain an easy and abso-
lute victory over him. But Eumenes, who was never want-
ing in any precautions necessary for his security, had his
spies and scouts so well placed, and so well furnished with
dromedaries, the swiftest of beasts, to give him intelligence,
that he had notice of this march of Antigonus some days
before he could arrive, and thereby had time to defeat it by
a stratagem, which saved the army, when all the other com-
manders gave it for lost. For getting up upon those moun-
tains which lay towards the enemy, with such forces as were
nearest at hand, he there caused them, the next night,
to kindle fires in such manner as might represent the en-
campment of an army ; which being seen by Antigonus's
scouts at a great distance, and speedily notified to him, this
made him believe that Eumenes was there with all his army
ready to encounter him ; and therefore, not thinking it
proper to engage his men, as then fatigued and tired out by a
long march, with a fresh army, he stopped so long to refresh
them, that Eumenes had gotten all his forces together before
he could come up with him, and then he found he came too
late to put his designs in execution. However, not long
after, this brought on a battle between them, wherein Eu-
menes got the victory ; which would have proved decisive
in his favour, but that he lost all the fruits of it, and himself
too, by the treachery of his own men. For the battle being
fought in a sandy field, the feet of the men and horses in the
engagement raised such a dust, as involved all in a cloud, so
that there was no seeing of any thing at the least distance :
of which Antigonus taking the advantage, sent out a party of
•horse, that seized and carried off all the baggage of Eu-
menes's army, before they could be perceived ; whereby he
gained the main point, though he lost the victory. For Eu-
menes's soldiers, when returned from the pursuit of the ene-
my, finding their camp taken, and all their baggage, with
their wives and children carried off, instead of using their

s Diod. Sic, Plutarch. &, Corn. Nepos, ibid.

I500K VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 179

swords against the enemy again to recover them, turned all
their rage upon their general ; and therefore, having seized
and bound him, sold him to Antigonus to redeem what they
had lost, and then went all over to him ; which absolutely
determined the war for the interest of Antigonus ; for im-
mediately hereon he became master of all Asia, from the
Hellespont to the river Indus. Eumenes being thus fallen
into his hands, he was for some time in a doubt how to dis-
pose of him, he having been formerly his intimate friend,
while they both served together under Alexander. The
remembrance hereof did at tirst put the affection he had for
him into a struggle with his interest for the saving of his
life ; and Demetrius his son became an earnest solicitor for
him, being very desirous, out of the generosity of his tem-
per, that so gallant a man should be kept alive. But at
length, reflecting on his immoveable fidelity to Alexander's
family, how dangerous an antagonist he had in him on this
account, and how able he was to disturb all his affairs, should
he again get loose from him, he durst not trust him with life,
and therefore ordered him to be put to death in prison.
And thus perished the wisest and the gallantest man of the
age in which he lived. He had not indeed the fortune of
Alexander, but in every thing else far exceeded him : for he
was truly valiant without rashness, and wise without timidity,
readily foreseeing all advantages that offered, and boldly ex-
ecuting all that were feasible ; so that he never failed of
any thing that he undertook, but when disappointed by the
treachery of his own men. By this means he lost the battle
which he fought with Antigonus in Cappadocia ; and by this
means only was it that he was at last undone in Gabiena.
After his death, Antigonus, with all his army, in the solemn-
est manner, attended his funeral pile, and showed him the
greatest honour that could be done him after his death, and
sent his bones and ashes, in a sumptuous urn of silver, to his
wife and children into Cappadocia. But this could make no
amends for the taking away of his life. However, it showed
that even in the opinion of the worst of his enemies, he was
a person of that eminent merit as deserved a much better
fate.

Antigonus now looking on the whole empire of Asia as his
own, for the better securing of it to him, made a reform
through all the eastern provinces, putting out all such govern-
ors as he distrusted, and placing others, of whom he had
greater confidence, in their stead, and such as he thought
dangerous he cut off. Of this number were Pithon, govern-
or of Media, and Antigenes, general of the Argyraspides :
and he had marked out Seleucus, governor of Babylon, for

180 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART I.

the same destruction ; but he, being aware of it, fled into
Egypt, and there, under the protection of Ptolemy, saved his
life. And as to the Argyraspides, who were those that be-
trayed Eunrienes, he sent them into Arachosia, the remotest
province of the empire, giving it in charge to Sibyrtius, the
governor of it, by all ways and means, to cause them there
to be all consumed and destroyed, so that not a man of them
might again return into Greece. And this he did out of a
just abhorrence of the treachery which they had been guilty
of towards their general, though he himself had the fruit of
it.^

In the interim, Seleucus being got safe into Egypt, he so
effectually represented to Ptolemy the formidable power of
Antigonus, as he also did to Lysimachus and Cassander, by
messengers sent to them for this purpose, and made them so
sensible of the danger they were in from it, that he drew
them all three into a league against him. Antigonus being
aware that Seleucus, on his flight, might endeavour to en-
"at^e those princes into measures prejudicial to his interest,
sent to each of them ambassadors to renew his friendship
with them. Bu' tiading by their answers, and the high de-
mands which they made, that nothing but a war was to be
expected from them, he hastened out o! the East into Cilicia ;
and, having there taken care for the recruiting and reinfor-
cing of his army, and ordered all things in the provinces
of Lesser Asia as best suited with his interest, he marched
thence into Syria and Phoenicia."

His intentions, in entering into these provinces, were to
dispossess Ptolemy of them, and make himself mas-
Aiexander tcr of their uaval force : for, finding that a danger-
^^"^^' our war was coming upon him from the confederated
princes, and judging aright, that, without making himself
master of the seas, there was no managing of it with success
against them, he found it necessary to have the Phoenician
ports and shipping at his command ; but he came too late for
the latter of them, Ptolemy having carried away all the
Phoenician shipping into Egypt before his arrival : neither
did he easily make himself master of the ports; for Tyre,
Joppa, and Gaza, held out against him. The two latter he
soon reduced, but Tyre endured a siege of fifteen months
before it could be brought to yield to him. However,
having all the other ports of Syria and Phoenicia in his
power, he immediately set himself to the building of a fleet
of ships in them, cutting down vast quantities of timber
from Mount Libanus, and causing them to be carried to the

t Diod. Sic. lib. 19. Plutarch, in Demet. Appian. ia Syriacis.
u Diod. & Appian. ibid. Justin, lib. 15.

liOOK Vm.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT;

18i

several ports where the ships were building ; in which works
several thousands of hands were enriployed ; and by this
means he soon equipped such a number of ships, as did, with
those sent him from Cyprus, Rhodes, and other confederated
places, make up a fleet, which soon gave him the mastery of
the seas.^ That which chiefly egged him on with so much
speed to provide himself with this fleet, was an affront oflfered
him by Seleucus ; for while he lay encamped near Tyre on the
seashore, Seleucus came thither with one hundred sail of
Ptolemy's fleet, and Antigonus, not having any shipping to
encounter him, he passed by the coast where he was en-
camped, in contempt of him, within the sight of all his army ;
which very much disheartening his men, and raising a mean
opinion of his power in such of his allies as were then pre-
sent with him, for the remedy hereof he called them all to-
gether, and let them know, that even that very summer he
would be on those seas with a fleet of five hundred sail,
which no power of the enemy should be able to withstand •
and accordingly he made his word good before the end of
the year.

But Antigonus finding, that while he was intent upon
these affairs in Phoenicia, Cassander grew upon him
in the Lesser Asia, he marched thither with one Alexander
part of his army, and left Demetrius, his son (then a ^^"* *'
young man, not exceeding the twenty-second year of his
age,) with the other part to defend Syria and Phoenicia
against Ptolemy. >' By this time Tyre was reduced to great
extremities ; for Antigonus's fleet being now set to sea,
barred all provisions from being carried to them ; which
soon brought them to a necessity of surrendering. How-
ever, they obtained terms for the garrison of Ptolemy to
march safely thence with all their effects, and for the inha-
bitants to retain theirs without any damage. For Androni-
cus, who then commanded at the siege for Antigonus, was
glad on any terms to gain so important a place, especially
after being tired out with so long a siege; for it lasted (as I
have already said) fifteen months. It was but nineteen years
before that Alexander had destroyed this city in such a man-
ner, as it might seem to require the length of ages for it
again to recover itself; yet in so short a time it grew up
again into a condition of enduring this siege for more than
double the time of that of Alexander's. This shows the
great advantage of trade : for this city being the grand mart,
where most of the trade both of the East and West did then

X Diod. Sic. lib. 19.

y Diod. Sic. lib. 19. Plutarch, in Deme'i, Appian. in Syriacis.

Vol. IL 24

182 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART f.

centre, by virtue hereof it was, that it so soon revived to its
pristine vigour.

Antigonus, on his coming into Lesser Asia, soon reduced
the growing power of Cassander, and forced him to very
mean terms of accommodation ; but, after he had made
them, he repented of the agreement, and would not stand to
it, but sent to Ptolemy and Seleucus for assistance ; and went
on with the war ; which detained Antigonus longer in those
parts than he intended, and in the interim, gave Ptolemy the
opportunity of gaining great advantages against him in the
East/'

For having with his fleet sailed to Cyprus, he reduced
„,„ most of that island to him, and from thence made a

An. 312. 1 TT o • 1 ,

Alexander desccut iirst upou the Upper oyria, and next upon
*^"* ■ Cilicia ; where having taken great spoils, and many
captives, he returned with them into Egypt ; and there
having, by the advice of Seleucus, formed a design for the
recovery of Phoenicia and Syria, he marched thither with
a great army.^ On his coming to Gaza, he there found
Demetrius ready to obstruct his farther progress. This
brought on a fierce battle between them, in which Ptolemy
gained the victory, having slain five thousand of Demetrius's
men, and taken eight thousand captive ; which forced De-
metrius to retreat, first to Azotus, and from thence to Tripoli,
a city of Phoenicia, as far back as the confines of the Upper
Syria, and quit all Phoenicia, Palestine, and Coelo-Syria, to
the victor. But, before he left Azotus, having sent to desire
leave to bury the dead, Ptolemy not only granted him this,
but sent him also all his equipage, tents, and furniture, with
all his friends, family, and servants, without any ransom ;
which kindness Demetrius had the opportunity of returning,
when, a wliile after, he got the like advantage of Ptolemy.
All the other captives he sent into Egypt, to be there em-
ployed in his service on board his fleet ; and then marching
forward, had all the seacoast of Phoenicia forthwith surren-
dered to him, excepting only Tyre ; for f^ndronicus, who had
lately taken that city after the long siege I have mentioned,
having then the government of it, held it out for some time.

But, at length the garrison-soldiers falling into a mutiny
against him, delivered the place to Ptolemy, and him with
it.

After these successes, Seleucus, having obtained of Ptole-
my one thousand foot, and three hundred horse, marched
eastward w^ith them to recover Babylon.'' With so small a

z Diod. Sic. lib. 19. Plutarch, in Demefrio.

a Diod. ibid. Plutarch, in Denietrio. Justin, lib. 15, c, 1. Hecatfeu?
Abderita apud Josephum contra Apione^:, lib. 1
b Drod. Sic. lib. 19. Appian. in Syriacis.

liOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 183

force did he undertake so great an enterprise, and yet suc-
ceeded in it. On his coming to Carrhae in Mesopotamia,
partly by persuasion, and partly by force, he brought all the
Macedonians that were there in garrison to join with him.
And as soon as he drew near to Babylon, great numbers of
the inhabitants of that province flocked to him: for re-
membering his mild government, and disliking the severity
of Antigonus, they were glad of his return, and desirous to
see him reinstated in his former command over them ; and
therefore, on his approach to the city, he found the gates
opened to him, and he was received into the place with the
general acclamation of the people. Whereon those who
were of the party of Antigonus retired into the castle ; but
Seleucus, having now the possession of the city, and all the
people on his side, soon made himself master of this fortress ;
and with it again received his children, friends, and servants,
whom, on his flight into Egypt, Antigonus had there shut up
in prison; and then applied himself to get together such an
army as might enable him to keep what he had gotten : for
he had not long been in possession of this city, ere Nicanor
(who was governor of Media for Antigonus) put himself
upon the march with an army to drive him thence. Seleu-
cus, on his having received intelligence of it, passed the
Tigris to meet him, and having gotten him at a disadvan-
tage, stormed his camp in the night, and put his whole army
to the route ; whereon Nicanor, with some few of his friends,
fled through the deserts to Antigonus, and all his forces that
survived the route, part through dislike of Antigonus, and
part through fear of the concjueror, joined with him. Wliere-
by, having gotten a great army under him, he seized Media,
Susiana, and other neighbouring provinces and places, and
thereby firmly fixed his interest and his power in those parts ;
which he daily improved by the clemency of his government,
and the justice, equity, and humanity, which he practised
towards all that were under it; and, by these means, from
so low a beginning, as I have mentioned, he grew up at
length to be the greatest of all Alexander's successors.

From this retaking of Babylon by Seleucus, began the fa-
mous era of the Seleucids, made use of all over the East, by
heathens, Jews, Christians, and Mahometans.'^ It is called
by the Jews,*^ the era of contracts, because, after they fell
under the government of the Syro-Macedonian kings, they
were forced to use it in all their contracts, and other instru-
ments of civil atfairs ; and it afterward grew so much in use

c Vide Scaliger. Petavium, Calvisium, aliosque clironolog. de hac ara.
d Vide Vorstii Zemach David, p. 61. &, Disserlationem R. Aaariie apud
eundera in Observationibus ad Zemach David, p. 247, 248, fee.

184 eoNNKXioisr op the history of [part i.

among them, that, till a thousand years after Christ, they had
no other way whereby to compute their time, but this era of
contracts only ; for it was not till then that they began to reckon
by the years from the creation of the world. As long as
they continued in the East, they continued in the eastern
usage of computing by the era of contracts (as they called
it;) but when about the year of our Lord 1040, they were
driven out of the East, and forced to remove into these
western parts, and here settled in Spain, France, England,
and Germany, they learned from some of the Christian chro-
nologers of these countries to compute by the years from
the creation. The first year of this era, according to their
reckoning, falls in the year of the Julian period 953, and
takes its beginning from the autumnal equinox of that year.
But the true year of the creation of the world, according to
Scaliger's computation, was one hundred and eighty-nine
years, and according to others, two hundred and forty-nine
years, higher up than where this era of the Jews placeth it.
However, the era of contracts is not at this time out of use
among those people : for they continue still to reckon by it,
as well as by the other. The Arabs call it Taric Dilcarnain,
that is, The Era of the Tioohorned. The reason of this
name some deduce from Alexander, who is in the Alcoran
and other Arabic books, frequently called The two-horned.'^
And he is often found with two horns on his coins. This
most likely proceeded from the fond vanity which he had of
being thought the son of Jupiter Hammon : for that god of
the heathens being usually represented with two rams' horns
on his head, Alexandermight cause himself tobe so represent-
ed too, the better to make the fiction pass that he was his son.
But this era hath no relation to Alexander, although it hath
been, by some, ignorantly derived from him, and also called
by his name, The era of Alexander : for Alexander was
dead twelve years before it began, and its commencement
only was from the recovery of Babylon by Seieucus. And
therefore it is most proper to deduce the origin of this Arabic
name, Taric Dilcarriain, from Seieucus : and Appian gives
us in him a sufficient reason for it; for he tells us, that Se-
ieucus being a person of that great strength, that, laying
hold of a bull by the horn, he could stop him in his full ca-
reer, the statuaries for this reason usually made his statues
with two bull's horns on liis head.*^ And therefore it is most
likely, that he, and not Alexander, was first meant by The
two-horned in the Arabic name of this era: for it was from him,

e Vide Golii Nolas ad AlfVaganujn, p. 57, 58, et Alfraganum ipsuro, c. 1,
sect. De yEris, p. <>.
f In Svnacis cdilionls Tollianic Am?(clo(lami. p. 201.

BOOK Vin.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. !§•>

and not fronn Alexander, that it had its origin. It is, in the
books of the ]VIaccabees,s called The era of the kingdom of the
Greeks^ and they both of them compute by it. But, whereas
the first book of the Maccabees begins the years of this era
from the spring, the second begins them from the autumn
following, and so did the S} rians, Arabs, and Jews, and others
that anciently did, or now do use this era, excepting the
Chaldeans. For they, not reckoning Seleucus to be tho-
roughly settled in the possession of Babylon, till the spring
in which Demetrius made that retreat from thence, which we
shall speak of in the next year following, they began not this
era til! from that spring, and, for the same reason, reckoned
the beginning of all the years of it from that season also.
So that whereas all other nations that computed by this era,
began it from the autumn of the year before Christ 312, it
had not its commencement among the Chaldeans till from
the spring of the year next after following.

In the interim, Ptolemy having again made himself master
of all Phoenicia, Judea, and Coelo-Syria, sent Cilles, one of
his generals, to take possession of the Upper Syria also, and
drive Demetrius thence, who was then retreated thither.''
But Cilles, out of contempt of the baffled enemy he had to
deal with, making his encampments negligently and loosely,
Demetrius, on his tiaving an account hereof from his spies,
by a long and speedy march, came upon him before he was
aware, and surprising him in the night, got an absolute vic-
tory over him, taking his camp, and making him and seven
thousand of his men prisoners of war; which equalling the
defeat he had before received at Gaza, again balanced the
matter between him and Ptolemy ; and also put it in the
power of Demetrius (for the sake of which he most valued
this victor}') to make a return to Ptolemy of the kiiidnes? he
had before received from him : for. after this victory he sent
back unto him Cilles, and all his friends, without ransom,
in the same manner as Ptolemy had before sent back to him
all his friends after the victory which he had gotten over him
at Gaza.

Antigonus receiving an account at Celenas in Phrygia,
(where he then resided) of this victory of his son's over
Cilles, hastened thence into Syria, to prosecute there the ad-
vantages of it; and haviuL"; passed Mount Taurus, joined his
son in the upper Syria :' whereon Ptolemy, tinding himself
not strong enough to encounter the joint forces oi the father
and son together, dismantled Ace, Joppa, Samaria, and Gaza,

g 1 Maccabees i. 10.

h Diodor. lib. 19. Plutarch, in Demetrio.

i DiodoF. ft Plutarch, ib.

1S6 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART I.

and retreated again into Egypt, carrying with him most of
the riches, and a great number of its inhabitants of the coun-
try. Whereon all Phoenicia, Judea, and Coelo-Syria, return-
ed again under the power of Antigonus.

The inhabitants of those countries, whom Ptolemy carried
with him into Egypt on his retreat, followed him thither
rather voluntarily, and out of free choice, than by compul-
sion :^ foi he being a person of a very benign temper, and
having always shown great clemency and humanity to all
under his government, this o far captivated the hearts of
those people to him, that they rather chose to follow him into
a strange country, than tarry the coming of Antigonus in their
own (from whom they expected a contrary treatment ;) and
that especially since they had terms of great advantage of-
fered them by Ptolemy, to invite them to this removal ; for
his mind being then much set upon the making of Alexandria
to be the capital of Egypt, was glad of all that he could get
to come thither to inhabit the place, and offered great privi-
leges and immunities to draw them thither. And here Ptole-
my planted all those that followed him in this retreat ; among
whom were a great number of the Jews. Alexander had
planted several of that nation there before ; and Ptolemy,
after his tirst eruption into Judea, had brought from thence
many more of them thither, where they enjoyed the benefit
of a plentiful country, a secure protection, and many other
advantages.' The report whereof coming into Judea, excited
in many others there a desire to follow them ; and accord-
ingly many did so on this occasion : for Alexander had, on
his first building this city, given them, for their encourage-
ment to plant there, the same privileges and immunities with
his Macedonians ; and Ptolemy had continued the same to
them. By which means the Jewish quarter in that city in-
creased to the number of several thousand families ; and
many Samaritans, as well as Jews, upon the like encourage-
ment, became inhabitants of this place, and there multiplied
to a great number.™

Among those that followed Ptolemy into Egypt on this oc-
casion, one was Hezekias, a person of eminent note among
that people, and one of their chief priests." Hecatfeus, the
historian, being then with Ptolemy, makes particular mention
of him, as a person of great wisdom and prudence, a power-
ful speaker, a'ld one that thoroughly understood the world,
being then about sixty years old. And farther, he saith, that
he having contracted an acquaintance with him, they had fre-

k Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 1. et contra Apion. lib. 1, 2.

1 Josepb. contra Apion. lib. 2. m Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, 6. 1.

n Joseph, contra Apion. lib. 1.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.

18'

quent conferences together; and that in them he learned
from him what was the rehgion, poHcy,and manner of Hving
of the Jews, wherein they diifered from other nations • all
which, he saith, this Hezekias had with him written in a book •
which book, no doubt, was the book of the law of Moses.'
And I doubt not it was by tiiis person that he was induced
to have so favourable an opinion of the Jews and their reli-
gion; and that it was from him that he received the informa-
tion of most of that which he wrote of them : for he compo-
sed a particular history of the Jews, therein treating of them
from Abraham down to his time ;' in which he speaks so
honourably of them, and their religion, that Origen tells us,p
Herennius Philo,*i an heathen writer, who flourished about
the time of Trajan, the Roman emperor, did, for this reason,
raise a doubt, whether it were the genuine work of Hecataeus
or not; making this inference from hence concerning it, that
either it was composed by some Jew under the name of He-
cataeus, or else, if he were the true author of it, he was cor-
rupted to the Jewish religion when he wrote it. if one of
these tvyo must be the truth (though 1 see no necessity for it,)
the latter is as possible as the other. This Hecataeus was
of Abdera, a Grecian city in Thrace, which had been famous
for the birth of Democritus, Protagoras, and other learned
men."" He was bred up with Alexander, and followed him
in all his wars, and, after his death put himself under the pro-
tection of Ptolemy, and lived with him in Egypt; where
having, from the conversation which he had with this learn-
ed Jew, and others of that nation, who followed Ptolemy
thither, fully informed himself of their laws, customs, and
religion, he wrote that history of them, which I have men-
tioned : out of which Josephus hath extracted several pas-
sages in his writings, especially in his first book against
Apion. But the book itself is not now extant. There was
another very noted historian of the same name; but he was
a Milesian, and lived long before in the time of Darius
Hystaspes.

Josephus tells us of another Jew, called Mosollam, who,
about this time, followed Ptolemy, and had listed himself an
horseman in his army ; and, out of the same Hecataeus gives
us a very remarkable story of him.^ The words of Heca-
taeus are as followeth : " As 1 was travelling towards the
Red Sea, there was in company with us a certain Jew, called
Mosollam, one of a Jewish troop of horse that was sent to

o Euseb. Prasp. Evang. lib. 9. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 1, c. 8, &. contra
Apion. lib. 1. p Contra Celsum. lib. 1.

q Vide Vossium de Hist. Gr. lib. 2,c. 10.

1' Vide Vossium de Hist, Gr. lib. 1, c. 10.

3 Contra Apionem, lib. 1.

ISS CONxVEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART f»

be our convoy, a very valiant man ; and remarkable for his
great skill in archery, in which he excelled even all the
Greeks and barbarians of his time. As several of us were
travelling on in this journey together, a certain sooth sayer,
who took upon him to foretell the fortune of our journey,
bade ns all stand still, and we did so. Whereon this Jew
asked us what we stood for. Look ye, answered the cun-
ning man, and showed him a bird. If that bird stands, said
he, ye are to stand ; and if he riseth and flies on, ye are to
go forward too ; but if the bird takes its flight the contrary
w^ay, you must all go back again. The Jew hereat, without
speaking a word, lets fly an arrow, and kills the bird ; where-
on the diviner, and some of the company, had great indig-
nation, and fell on him in most outrageous terms. Why
certainly, saith the Jew to them, are ye not all mad to make
such a bustle about a foolish bird ? How could that poor
wretched creature pretend to foreshow us our fortune, that
knew nothing of its own? If this bird could have foretold
good or evil to come, it would have kept out of this place,
for fear of being slain by the arrow of Mosollam the Jew.'^
Thus far Hecatasus, who, it is plain, tells this story on pur-
pose to expose and condemn the superstition of the hea-
thens, which then obtained concerning such matters, and to
commend and extol the wisdom of the Jews, in rejecting
and despising all those follies.

Antigonus, having thus recovered all Syria, Phoenicia, and

Judea, out of the hands of Ptolemy, sent Athenaius,

Alexander ouo of his licutenants, with an army, agaifist the Na-

^"^ ' bathaean Arabs. '^ They, being a clan of thieves, had
made inroads upon the countries now under his command,
and carried off much plunder from them, and, to be revenged
of them for it, Antigonus sent these forces against them. The
chief city of those Arabs was Petra; which, standing on an
high rock in the deserts, was from thence called by the
Greeks Petra, by the Hebrews Sela," and, by the Arabs,
Hagar :^ t'br Hagar signiheth the same in Arabic, that Sela
doth in Hebrew, and Petra in Greek, that is, a rock, and
hence it is that St. Paul calls Mount Sinai Hagar •,y for that
was all a rocky mountain, which, beginning at the Red Sea,
runs a great way into Arabia ; and on part of it the city of
Petra was built. There being a certain mart at stated seasons
held in the neighbourhood, the Nabathseans having left their
wives, childreii, and aged, with their goods, under a guard at
Petra, were gone to this mart.^ Athenaeus craftily laying

t Diod. Sic. lib. 19. u Isa. xvi. 1. 2 Kings xiv. 7.

X Vide Bocharti Geograph. Sacram, part 1, lib. 4, c. 27.

V Galatians iv.25. 7. Diod. Sic. lib. 19. ,

BOOK VIII.J THE OLD AUD NEW TESTAMENTS. 189

hold of this opportunity, by long marches, got to Petra ia
their absence, and, having surprised the place, slew the
guards, and carried otfall the plunder that he found in the
place, and then inarched back with as much speed as he
came ; and when he had gotten at such a distance, that he
thought himself out of the roach of the enemy, he stopped to
refresh his men with rest, now tired out with so long a march ;
but. not taking sufficient care to secure his encampment, the
enemy, having gotten early notice of what he had done,
made a speedy pursuit after him, and, falling upon him in
the night, while his men were all drowned in sleep and wea-
riness, they cut off ail of them, excepting only fifty horsemen
that escaped, and recovered the whole booty. After this,
returning to Petra, they from thence wrote letters to Antigo-
nus in the Syriac language, accusing Athenasus of the wrong
he had done them. To which Antigonus, temporizing with
the present necessity, returned such an answer as disowned
the enterprise of Athenaeus, and allowed the revenge as just
which they had taken of him. But, as soon as he had gotten
more forces ready, he sent his son Demetrius with them to
execute that vengeance upon those robbers which the other
failed of.* Who, having received his orders, marched with
all the haste he could, hoping to be upon them before they
should know of his coming. But, his march being discovered,
notice was given of it by fires all over the country ; which
immediately brought them all together to Petra, where they
having left a strong garrison, and divided the booty between
them, which had been there laid up, fled with it into the
deserts, driving all their flocks and herds with them. So that
Demetrius, on his coming thither, finding the place too well
provided to be taken, made peace with those people upon
the best terms he could, and returned ; and, after a march of
three hundred furlongs (which is about thirty-six of our
miles,) he came to the lake Asphaltites, and there encamped.
This was also called by some the Sea of Sodom, by others
the Dead Sea, and in Scripture the Salt Sea.** It was called
the Sea of Sodom, because there Sodom once stood ; the
Dead Sea, because it is a stagnated water without any motion,
and in which no living creature is said to be found ; the Salt
Sea, because of its exceeding saltness ; and Asphaltites from
the Greek word Asphaltus,"^ which signifieth bitumen ^'^ which
it produceth in great quantities, and the best that can any
where be found. And this last is the name by which the
Greeks and Latins called it. At present, the adjacent inha-

a Plutarch, in Demetrio. Diod. Sic. lib. 19.

b Gen. xiv. 3. Numb, xxxiv. 3. 12. Deut. iii. 17. Josb. iii. 16-

c AvtfstKTOi. d PHb. lib. 5, c. 16.

Vol. ir. -25

190 CONNEXION" OF THE HISTORY OF [pART I,

bitants call it the Lake of Lot.^ It extends, from north to
south, about seventy of our miles in length, and is about
eighteen miles over in the broadest place/ On the east side
of it anciently lay the land of Moab, and on the west side
that part of the land of Canaan which was the portion of the
tribe of Jiidah ; and, towards the south, it abutted upon the
Iai;d of Edom. The rivers Jordan and Arnon run into it at
the north end, and are there lost. For nothing runs out of it
again ; but, like the Caspian Sea, it receives brooks and
rivers into it, and emits none out 5 wherein it is of a contrary
nature to the sea or lake of Tiberias (called the sea of Gali-
lee,s and the lake of Genesaret'' in the gospels,) on which
our Saviour was so conversant; for that, as it receiveth the
river Jordan at one end, so emits it again at the other. But
when it falls from thence into the lake Asphaltites, it is there
absorbed, and no more heard of. Demetrius, on his encamp-
ing on this lake,' observing the nature of it, and that a good
revenue might be made of the bitumen which it yielded, gave
Antigonus an account of it on his return. Antigonus, though
noway pleased with the peace which he had made with the
Nabatha^ans, whom he sent him to destroy, yet applauded
him for the discovery he had made of a way for the augment-
ing of his revenue by the bitumen of this lake, and imme-
diately sent thither Jerom the Cardian to take care of it.
But when he had, according to his instructions, gotten ready
several boats fit for the purpose, and was gathering into them
all the bitumen of the lake to carry it all to one place, there
to be disposed of for the benefit of Antigonus, the Arabs, to
the number of six thousand men, fell upon him, and, having
destro} ed his boats, and slain most of his men employed in
them for this work, drove him thence, and thereby put an
end to this project. This Jerom, "^ being a fellow-citizen of
Eumenes, followed his party to the time of his death; but,
being then taken prisoner by Antigonus, he after that entered
into his service, and was appointed by him to this employ-
ment. Many years after this, he was governor of Syria for
Antiocinis Soter, the son of Seleucus ;' for he lived to a great
age,*" being one hundred and four years old at (he time of
his death ; and his eminent skill in all atfairs, both of the

e Baudrandi Geographia. sub voce Asphallites.

i See Maundrel's Journey to Jerusalem, p 83, 84. Tlievenot's Travels,
part 1, book 2, c. 41.

g Matt. iv. 18; xv. 29. Mark i. 16. John vi. 1.

h Luke V. 1. i Diodorus Sicuius, lib. 19.

k Vide Vossium de Hist. Grfiecis, lib. 1, *-. 11.

I Josephus contra Apion. lib. 1. Where observe, the translators here put
Antigonirs instead of Antiochus, by a wrong variation from the Greek text

m Luclanus de LoDgasvis.

BOOK VlII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. li)l

camp and cabinet, recommended him to the favour and first
respects of the princes under whom he served. He wrote
the history of Alexander, and his successors, and their pos-
terity, down to the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and
beyond it ; but though he had lived long in Syria and Phoi-
nicia, first under Antigonus, and afterward under Seleucus,
and Antiochus his son, and therefore was well acquainted
with the state and affairs of the Jews, and had many occasions
in his history to make mention of them ; yet he passeth them
over in a total silence, not speakitig as much as one word
of them ; for which he is faulted by Josephus," as if this his
neglect of them proceeded from his malice and envy towards
those people.

Antigonus, receiving an account from Nicanor of the suc-
cesses of Seleucus in the F]ast," sent Demetrius his son with
an army to Babylon to drive him thence, and recover that
province out of his hands. In the interim, he himself marclied
towards the maritime parts of Lesser Asia, to suppress the
power of the three confederated princes, which was there
growing against him, and appointed a time for his son to
come thither to him, after he should have executed the com-
mission on which he sent him to Babylon. Demetrius,
according to his father's order, having gathered together his
forces at Damascus, marched thence to Babylon ; and, Seleu-
cus being then absent in Media, he entered that city without
opposition. For Patroclcs, whom Seleucus had left his lieu-
tenant in that place, fitiding himself not strong enough to
encounter Demetrius, had retreated with those forces he
had with him into the fens; where, being surrounded with
rivers, ditches, and morasses, he there protected himself by
the inaccessibleness of the place, and ordered all the rest to
flee out of the city; whereof some passing the Tigris, and
others retreating into the deserts, and others in other places
of safety, thereby saved themselves till the enemy was again
retired. Demetrius, finding the city deserted, laid siege to
the castles ; for there were two of them in that city, well
garrisoned, and of large extent. These were the two palaces
which 1 have above described ; of which one stood on the one
side of the Euphrates, and the other on the other side, just
over against it. One of these he took, and, having expelled
the garrison of Seleucus, placed one of his own in it of seven
thousand men. The other held out till the time limited to
him by his father for his return. And therefore, leaving
Archelaus, one of his prmcipal commar»ders, with one thou-
sand horse, and five thousand foot, to continue the siege, he

n Lib. 1, contra Apion. o Diod. lib. 10. Plutarchiis in Demetrio.

102 eONNEXlON OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 1.

marched back with the rest of his army into Lesser Asia, to
the assistance of his father, having first plundered the whole
province of Babylon of all he could lay his hands on in it ; by
which he absolutely alienated the hearts of all the people
from Antigonus, and firmly united them to Seleucus and his
interest ever after. For even those who had till then been
for Antigonus, concluding that his forces would never have
used them so, had there been any intentions for their return-
ing to them again, took this act of depredation to be a decla-
ration of their resolutions to desert them for the future ; and
therefore they made their peace with Seleucus, and all went,
without any farther reserve, entirely over to his interest.
So that, on his returning to Babylon, after the retreat of
Demetrius, he soon expelled the forces he had there left,
recovered the castle which he had garrisoned, and thence-
forth settled his interest in those parts upon so firm a foun-
tiation, that it could be never after any more shaken. And
therefore from this year the Babylonians began the epocha
of his kingdom, though all the other nations of Asia placed
its Commencement in the year before, as I have already
observed.

Demetrius, on his return into Lesser Asia, having raised
the siege of Halicarnassus, which was besieged by Ptolemy,
this brought on a treaty of peace between the confederated
princes and Antigonus ; in which it was agreed, that Cassan-
der should have the command of all in Macedonia, till Alex-
ander, the son of Roxana, should be grown up ; that Lysi-
machus should have Thrace ; Ptolemy, Egypt, and the adja-
cent parts of Libya and Arabia : and Antigonus all Asia ; and
that all the Grecian cities should enjoy their liberties. ^' But
this agreement did not last long ; for many infractions of it
being pretended on both sides, as soon almost as it was made,
this brought liiem all again into the war. But the true rea-
son was the great power of Antigonus ; and the daily grow-
ing of it was a continual terror to the other three, and there-
fore they could not sit quiet till they had suppressed it.

Alexander, the son of Roxana, being grown up to the four-
teentii } ear of his age, Cassander thought it not con-
Aiexamier sistcnt with lijs ambitlous desigus to let him live any
'°"* ■ longer ; for, he being resolved to seize the kingdom
of Macedon for himself, it was necessary for him first to make
away with the true heir ; and therefore sent to the castle of
jVmphipolis, where he had for several years shut him up, and
his mother, and caused them both to be there privately mur-
dered."^ However, Ptolemy, in his canon, continues to reck-

p Diodorus lili. 10. Flulnrch. in Demetrio.
(J Uiodonis lib, \9. Pau:janias in Bu^olicis.

KOOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 193

on the years of his reign in the same manner as if he were
alive, till at length those who had divided the empire of
Alexander among them, after having long usurped the regal
authority, took also the regal style, and declared themselves
kings, each in the particular countries which they had taken
possession of.

Polysperchon, who governed in Peloponnesus, hearing of
the death of Roxana and her son,'" laid hold of this occasion
to make loud exclamations against Cassander for (he fact,
accusing him every where for the villany of it, that he might
thereby excite the odium of the Macedonians against him.
All this he pretended to do out of his zeal and affection for
the house of Alexander ; and, to make the greater show here-
of, he sent for Hercules, the other son of Alexander, which
he had by Barsina, the widow of Memnon, and, having got-
ten him and his mother to him from Pergamus, where hi-
therto he had been brought up, he proposed to the Macedoni-
ans the instating of him in his father's kingdom ; which very
much terrifying Cassander, soon brought him to an agree-
ment with him on his own terms, and, when he had gained
those terms, having obtained all that he proposed for the bet-
ter securing of himself in the possession of them, he was easi-
ly induced by Cassander to cut off this son of Alexander's
also. And therefore, the next year following, he caused Lim
and his mother to be put to death in the same villanous man-
ner as Cassander had the other son and his mother before.
And thus each acted liis part in destroying the heirs, that,
after their death, they might with the better safety share the
inheritance between them.

Ptolemy having renewed the war against Antigonu?, for
the reason I have mentioned, took by his lieutenants several
cities from him in Cilicia and elsev.here. But Demetrius
soon dispossessed him again of all in Cilicia ; and other of
ikntigonus's lieutenants had the same success against him in
other places.^ Only in Cyprus, Ptolemy having, by cutting
off Nicocles, king of Paphos, extinguished all the interest
that Antigonus had in that island, thereby secured it wholly
to himself.

This year Epicurus, being thirty-two years old, first began
to poison the world with his impious philosophy.'^ He first
taught it at Mitylenc in the isle of Lesbus, and afterward at
Lampsachus on the Hellespont, and after that at Athens, of
which city he originally was. He returned thither, in the
thirty-seventh year of his age, and there kept his school in a

f Diodorus, lib. 20. Pansanias in Bceoticis.
s Diodorus, ibid,
r t Laertius in Vita Epicupi. See Stanley's History of Philosophy, part 13.

194 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [I'ART I.

garden, till the sixty-third year of his age, in which he died.
According to him, all things were first made, and have ever
since subsisted, by chance. For he denied that the world
was created by the power of God, or is at all governed by
his providence. He held also, that there is no future state ;
but that this world is ever) man's all, and that the highest
felicity attainable here, is the highest good (hat man is capa-
ble of; and this he placed in indolence of body, and tran-
quillity of mind ; but held that virtue and morality were the
only true means of attaining thereto. And therefore, though
our modern infidels build their impious doctrines upon Epi-
curus's philosophy, yet they cannot their immoral and wick-
ed lives. For if virtue alone be the only true way whereby
to attain that indolence of body, and tranquillity of mind, in
which, according to tbis scheme, the highest felicity of man
doth consist, it must certainly be every man's highest wisdom
to practise it. Out of this impious school have sprung the
Sadducees of the Jews, the Zendichees of the Arabs, and
the Deists of the present age. The first of those, it is to be
acknowledged, went no farther than to the denial of angels,
spirits, and a future state ; for they acknowledged the world
to be created by the power of God, and to be governed by
his providence ; and therefore they received the law of Mo-
ses, but with the expectation of none other, than of tempo-
ral blessings for the reward of keeping it ; but the other two
go through-stitch with the whole of this impious scheme, ex-
cepting only that part of it which recommends a virtuous life.

Ptolemy, to make himself amends for his losses in Cilicia,

invaded Pamphylia and Lycia, and other maritime

Alexander parts of Asia, and divested Antigonus of Phaselis,

ffigus 8. Cjjmjus^ Mindus, and several other cities which he

before held on those coasts."

And then, sailing into the ^gean Sea, now called the Ar-
. „„„ chipelago, he took in the island of Andrus : and from

An. SOS. rb'. '

Alexander thoncc passiug to the Continent, ttiere possessed him-
^s*^^- self of Sicyon, Corinth, and several other places."
While he was in those parts, he entertained a correspon-
dency with Cleopatra, the sister of Alexander. She was the
same that was married to Alexander king of Epirus, at the
time when her father Philip was slain, and had ever since
the death of her husband (who fell in his wars in Italy) lived
a widow, and, for several years past, had her residence at
Sardis in Lydia ; but being there ill used by Antigonus, un-
der whose power that city was, Ptolemy took that opportu-
nity to draw her over to his party, and invited her to him,

u Diodorus Siculus, lib. 20.

BOOK Vm.] THE OLD AND SEW TESTAMENTS. 195

hoping to make her presence with him turn to his advantage
in his war with Antigonus. Bnt, when she had put herself
upon the journey to go to him, Antigonns's heutenant, who
governed for him at Sardis, stopped her on the road ; and
having brought her back thither again, caused her, a little
after, by the order of Antigonus, privately to be put to death.
Whereon Antigonus, coming himself to Sardis, condemned
to death those women of her retinue by whose hands the
murder was committed, and then celebrated the funeral of
the dead lady in a very solemn and sumptuous manner, think-
ing thereby to avoid the odium and infamy of the fact ;
whereas such hypocritical devices do most an end prove
those facts which they are contrived to disown, and rather
increase than prevent the detestation that is due to the au-
thors of them. But this was not the only vile fact he com-
mitted. Seleucus and Ptolemy built their interest upon the
clemency and justice of their government, whereby they es-
tablished to themselves lasting empires, which continued in
their families for many generations after. But Antigonus,
being a man of a quite contrary disposition, acted all by vio-
lence, sticking at nothing that he thought would promote his
interest, how wicked and vile soever ; and therefore, accord-
ing to his rule of proceeding, every thing, and every per-
son, was to be removed, that stood in the way of hi;^ designs,
without any regard had either to justice or humanity ; and
thus he proceeded to support himself by force only, till, at
length, ihat failing, he lost both his empire and his life with
it : and may such be the fate of all others that follow the
same courses.

Ophelias, prince of Libya and Cyrene, being slain by
Agathocles king of Sicily, Ptolemy again recovered
those provinces. y Ophelias was a soldier of Alex- Alexander
ander's, and, after his death, followed the fortune of ^"'
Ptolemy, and went with him into Egypt. From thence he
was sent by him to reduce Libya and Cyrene to his obedience,
these being provinces assigned to Ptolemy, as well as Egypt
and Arabia, on the division of the empire ; in which expedi-
tion having succeeded, and being thereon made governor for
Ptolemy of these countries, he seized them for himself; and
Ptolemy's other engagements, against Antigonus and Deme-
trius, not giving him leisure to look that way. he continued
undisturbed in the possession of them till this year. But
Agathocles being now in Africa making war against the Car-
thaginians, and finding he wanted more strength to carry it
on, invited Ophelias into an alliance with him, promising

y Diodor. Sic. lib. 20. .Tustin. lib. 22, c. 7,

196 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY ©P [PART I.

him no less than the empire of all Africa for the reward of
the undertaking. This bait was readily swallowed by Ophel-
ias ; and therefore having gotten together an army of twenty
thousand men, after a long march, he joined Agathocles with
them in the territories of the Carthaginians. But the wick-
ed tyrant, when strengthened by so great a reinforcement,
having gained all that he intended, treacherously cut off
Ophelias, and used his army only for his own interest. How
this succeeded with him, I shall not here relate. All that is
to my purpose is, to show how Ptolemy after this again re-
covered the provinces of Libya and Gyrene : for Ophelias
being thus slain, and this ill-projected expedition having
drained those countries of all their forces, they forthwith fell
again under the power of Ptolemy, without opposition, and
he and his successors continued to hold them as provinces of
the kingdom of Egypt for several ages after. And, under
the protection of those princes, the colony of the Jews, which
had been there planted by this tirst Ptolemy (as hath been
above mentioned) increased, and grew to a great number.
For in the time of Vespasian, no fewer than three thousand
of them were put to death in that country for one mutiny f
and yet, within a few years after, under the reign of Irajanj
they mastered the whole province, and slew of the other in-
habitants of it above two hundred thousand persons; which
could not have been done, had not they been a great number
that effected it.^ This Ophelias had for his wife Eurydice,
a fair Athenian lady, of the descendants of Miltiades.*^ On
the death of her husband, she returned to Athens, where De-
metrius, meeting her the next year after, fell in love with
her, and took her to wife.

For Demetrius came thither in the beginning of that year,
, „„_ to restore, as he pretended, the liberties of that and

Ad. 306. ' /- /- 1

Alexander the othcr citics of GreecB ; but m reality to expel

""' ' thence the garrison of Cassander, and depress his

power in those parts ; which having fully effected by driving

Demetrius Phalereus out of that city, he returned again to

his father.*^

This Demetrius Phalereus had governed Athens under
Cassander ten years. '^ And never were the Athenians under
a more just government, or enjoyed greater peace and hap-
piness than while he presided over them f and, in acknow-
ledgment hereof, they erected for him as many statues in

z Joseph, de Bello Judaico, lib. 7, c. 31.

a Xephilin in Trajauo. b Piut. in Demetrio.

c I>iod. Sic. lib. 20. Plut. in Demet.
d Laertius in Vita Demet. Phalerei. Diodor. Sic. lib. 18.
e Sic. de Legibus, lib. 2. U in Oratione pro Rabirio. i£lian. Hist. Var.
lib. 3,0. 17.

BOOK VIII.] THE OLD AiNO NEW TESTAMENTS. 197

that city, as there vrere days in the year;^ and than this a
greater honour was never done to any citizen of that place :
and of all this, and mucli more, was he well deservinj^ : for
he was not only a learned philosopher, but also a person of
great wisdona, justice, and probity, and these virtues he ex-
ercised in a very eminent degree through all the acts of his
government. On his now being dispossessed of it, he retired
to Cassander, and, after his death, went into Egypt to Ptole-
my, and is said there to have had the chief management of
Ptolemy's library, and to have procured for it that transla-
tion of the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek which we now
call the Septuagint ;S of which we shall treat hereafter in
its proper place, where we shall have occasion to speak
more of him.

Demetrius, on his return from Athens, was sent by his
father with a great fleot and army, to dispossess Ptolemy of
the island of Cyprus ;'* and therefore, sailing thither, he made
a descent upon it at Carpasia ; and, having taken that city
and Urania, he marched to Salamine, the capital of the
whole island. Menelaus, the brother of Ptolemy, who was
then chief commander for him in Cyprus, being at that time
with most of his forces in Salamine, went forth on his ap-
proach to that place, and gave him battle ; but, being over-
borne by the number and valour of the enemy, he was forced
to retreat into the city, with the loss of one thousand of his
men slain, and three thousand taken prisoners, and there
prepare for the bearing of a siege. From whence Ptolemy,
having an account sent him of his misfortune, got ready a
great fleet with all the expedition he was able, and sailed
thither for his succour. This brought on a great fight at sea
between the contending princes ; in which Demetrius having
obtained the victory, Ptolemy was forced to take his flight
back into Egypt with eight ships only, leaving all behind him
in the power of the conqueror : whereon the whole island
of Cyprus, with all the forces, shipping, and magazines, that
Ptolemy had therein, fell into his hands. The prisoners at
land amounted to about seventeen thousand men, besides
the mariners taken on board the fleet. Menelaus the bro-
ther, and Leontiscus the son of Ptolemy, being among the
captives, Demetrius sent them both home, with their friends
and dependents, without ransom, in remembrance of the like
kindness shown him by Ptolemy after the battle of Gaza.
All the rest he incorporated into his own forces; so that

f Laer. ibid. Plin. lib 34, e. 5. Strabo, lib. 9. Com. Nep. in Miltiade-
Plut. in Libro de Reipublicae Gerendae Praeceptis.
g Arist. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c.2.

h Plut. in Demet. Diodoins Siculus, lib. 20. .Tust. lib, 15, c. 2.
Vol. II. ^6

198 CON-NEXION ©F THIS HISTORY OF [pART I.

hereby he very much increased his miHtary strength both by
sea and land, as well as enlarged his father's dominions, by
adding this large and rich island to them.

Antigonus, on the news of this victory, being very much
elated by it, thenceforth assumed the title of king, and wore
a crown, and sent another crown to Demetrius, and gave the
title of king to him also; and from this time they both used
it in all their epistles, orders, decrees, and other writings:
which the Egyptians hearing of, that Ptolemy, to whom they
bore great affection, might not seem lessened by his misfor-
tunes, they gave him also the same title.* This example be-
ing followed by Lysimachus, Cassander, and Seleucus, they
also about the same time assumed the title of kings, each in
their respective territories ; in which they had all along before
usurped the regal authority.

By this time Seleucus was grown very great in the East."^
. „„, For, having slain Nicanor in battle, who was sent

An. S05. • 1 • 1 « , • t i 1 1 1 •

Alexander agamst hmi by Antigonus, he not only secured to him-
^^"**^' self hereby Media, Assyria, and Babylon, but, car-
rying his arms farther, reduced under him Persia, Bactria,
Hyrcania, and all the other provinces on this side the Indus,
which Alexander had before made himself master of.

Antigonus, to pursue the blow which Demetrius had given
Ptolemy in Cyprus, drew together into Syria an army of near
one hundred thousand men for the invadingof Egypt, hoping
there to get as easy a victory over him as he had at Cyprus,
and so dispossess him of that country also.^ While he
marched thither with his bulky army, Demetrius his son
coasted him with as great a fleet at sea, till they came both
to Gaza; where, having concerted matters between them,
Demetrius sailed to make a descent upon the country at one
of the mouths of the Nile, while Antigonus invaded it by
land. It was not without great difficulties that Antigonus
passed the deserts that lay between Palestine and Egypt,
and, when he was arrived in Egypt, he found much greater.
And Demetrius met with no less at sea ; for storms had much
shattered his fleet, and Ptolemy had so well guarded all the
mouths of the Nile, that he could find no access to put on
shore at any of them. Neither could Antigonus make any
better progress with his army at land ; for Ptolemy had so
carefully provided against him in all places, and so strongly
guarded all passes and avenues, that he could make no im-
pression upon him any where, and (what afllicted him most)

i Plutarch, io Demetrio. Diodorus Siculus, lib. 20. Ju&tin.iib. 15, c. 2
1 Maccal). i. 9.
k Appian. in Syriacis. Diodor. Sic. lib. 19, 20. .Tustin. lib. 15, c. 4.
I Diodor Sic. lib. 20 Fliitareh, in Demet.

BOOK Vlir.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAflfENTS. 109

great numbers of his men daily deserted from him to the enemy.
For Ptolemy having sent boats to several places on the river,
where Antigonus's soldiers came for watering, caused it to
be there proclaimed from those boats, within their hearing,
that whoever should come over (o him from Antigonus's
army, if he were a common soldier, he should have two
minas,™ and, if a commander, a talent •," whereon great
numbers of them, as well commanders as private soldiers,
especially of the mercenaries, went over to him, and that
not only for the sake of the reward, but especially out of the
greater liking they had to Ptolemy ; for Antigonus being a
crabbed old man, and very haughty, morose, and severe,"
Ptolemy, by reason of the benignity of his temper, and his
humane and courteous carriage, to all he had to do with, had
the affections of all men much beyond him. Antigonus,
therefore, after he had in vain hovered over the outskirts
of Egypt, till all his provisions were spent, finding he could
gain no advantage on Ptolemy, but that his army daily dimi-
nished by sickness and desertions, and he could no longer
subsist the remainder in that country, was forced to return
back into Syria with baffle and disgrace, having lost great
numbers of his men at land, and many also of his ships at sea,
in this unsuccessful expedition. Hereon Ptolemy wrote to
Lysimachus, Cassander, and Seleucus, of his success; and,
having renewed his league with them against this their com-
mon enemy, he became thenceforth firmly settled in his king-
dom, and was never after any more disturbed in it. And
therefore Ptolemy the astronomer here placeth the begin-
ning of his reign, and from hence reckoneth the years of it
in his chronological canon. Therein, till now, he continued
to compute by the years of Alexander ^gus, though he had
been slain five years before. But (his fortunate turn in fa-
vour of Ptolemy, and the firm settlement which he obtained
hereby in the throne, gave him a new epocha after that to
go by, which took its beginning from the seventh day of No-
vember, nineteen years after the death of Alexander.

The Rhodians, subsisting chiefly by their trade with
Egypt, for this reason adhered to the interest of Plo- , ^„,

111 I » ■ r t .An. SOI.

lemy; and, when sent to by Antigonus tor the assis- Pioiemy
tance of some of their shipping in the Cyprian war,
they refused to aid him with any for that undertaking.^ An-
tigonus, therefore, as soon as the Egyptian expedition was
over, sent Demetrius, with a fleet and army, to reduce that

m About six pounds five shillings sterling.

n About one hundred and eighty pounds sterling.

o He was now about eighty years old.

p Diodorus Siculus, lib. 20. Plntnrch. in Demetrio.

'200 CONNEXION OF -JHE HISTORY OF [PART 1.

island to his obedience. But, after a year's time spent in
the siege of Rhodes, the chief city in it, not being able to
take the place, he was content to make a peace with them
upon terms, that they should associate with Antigonus in all
his wars, except only against Ptolemy. F'or it being chiefly
by the assistance of Ptolemy that they were enabled to sus-
tain so long a siege, and were at length so happily delivered
from it, they would make no peace which should oblige
them to act any thing against him ; and when the enemy
was gone, in acknowledgment of the aid which he had given
them in this dangerous war, having, for the greater solem-
nity, first consulted the oracle of Jupiter Hammon about it,
they consecrated unto him a grove, and for his greater honour,
made it a very sumptuous work ; for, it being a furlong
square, they surrounded it with a most stately portico on
every side, and, from his name called it the Ptolemasum ;
and there, according to the impious flattery of those times,
they paid divine honours unto him ; and, in commemoration
of their being thus saved by him in this war, they gave him
the additional name of Soter, that is, the saviour ;'i by which
he is commonly called by historians, to distinguish him from
the other Ptolemys that after reigned in that country.

Seleucus, having secured himself in the possession of all
the countries from the Euphrates to the river Indus, ''

An. 50.1. r^ 1 ^ r t i • f

Ptolemy made war upon bandrocottus, lor the makmg oi
himself master of India also. This Sandrocottus^
was an Indian by birth, and of a very mean original ; but
giving out that he would deliver his country from the tyranny
of foreigners, under this pretence, got together an army, and,
by degrees, having increased it to a great number, took the
advantage, while Alexander's successors were engaged in war
against each otlier, to expel the Macedonians out of all those
Indian provinces which Alexander had conquered, and seized
them to himself. To recover these provinces, Seleucus
marched over the Indus ; but, finding that Sandrocottus had
by this time brought all India under his power, and from the
several parts of it drawn into the field an army of six hun-
dred thousand men, and had in it a vast number of elephants
managed for the war, he thought not fit to run the hazard of
engaging so great a power; and therefore, coming to a treaty
with him, he agreed, that on his receiving from Sandrocot-
tus five hundred of his elephants, he should, on that consi-
tleration, quit to him all his pretensions in India; and on

*( Pausan. in Atticis.

r Diodor. Sic lib. 20. .Tiistin. lib. 15, c. 4. Appian. in Syriaeis.
s .Tuslin. Uiodor. Appian. ihid. Plutarch, in Alexandro. Strabo. lib. 16.
Arriaii. ilc Expeditions Mexandri. lib. 5.

BOOK Vni.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 201

these terms peace was made between them. And Seleucus,
having thus settled this matter, marched back into the west-
ern parts to make war against Antigonus ; the necessity
whereof was one main cause that hastened this peace with
Sandrocottus.

For Demetrius, after lie had ended his war with the
Rhodians, sailed a second time wiih a great fleet ajid army
into Greece, under the same pretence of freeing the Gre-
cian cities, but in reality to weaken and suppress the power
of Ptolemy and Cassander in those parts, and there dispos-
sessed Ptolemy of Siryon. Corinth, and most of the other
places which he held in Greece ; and pressed so hard upon
Cassander, that he was forced to sue to him for peace. ^ But
when he found that none could be had, but upon the ^^^ ^^^
terms of resigning himself absolutely to the will and noiemy
pleasure of Antigonus, he and Lysimachus, having
had consultation hereupon, agreed both of them to send am-
bassadors to Seleucus and Ptolemy, with a representation of
the case ; by which it being made to appear, that the designs
of Antigonus were to suppress all the other successors of
Alexander, and usurp the whole empire to himself, it was
thought time for them all to unite together against him, for
the bringing down of his overgrowing power. And there-
fore Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and Lysimachus, having
confederated together for this purpose, this hastened Seleu-
cus out of India back again into Assyria, there to provide for
the war. The first operations of it began on the Hellespont.
For Cassander and Lysimachus having concerted matters
together on that side, it was agreed between them, that,
while the former remained in Europe to make a stand against
Demetrius in those parts, the other, with as many forces as
could be spared from both their territories, should make an
invasion upon the provinces of Antigonus in v\sia. And ac-
cordingly Lysimachus passed the Hellespont with a great
army ; and partly by force, and partly by desertions and re-
volts, reduced Phrygia, Lydia, Lycaonia, and most of the
countries from the Propontis to the river Meander, under
his power. Antigonus was at Antigonia, a new city built by
him in the Upper Syria, and was there celebrating solemn
games which he had appointed in that place, when the news
of this invasion was first brought to him. On his hearing
hereof, and the many revolts which had been made from him,
he immediately broke up his sports, and, dismissing the as-
sembly, forthwith set himself to prepare for a march against
the enemy ; and, as soon as he had gotten all ihe forces to-

t Diodorus Siculus, lib. 20. Plutarch, in Deraet. Justin, lib. lo, c. 4.

202 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART 1.

gether which he had in those parts, he hastened with them
over Mount Taurus into Cihcia ; and having, at Quinda, in
that province, taken out of the public treasury (which was
there kept) what money he thought necessary, he therewith
recruited and augmented his forces to a number sufficient for
his purpose, and then marched directly against the enemy,
retaking in his way many of those places which had revolted
from him. Lysimachus, not finding himself strong enough
to encounter Antigonus, stood upon the defensive only, till
Seleucus and Ptolemy should come up to his assistance ;
and in this manner wore out the year's war, till both sides
were forced to go into winter quarters.

In the beginning of the next year, Seleucus, having gotten
. ..„ together a great army at Babylon, marched thence

An. 301. ^ " ,^1 -PI • 1.

Ptolemy mto Capp:idocia, for the pursuing ot the war agamst
Antigonus." Of which Antigonus having notice, sent
for Demetrius out of Greece to his assistance ; who, imme-
diately obeying his father's orders, transported himself to
Ephesus, and recovered again that city to Antigonus, and
many other adjacent places, which, on the coming of Lysi-
machus into Asia, had revolted from him.

Ptolemy, on Antigonus's leaving Syria, took the advan-
tage of his absence to invade that country, and soon recover-
ed again all Phoenicia, Judea, and Coelo-Syria, excepting
only Tyre and Sidon, which, being well garrisoned, held out
against him for Antigonus. For the reduction of them, he
first laid siege to Sidon ; but, as he was carrying of it on,
being informed that Antigonus had beaten Seleucus and Ly-
simachus, and was marching against him for the relief of the
place, he suffered himself to be imposed on by this false re-
port ; and therefore, forthwith making a truce with the Sido-
nians for five months, raised the siege, and returned into
Egypt.

In the mean time, the forces of the confederated princes
being got together, under the command of Seleucus and Ly-
simachus on the one hand, and Demetrius having joined Anti-
gonus on the other, the controversy between them was soon
brought to a decisive issue in a fierce battle, wherein they
engaged with their whole forces against each other, near a
city in Phrygia called Ipsus ; in which Antigonus being slain,
and his army broken and defeated, the confederates gained
an absolute victory. Antigonus was past eighty years old,
some say past eighty-four, when he thus fell. Demetrius,
finding the battle lost, and his father slain, made his escape
to Ephesus with five thousand foot, and four thousand horse,
which were all the remains which he could pick up of near

n Diodor. Sic. lib. 20. Plutarch, in Demet. Appian. in Syriacis.

1500K Yin.] tHE OLD AM> NEW TESTAMENTS. 203

ninety thousand men, with which he and his father entered
the field of battle. With these he went on board his fleet
which he had there left on his coming out of Greece ; and,
shifting from place to place, sometimes met with good for-
tune and sometimes with bad ; aiid, although he still retain-
ed some territories in Greece and elsewhere, and afterward,
for some years, reigned in Macedonia, yet he could never
recover his father's empire ; but, for the seventeen years
which he afterward lived, met with disappointments in
all attempts which he made towards it, till at length, falling
into the hands of Seleucus, he died in the prison which he
confined him to. Among the territories which he retained
for some time after this battle, were Tyre and Sidon, and
the island of Cyprus.

After the death of Antigonus, the four confederated prin-
ces divided his dominions between them ; and hereby the
whole empire of Alexander became parted, and settled into
four kingdoms.^ Ptolemy had Egypt, Libya, Arabia, Ccelo-
Syria, and Palestine ; Cassander, Macedon and Greece ;
Lysimachus, Thrace, Bithynia, and some other of the pro-
vinces beyond the Hellespont, and the Bosphorus ; and Se-
leucus all the rest. And these four were the four horns of
the he-goat mentioned in the prophecies of the prophet Da-
niel, which grew up after the breaking off of the first horn.^
That first horn was Alexander, king of Grecia, who over-
threw the kingdom of the Medes and Persians ;^ and the
other four horns were these four kings,* who sprung up after
him, and divided his empire between them. And these also
were the four heads of the leopard, spoken of in another
place of the same prophecies.^ And their four kin"doms
were the four parts, into which, according to the same
prophet, the kingdom of the mighty king (that is, of Alexan-
der) should he broken^ and divided towards (that is, according
to the number of) the four winds uf heaven^ among those four
kings, who should not be of his pos'Aerity, as neither of the four
above mentioned were. And therefore, by this last parti-
tion of the empire of Alexander, were all these prophecies
exactly fulfilled. There were indeed former partitions of it
into provinces among governors, under the brother and son
of Alexander, But this last only was a partition of it into
kingdoms among kings ; and therefore of this only can these
prophecies be understood. For it is plain, they speak of the
four successors of Alexander, as of four kings f where they
are represented by four horns, they are expressly called so j*^

X Diodoms Siculus, lib. 20. Plutarch, in Demetrio. Appian.in Syriacis,
Folybius, lib. 5.
yDan.viii. z Dan. viii. 2] ; xi. 3. a Dan. viii.22 ; xi. 4.

b Dan. vii. 6. c Dan. viii. 21, 22 ; xi. 4. d Dan. viii. 21.

~0'i CONNEXION OF TUE HISTORY OF [PART I.

and where they are represented bj four heads, the very
symbol speaks them so.® For who are heads of kingdoms,
but the kings that reign over them ? The leopard in that
prophecy was the empire of the Macedonians, and the four
heads were the four kings tiiat after Alexander divided it in-
to four kingdoms, and as kings reigned over them. But none
of Alexander's successors were kings, till about three years
before this last division of his empire was made. At first,
indeed, there were five kings of these successors : but Anti-
gonus, not being king above three years, and his kingdom be-
ing absolutely extinguished in his death, for this reason, these
prophecies take no notice of him, but confine the succession
of the great horn to these four only who conquered him.
And it is farther to be observed, that though Antigonus and
the other four called themselves kings three years before
the battle of Ipsus, which produced this last partition, yet it
was till then only a precarious title, which each assumed by
his own authority only. But, after this battle, there being a
league made between the four survivors who conquered in
it, whereby each of them had their dominions set out to them
into so many kingdoms, and each of them was authorized by
the consent of all to govern them as kings independent of all
superiors ; from this time only can their respective divisions
be truly and properly reckoned as kingdoms, and they as
kings to preside over them. And in all their contests which
they or their successors afterward had about the limits of
their several kingdoms, they always appealed to this league,
as the original charter by which they held their kingdoms,
and that regal authority by which they reigned over them.
And therefore, from the making of this league only, can they
properly and in the truest sense be called kings ; and they
were four only, that is, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Cassander, and
Lysimachus, that were so by virtue of it. And to these four
do the prophecies refer.

Onias, the first of that name, high-priest of the Jews, be-
ing dead, he was succeeded in the high-priesthood by
An. 300. Simon his son, who, from the holiness of his life,
smerT and the great righteousness which shone forth in all
his actions, was called Simon the Just.*^ He was
the first of that name that was high-priest, and lived in that
office nine years.

Seleucus, after his victory over Antigonus, having seized
the Upper Syria,s there built Anlioch on the river Orontes,

e Dan. vii. 6.

f Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 2. Chron. Alexand. Emeb. Chrcn. Syo-
cellus ex Africano.

g Johan. Antiochenus Malela. Strabo, lib. 16, p. 749, 750, &.c. Appiaii.
in Syriacis. Just. lib. 15, c. 4. Diod. lib. 20. Julian, in Misopogone.

aOOK Vni.j THE OLU AND NEW TKti rAaiEJVf;,.

which afterward for many ages became the queen of the
East. For here the Syrian kings had the seat of their em-
pire ; and here the Roman governors who presided over the
afiairs of the East had their residence ; and, when Chris-
tianity prevailed, it became the see of the chief patriarch of
the Asian churches. It was situated on the river Orontes,
at the distance of about twenty miles from the place where
it falls into the Mediterranean Sea. It is reckoned to be in
the midway by land, between Constantinople and Alexan-
dria in Egypt, and to be about seven hundred miles distant
from each.'' He called it Antioch, say some, from the
name of his father, others, from the name of his son,
and others from that of both. For Antiochus was the
name of his father, as well as of the son that succeeded him
in his kingdom. He built sixteen other cities, which he call-
ed by the same name, whereof one was in Pisidia, of which
mention is made in Scripture.' But Antioch on the Orontes
was the most remarkable of them. Antigonus had not long
before built a city in the neighbourhood, which, from his
name, he called Antigonia, and intended to have made it
the chief seat of bis empire.^ This Seleucus razed to the
ground, and, having employed the materials to build this
new city, transplanted all the inhabitants thither. These
cities having both stood on the Orontes, and very near each
other, the benefit of the river, and the smallness of the dis-
tance, made the transportation the more easy. He built
also several other cities in that country, whereof there were
three of especial note ;' one of them he called Seleucia,
from his own name ; another Apamia, from Apama his wife,
the daughter of Artabazus the Persian ; and the third, Lao-
dicea, from Laodice his mother. Apamia and Seleucia
stood upon the same river with Antioch, the former above
it, and the other fifteen miles below it, and five from the
place where that river falls into the sea ; and upon the same
coast towards the south, lay Laodicea. For the sake of
these four cities, the country in which they stood had the
name of Tetrapolis, that is, the country of the four cities : not
but that there were several other cities in it, but these bein^
of more eminent note, and making four distinct governments,
on which all the rest were dependents, from hence they
gave occasion for the name to that country : and, indeed, it
was no more than an occasional name given it for this reason.
The true name of it was Seleucis : this Seleucus gave it
from his own name ; and it extended southward as far
as Coelo-Syria : for Syria was divided into three parts,

h Baudrandi Geographia de Antiochia Magna.

i Acts iii. 14. k Strabo, et Diod. Sic. ibid 1 Strabo, ibid-

VOL. II. 27

206 COxVWEXIOxV OF THE HISTOKY OK [pARTl,

Syria properly so called, Ccelo-Syria, or the Hollow Syria,
and Syria Palcstina. The first of these, which I call the
Upper Syria, contained Commagena, Cyrrhestica, Seleucis,
and some other small districts, and extended from the moun-
tain Amanus on the north, to the mountain Libanus on the
south, and was afterv,'ard called Syria Antiochena. The
second reached from Libanus to Anti-Libanus, including
Damascus audits territories, which consisting mostly of deep
valleys between high mountains, it was for this reason called
Coelo-Syria, that is, the Hollow Syria, from Anti-Libanus to
the borders of Egypt, was Syria Palestina ; and the mari-
time parts of the two latter, from Aradus to Gaza, was that
which the Greeks called Phoenicia. But not only Seleucis,
but Antioch itself, was also called Tetrapolis, but from
another reason, that is, because it consisted of four quarters,
as of so many cities ; the first of them only was built by
Seleuces ; the second by those who flocked thither on its
being made the capital of the Syro-Macedonian empire ;
the third by Seleucus Callinicus ; and the fourth by Antio-
chus Epiphanes. Each of these quarters had its proper
wall, whereby it was separated from the rest, and were also
enclosed by one common wall encompassing the whole.
The place where it stood was very liable to earthquakes,
and it often sulFered exceedingly by them. However, it
continued for near sixteen hundred years to be the chief
city of the East, till at length, A. D. 1265, it was taken
from the western Christians by Bibars, sultan of Egypt, and
utterly destroyed by him.™ Since that, Aleppo hath suc-
ceeded, in its stead, to be the metropolis of those eastern
parts. All the walls are still remaining, that is, the walls of
each quarter, as well as those which surround the whole;" but
all being desolated within excepting some (ew houses, which
make only a small and contemptible village, those four
quarters of the city look only as so many fields within their
enclosures. It is now called Anthakia ; but is remarkable
for nothing else but its ruins. The patriarchal see, which
once adorned it, hath since its desolation been translated to
Damascus." But he that hath at present the title of patri-
arch of Antioch in that place scarce reacheth the figure
formerly borne by the meanest deacon of that church : to
so low a condition is the state of Christianity now sunk in
those parts.

Daphne" was reckoned a suburb of this city, though at
the distance of about four or five of our miles from it.
There Seleucus planted a grove, which was ten miles in

m Golii Notte ad Alfraganuii),p. 281.

n (Jolii Nof?e ad Alfraganum, p. 280,- o StrabOj lib. 16, p. T50,

IXIOK Vm.] !rttE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 207

compass, and in the middle of it built a temple, and conse-
crated both to Apollo and Diana, making the whole an asy-
lum. This was the same to Antioch, that Baiae was to Rome,
and Canopus to Alexandria, that is, the place where the in-
habitants resorted for iheir pleasures, for which it was ex-
cellently fitted. For it had most delicious fountains and
rivulets of the best water, most pleasant walks of cyprus-
trees in the grove, and the purest air, and every thinc^
else that nature could afford for pleasure and delight ;P
which being farther improved by all tlie arts of luxury,
whatsoever could any way administer to a voluptuous
enjoyment was there to be had in the utmost excess ;''
and the Antiochians, as their corrupt inclinations led them,
there resorted for it. So that though the place had been
consecrated to Apollo and Diana, it was by the Antiochians
in reality wholly devoted to Bacchus and Venus ; which
made it so infamous, that Daphnicis morihus vivere, i. e. to
live after the manners of Daphne, grew into a proverb, to ex-
press the most luxurious and dissolute way of living; and
all that had any regard to their reputation for virtue and
modesty avoided to go thither. And Cassius, the Roman
general, on his coming to Antioch, by public proclamation
prohibited all his soldiers from going to that place, under
the penalty of being cashiered, that they might not be cor-
rupted by the luxury and debaucheries of it. It was so noted
a place, that to distinguish this Antioch, near which it lay,
from the many other cities that were of the same name else-
where, as it was sometimes called Antioch on the Orontes,
so was it as often called Antioch eV/ Aa^^sj,'" that is, Antioch
near Daphne.

Lysimachus,to strengthen himself in his kingdom, made a
strict alliance with Ptolemy, and, for the firmer ce-
menting of it, took to wife Arsinoe, one of his An. 299.
daughters, and some time after married another of so"^^-™!
them to Agathocles his son.*^ Seleucus following this
example, contracted the like alliance v,'ith Demetrius, and
married his daughter Stratonice, which he had by Phi la the
sister of Cassander. She being a very beautiful lady, Seleu-
cus, on the fame of it, desired her in marriage ; and Deme-
trius, being then in a low condition, was glad of so potent
an ally, and therefore readily laid hold of the proposal, and
forthwith sailing from Greece, where he had still some towns,
carried her with the whole fleet that he had then remain-
ing, into Syria. In his way thither, he made a descent
upon Cilicia, which was then held by Plislarchus, brother

p Procopius Persicorum, lib. 2. q Chrys. Sermo in Babylam Martyrcin
r Strabo, lib. 15, p. 719. 5 Plutarchiis in Demetrio.

26i) CONNfiXION OF THE HISTORI' OF [pART 1.

of Cassander, by the gift of the four kings after the death
of Antigonus. Hereon Plistarchus went to Seleucus to
connplain of the wrong, and to expostulate with him for
making an aUiance with the common enemy, without con-
sent of the other kings, which he apprehended to be contrary
to the league that was made between them. Demetrius,
having intelligence hereof, marched immediately to Q,uinda,
where the public treasury of the country was kept, and
having seized all the money he found in it, which amounted
to twelve hundred talents, hastened back to his fleet with
the prey, and putting it all on board, sailed to Orassus, a
maritime town in Syria, where he met Seleucus, and deliver-
ed to him his bride ; and after some days there spent in nup-
tial feasts, and mutual treats and entertainments, he sailed
back again into Cilicia, and made himself master of the whole
province, and then sent Phila his wife to Cassander her bro-
ther, to excuse the matter.

By this means the power of Demetrius began again to
grow in those parts. For he had there on this ac-
An. 29D. quisition all the province of Cilicia, the whole island
soter 7. of Cyprus, and the two strong and weathly cities of
Tyre and Sidon in Phoenicia ; which making Seleucus
jealous of his neighbourhood, he would have bought him out
of Cilicia for a large sum of money, which he offered him
for the purchase.* But Demetrius not accepting the bar-
gain, he would have picked a quarrel with him about Tyre
and Sidon, demanding them of him in great answer, as cities
belonging to Syria, of which he was king. To which De-
metrius returned as angry an answer, telling him, that though
he should be vanquished a thousand times over, he would
never buy a son-in-law at such a rate ; and immediately
hereon sailed to both those cities, and having strengthened
the garrisons he had in them with more forces, and furnish-
ed them with all things necessary for their defence, he de-
feated for the present the design which Seleucus then had
of taking them from him. So that Seleucus got nothing
hereby but an ill name : for he was generally blamed and
reflected on for his unsatiable greediness, in that having so
large an extent of dominion, as readied from the river Indus
to the Mediterranean Sea, he would not let his father-
in-law quietly enjoy these poor remains of his broken for-
tunes.

About this time flourished Megasthenes, who wrote an
history of India." For he was a confident of Seleucus; and
having been employed by him in his transactions with San-

t PJularchusin Demetrio.

?j Vide Vossiurn tie Hist. OraM'.is. ]]h. 1. v.. 11.

HOOK Vlir.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 209

drocottus king of India, and resided with him some time in
that country, and gone over a great part of it, he then
gathered up those materials out of which he afterward com-
posed his book." Some fragments of it are preserved by
Josephus^ and Eusebius,^ wherein he makes mention of Ne-
buchadnezzar, and (he greatness of his power ; and he is
often quoted by Strabo,* and oilier ancient writers, as Athc-
naeus, Arrian, Cicero, Pliny, and Solinus. But the book it-
self is not now extant. Annius, a Ijingmonk of Vertibo
in Italy, who was born A. D. 1437, and flourished towards
the end of that century, counterfeited several books under
old names, of which number were Manetho, Berosus, and
Megaslhenes, whom he called iMetasthenes out of a m-stake,
which he was led into by lluffinus's Latin version of Jose-
phus ; and this first gave occasion for the discovery of the
«heat. Those books he published with a comment upon
them, and for some time they went for the genuine works of
the authors whose names tb.cy bore; but are now exploded
€very where as fioii.)n5, friuned of purpose to impose a
cheat upon the world. And of the same stamp are Inghir-
amius's Etruscan Antiquities, and Jeffrey of Monmouth's
British History. For all these are none other than the
fictions of the first editors. They framed them to per-
petuate their names by the publication ; and they have truly
done so ; for they are still remembered for it 5 but no other-
wise than under the style of infamous impostors.

Cassander, having governed Macedon from fhe death of
his fjither nineteen years, died of a dropsy, leaving behind
him, by Thessalonice his wife, one of the sisters of Alexan-
der the Great, three sons, Philip, Antipater, and Alexander.
Philip, who succeeded him in the kingdom, dying soon after-
left the crown to be contested for between his two brothers
that survived.^

Pyrrhus, the famons king of Epirus, being in Egypt, there
married Antigone out of Ptolemy's family.*^ He, hav- ^^ 297.
ing been kept out of his kingdom by Neoptolemus an ^•"'^'"J'
usurper, followed Demetrius in his wars while very
3'oung, and fought valiantly in his cause in the battle of Ip-
sus, and after that continued with him till the marriage of
Seleucus with Stratonice. Then, by the interposition of

X Arrian. de Expeditione Alexandri, lib. 5, & de Rebus Indicis.

y Antiq. lib. 10, c. 11, et contra Apionem, lib. 1.

2 Praep. Evan, ex Abydeno. lib. 9.

a Lib. 15, p. 687, ivh'ere he quotes out of Megasthenes the same passage
concerning Nebuchadnezzar (whom lie calls PNavocodrosor) that Josephus
doth.

h Dexippus et Porphyrius in Chronico Eusehii, p. 57, 69, 63,

c Plutarch, in Pvrr. Pansan. in Atticis,

210 coi;srE>xioN op the history of [part I.

Seleucus, peace and reconciliation having been made be-
tween Demetrius and Ptolemy, Pyrrhus was delivered to
Ptolemy as an hostage on the part of Demetrius for the per-
formance of the articles, and carried by him into Egypt ;
where, having by his generous and noble deportment gained
much upon the favour of that prince, he gave him in mar-
riage Antigone, the daughter of Berenice, his best beloved
wife. Ptolemy had another wife called Eurydice, who was
the daughter of Antipater, and sister to Cassander. When
Antipater sent this lady into Egypt to be married to Ptolemy,
he sent with her for a companion Berenice, she being then
the widow of one Philip a Macedonian, newly deceased, by
whom she had this Antigone. On her arrival in Egypt, she
soon grew so much into the liking of Ptolemy, that he mar-
ried her also, and loved her much more than any other wife
he had. And therefore, on Pyrrhus's having married her
daughter, she prevailed with Ptolemy to assist him with a
fleet and money ; by means whereof he recovered his king-
dom, and from this beginning grew up to be the most eminent
person of the age in which he lived.

Demetrius from Tyre made an inroad upon the Samaritans,
and wasted Samaria ; so saith Eusebius i'^ and it is
Ptolemy Certain that at this time Demetrius was in possession
sotera ofTyre and Sidon; but it is more likely that this
was done by Demetrius's lieutenants in those parts, than by
Demetrius himself in person : for, according to all other his-
tories, Demetrius's wars in Greece detained him there all
this year, and also the next.

For the Athenians having revolted from Demetrius, after
the reduction of the Messenians (which had been the

Aq» 295. \

Fto'iemy work of the former year,) he employed a whole year
^'"^"' in the siege of Athens, and, at length, by famine
forced them to a surrender.®

After Demetrius had settled his affairs at Athens, he form-
ed a design for the subduing of the Lacedemonians, and,
having overthrown them in two battles, would certainly have
succeeded in the enterprise, but that when he was going to
make an assault upon the city of Lacedemon, and must in
all likelihood have taken it, a message came to him, that
Lysimachus, having with a great army invaded his territo-
ries in Asia, had taken from him all the cities which he had
in those parts ; and immediately after that another, that
Ptolemy had made a descent upon Cyprus, and taken from
him all that island, except only the city of Salamine, into
which his mother, his wife, and children, were retired, and
that he pressed that place with an hard siege.® All these
tl In Chronico. e Plutarchus in Demetrio.

EQOK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 21 1

grievous tiditigs coming one upon the back of the other,
drew back Demetrius from Lacedemon to look after his
other affairs, when he was just ready to have taken that city.
And not long after he had an account that Salamine was also
lost. But Ptolemy was so generous, that, on his mastering
the place, he sent him his mother, and his wife and chil-
dren, without ransom, with all the persons, equipage, and
effects, that belonged to them, adding also several magnifi-
cent presents, and all manner of honour at their dismission.
And when Ptolemy had thus made himself master of Cy-
prus, then most likely was it, that Tyre and Sidon fell
into his hands also, it not beintj possible that, after the loss
of Cyprus, Demetrius could any longer keep them.

At the same time, it seems most likely, Demetrius also
lost Cilicia to Seleucus ; for from this time we find the latter
only in the possession of this province, and ail the cities in
it; and no time seems more proper for Seleucus to have
seized it, than when this declension of Demetrius's fortunes
in those eastern parts had put it out of his power any longer
to defend it against him.

The contest going on between Antipater and Alexander,
the sons of Cassander, about the kingdom of Mace- ^^ gg^
don, and Thessalonice, the mother of both, favouring Ptuiemy
the youngest son, this so exasperated Antipater, the
eldest of them, against her, that, in an impious rage, he fell
upon her, and slew her with his own hands, notwithstanding
she earnestly supplicated to him, by the breasts with which
she had nourished him, to spare her life.*^ This accident gave
a favourable turn to the fortunes of Demetrius. For Alex-
ander, the other brother, to be revenged on Antipater for
this horrid fact, called in Demetrius to his assistance ; which
opened him a way to the throne of Macedon. For the
wicked parricide of Antipater, in murdering his mother,
having created a general detestation of him, by that time
Demetrius had with his army reached the borders of Ma-
cedon, he was deserted of all men, and forced to fiy into
Thracia, where he soon after perished in banishment. —
Alexander, being thus rid of his brother, desired to be rid
of Demetrius also ; in order whereto he laid a design to cut
him off; which Demetrius having notice of, was before-
hand with him, and first cut off Alexander, by slaying him at
an entertainment, in the same manner as Alexander had laid
the plot to have slain him, and thereon got the kingdom of
Macedon in his stead, where he reigned seven years, till
another cross turn of fortune threw him again out of that

f Plutareli. in Demet. SiPyrrho. Just, lib. 16, c. 1. Pausan, in Bceot..

212 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART I,

kingdom, and a while after he was cast out of every thing
else thiithe had heen possessed of.

By the death of Thessalonice and her two sons, the whole
royal family of Philip king of Macedon was utterly extirpa-
ted, as that of Alexander had heen before in the death of
Alexander aEgus and Hercules, his sons. And so these two
kings, who by their oppressive and destructive wars, had
made many tragedies in oiher princes' families, had them all
at length, by the just ordination of Providence, brought
liome to their own, both Philip and Alexander, their wives,
and all that were descended of them, dying violent deaths.

About this time Seleucus built Seleucia on the Tigris, at
the distance of forty miles from Babylon. ^ It was
Ptolemy placcd ou the western side of that river, over against
^"'^"^ * ■ the place where now Bagdad stands on the eastern
side, which soon grew to be a very great city. For Pliny
tells us it had in it six hundred thousand inhabitants,'* and
there are not much above one hundred thousand more in
London, which is now (waiving the fabulous account w^hich
is given of Nankin in China) beyond all dispute the largest
city in the world. For, by reason of the breaking down of
the banks of the Euphrates, the country near Babylon being
drowned, and the branch of that river, which passed through
the middle of the city, being shallowed aid rendered unna-
vigable, this made the situation of Babylon by this time so
very inconvenient, that, when this new city was built, it soon
drained the other of all its inhabitants. For it being situa-
ted much more commodiously, and by the founder made the
metropolis of all the provinces of his empire beyond the
Euphrates, and the place of his residence, whenever he came
into those parts, in the same manner as Antioch was for the
other provinces which were on this side that river, for the
sake of these advantages, the Babylonians in great numbers
left their old habitations, and flocked to Seleucia. And, be-
sides, Seleucus having called this city by his own name, and
designed il for an eminent monument thereof in after ages,
gave it many privileges above the other cities of the East,
the better to make it answer this purpose : and these were
a farther invitation to the Babjlonians to transplant them-
selves to it. And by these means, in a short time after the
building of Seleucia, Babylon became wholly desolated, so
that nothing was left remaining of it but its walls. And
therefore Pliny tells us, " That it was exhausted of its in-
habitants, and brought to desolation, by the neighbourhood
of Seleucia on the Tigris, which Seleucus Nicator built there

g StrabO; lib. 16, p. 738, 743. Plin. lib. 6, c. 26- h Ibid.

JiOOK Vlir.] THE OLI/ AND SEW TEirAMlLMS. 213

on purpose for this end."'' And Strabo saith the same -^^ as
doth also Pausanias in his Arcadics, where he tells us, '• That
Babylon, once the greatest city that the sun ever saw, had
in his time (that is, about the middle of the second cen-
tury) nothing left but its walls-'" These remained long
after. For the space within being made a park by the Par-
thian kings, for the keeping of wild beasts in it for their hunt-
ing, the walls were kept up to serve for a fence to the en-
closure ; and in this state it was in Jerome's time, who lived
in the fourth century. For he tells us, " That, excepting
the walls, which were repaired for the enclosing of the wild
beasts that were there kept, all within was desolation :''"*
and, in another place, " That Babylon was nothing else, in
his time, but a chace for wild beasts, kept within the com-
pass of its ancient walls, for the hunting of tlie king,"" that
is, of Persia. For after the Parthians, there reigned in Je-
rome's time, over those countries, a race of Persian kings,
and continued there to the time of the Saracen empire, by
which they were extinguished. When or how those walls
became demolished is nowhere said, no writer for several
hundred years after Jerome's time speaking any more of this
place. The first after him that makes mention of it is Ben-
jamin, a Jew of Tudela in Navarre, who, in his Itinerary,
which he wrote near six hundred years since (for he died
in the year of our Lord 1 1 73,) tells us, that he was upon the
place where this old city formerly stood, and found it then
wholly desolated and destroyed ; only he saith, " some ruins
of Nebuchadnezzar's palace were then still remaining, but
men were afraid to go near them, by reason of the many ser-
pents and scorpions that were then in the place."" Texeira,
a Portuguese, in the description of his travels from India to
Italy, tells, " That there was nothing then remaining of this
old and famous city, but only some few footsteps of it ; and
that there was no place in all that country less frequented
than that tract of ground whereon it formerly stood. ''p And
Rawolf, a German traveller, who passed that way in the
year of our Lord 1574, tells us the same thing. His words
are asfoUoweth : " The village of Elugo lieth on the place
where formerly old Babylon, the metropolis of Chaldea, did
stand. The harbour lieth a quarter of a league off, where-
unto those use to go that intend to travel by land to the fa-
mous city of Bagdad, which is situated farther to the east,

i Lib. 6, c. 26. k Lib. 16, p. 738.

1 For he lived in the time of Adrian and Antonius Pius. Vide Vossium
de Hist. Graecis, lib. 2, c. 14.
m Comment, in Esaiae, cap. xiv. n Comment, in EsaiSi cap. xiii^

o Benjaminis Itinerarium, p. 76. p Cap. 8

Vol. it. 28

2H cjoidfnkxion of the history or [part i*

on llie river Tigris, at a day and a half's distance. This
country is so dry and barren, that it cannot be tilled, and so
bare, that I should have doubted very much whether this
potent and powerful city (which once was the most stately
and famous one of the world, situated in the pleasant and
fruitful country of Sinar) did stand there, if I should not
have known it by its situation, and several ancient and deli-
cate antiquities, that still are standing hereabout in great
desolation. First, by the old bridge which was laid over the
Euphrates, whereof there are some pieces and arches still
remaining, built of burnt brick, and so strong, that it is ad-
mirable. Just before the village of Elugo is the hill where-
on the castle did stand, in a plain, whereon you may still see
some ruins of the fortification, which is quite demolished and
uninhabited. Behind it, and pretty near to it, did stand the
tower of Babylon. This we see-still, and it is half a league
in diameter, but is so mightily ruined and low, and so full
of venomous reptiles, that have bored holes through it, that
one may not come near it within half a mile, but only in two
months in the winter, when they come not out of their holes.
Among these reptiles, there are chiefly some in the Persian
language called Eglo by the inhabitants, that are very poison-
ous ; they are bigger than our lizards,''*! &c. All which
ruins, here mentioned by Rawolf, are no doubt the same
which Benjamin of Tudela saith were the ruins of the pa-
lace of Nebuchadnezzar, that is, the old palace, which stood
on the eastern side of the river : for it is of that only that
Benjamin and Rawolf speak. Of the ruins of Babylon on
the western side, where the new palace stood which Nebu-
chadnezzar himself built, neither of them do take any no-
tice. All this put together shows how fully and exactly
hath been fulfilled all that which the prophet Isaiah prophe-
sied of this place. For his words concerning it are as fol-
loweth : (Isaiah xiii. 19 — 22,) And Babylon, the glory of
Jcingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees'' excellency, shall be as
when God overthrexo Sodom and Gomorrah. It shall never be
inhabited, neither shall it be dwelt in from generation to gene-
ration : neither shall the Arabian pitch tent there, neither shall
the shepherds make their fold there : but wild beasts of the de-
sert shall lie there ; and their houses shall be full of doleful
creatures : and owls shall dwell there, and satyrs shall dance
there. And the wild beasts of the islands shall cry in their de-
solate houses, and dragons in their pleasant palaces ; and her
time is near to come, and her days shall not be prolonged.
Thus far Isaiah : and, besides this, there are several other

q See Mr. Ray's edition of these Travels in Ehglisb, part. 2, chap. 7.

BOOK VIII.3 THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 215

prophecies in the other prophets to the same purpose, which
have already been taken notice of. It must be acknowledg-
ed, that there is mention made of Babylon, as of a city
standing long after the time where I have placed its desola-
tion, as in Lucan,"^ Philostratus,^ and others. But in all
those authors, and wherever else we find Babylon spoken
of as a city in being after the time of Seleucus Nicator, it
must be understood, not of old Babylon on the Euphrates,
but of Seleucia on the Tigris.^ For as that succeeded iu the
dignity and grandeur of old Babylon, so also did it in its
name. At first it was called Seleucia Babylonia, that is, the
Babylonic Seleucia, or Seleucia of the provinceof Babylon,
to distinguish it from the other Seleucias which were else-
where, and after that Babylonia simply," and at length Baby-
lon.^ That Lucan, by his Babylon, in the tlrst book of his
PharsaJia, means none other than Seleucia, or the new Baby-
lon, is plain. For he there speaks of it as the metropolis of
the Parthian kingdom, where the trophies of Crassus were
hung up after the vanquishing of the Romans at Carrha 5
which can be understood only of the Seleucian or now Baby-
lon, and not of the old. For that new Babylon only was
the seat of the Parthian kings, but the old Babylon never.
And in another place, where he makes mention of this Baby-
lon (that is, book vi. verse 50,) he describes it as surrounded
by the Tigris in the same manner as Antioch was by the
Orontes : but it was the Seleucian or the new Babylon, and
not the old, that stood upon the Tigris. Aiid as to Phi-
lostratus, when he brings his ApoIIonius (the Don Quixote
of his romance.) to the royal seat of the Parthian king, which
was at that time at Seleucia, then called Babylon, he was
led by that name into this gross blunder, as to mistake it for
the old Babylon ; and therefore, in the describing of it, he
gives us the same description which he found given of old
Babylon, in Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Strabo, and other
writers. y But it is no unusual thing for romancers often to
make blunders and mistakes in geography of tlic places

r Lib. i, V. 10. s Lib. 1, c. 17—19.

t Plutarch, indeed, in the life of Crassus, speaks of Babylon and Seleucia,
as of tu'o distinct cities then in being. For in a political remark, he reck-
ons it as a great error in Crassus, that, in his first irru|)tion into Mesopotamia,
he had not marched directly on to Babylon and Seleucia, and seized those
two cities. And Appian, in his Farthics, says the same thing. But Plu-
tarch was mistaken herein, taking for two cities then in being, what were
no more than two names then given to one and the same place; tliat is,
Seleucia. For as to old Babylon, it appears from the authors I have men-
tioned, that it was desolated long before the time of Crassus. And as to
Appian, he doth no more than recite the opinion of Plutarcli ; for he writes
word for word after him as to this matter.

u Plin. lib. 6, c. 26. x Stephanus Bvzantinas in B^Cvf^m

y Lib. 1, c. 18.

316 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

where they lay the scenes of their fables ; and that the
whole story of Apolloniiis Tyaneus, as written by Philos-
tratus, is no more than a romance and a fable is well known.
And perchance the giving of the name of Babylon toSeleu-
cia was that which gave rise to the present vulgar error, that
Bagdad is now situated in the very place where formerly
old Babylon stood. For when Bagdad was first built, it truly
was upon the same plot of ground where formerly Selcucia
or new Babylon stood/ For as old Babylon was exhausted
by Seleucia, so afterward was Seleucia by Ctcsephon and
Almadayen, and these two again by Bagdad ; it being the
humour of the princes of those ages, to build new cities to
be monuments of their names, and to desolate old ones in
the neighbourhood for the peopling of them. By this means
Seleucia being reduced to a desolation, as well as Babylon,
at the time when Abu Jaafar Almansur, calif or emperor of
the Saracer»s, begun his reign (which was in the year of our
Lord 754.) it had nothing upon it but the cell of a Christian
monk, called Dad, and a garden adjoining to it : from whence
it had the name of Bagdad, that is, in the language of that
country, the garden of Dad. And upon this place was the
city first built, which hath ever since been called by this
name of Bagdad.^ F^orthe same Almansur being resolved,
out of dislike to Ha«hemia, where his predecessor before re-
sided, to build him a new city, to be the capital seat of his
empire, chose that place for it where this garden lay ; and
there, in the year of our Lord 762, erected this city upon
the very foundations on which formerly Seleucia had stood,
on the west side of the Tigris, But, not long after, it was
translated over to theotherside,and there itatpresent stands,
about three miles above the place where Ctesephon was
formerly situated on the same side of the river, that is, on
the eastern side ; and that which was first built on the western
side is now no more than a suburb to it. This city, from the
reign of Almansur, was for many years the capital of the
Saracen empire, and still remains a place of great note in
the East. But they are much mistaken who think it the
same with old Bab} ion ; for that was upon tlie Euphrates,
but Bagdad is upon the Tigris, at the distance of forty miles
from the place where that old city stood.

Seleucus built many other cities, both in the Greater and
Lesser Asia ; sixteen of which he called Antioch, from the

z Bocbarli Geographia Sacra, part 1, lib. 1, c. S. Golii Nota3 ad Alfraga-
num, p. 121, 122. Sionitae Descriplio Bagdad! ad Calcem Geographiie
Ji'ubiensis, c. 2.

a Elmaciiii Hist. Saracennica, sub anno Heg 145. Abul Pliaragii Hist.
Dynastiaruiii, editionis Pocockiana?, p. 141. Eutychii Aniiales, torn. 2. p.
39P. Ceogriipliia Xuhiensis. j). 20-4.

300K VIII. J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 217

name of Antiochus, his father ; nine, Seleucia, from his own
name ; six, Laodicea, from the name of Laodice, his mo-
ther; three, Apamea, from Apama, his first wife ; and one
Stratonicea, from Stratonice, his last wife ;^ in all which he
planted the Jews, giving them equal privileges and immuni-
ties with the Greeks and Macedonians, especial!} at Anlioch
in Syria ; where they settled in great numbers, and became
almost as considerable a part of that city as they were at
Alexandria. '^ And from hence it was that the Jews became
dispersed all over Syria and the Lesser Asia. In the eastern
countries beyond the Euphrates they had been settled before,
ever since the Assyrian and Babylonian captivities, and there
multiplied in great numbers. But it was Seleucus Nicator
that first gave them settlements in those provinces of Asia
which are on this side the Euphrates. For they having been
very faithful and serviceable to him in his wars, and other
trusts and interests, he, for this reason, gave them these pri-
vileges through all the cities which he built. But it seems
most likely that they were the Babylonish Jews that first
engaged him to be thus favourable to this people. For the
Jews of Palestine being under Ptolemy, were not in capa-
city to be serviceable to him. But Babylon being the place
where he laid the first foundations of his power, and the
Jews in those parts being as numerous as the Jews of Pales-
tine, if not more, it is most likely, that they unanimously ad-
hered to his interest, and were the prime strength that he
had for the advancement of it ; and that for this reason he
ever after showed so much favour to them : and it is scarce
probable, that any thing less than this could be a sufficient
cause to procure such great privileges from him, as he after-
ward gave to all of that nation.

Simon the Just, high-priest of the Jews, dying, after he
had been nine years in that office, left behind him a ^^ ^92
son called Onias ;^ but he being an infant, and there- Pioiemy
fore incapable of succeeding in the high-priesthood,
Eleazar the brother of Simon, was substituted high-priest in
his stead. This Simon, as he had by the uprightness of his
actions, and the righteousness of his conversation, both
towards God and man, merited the surname of the Just; so
also was he in all respects a very extraordinary person ;
which the character given of him in the fiftieth chapter of
Ecclesiasticus sufiicientiy shows. There, many of his good
works, for the benefit both of the church and state of the

b Appianus in Syriacis, p. 201. edilionis Tollianae.

c Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 13, & contra Appionem, lib. 2, Euseb. in
Chronico.

d Euseb. in Chronico. e Josephns Antiq. lib. 12, c. 2.

21 S CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART I.

Jews, are menlioned with their due praise. But his chiefest
work was the finishing of the canon of the Scriptures of the Old
Testament. What was done herein b) Ezra halh been above
related. The books afterward added, were the two hooks of
Chronicles, Ezra.Nehemiah, Esther, and Malachi. That these
could not be put into the canon by Ezra, is plain ; for four
of those books are, upon just i^rounds, supposed to have been
written by hinnself (that is, the two books of Chronicles, and
the books of Ezra and Esther,) and the book of Nehenniah
was written after his time, and so most likely was the book
of Malachi also ; and therefore a later time must be assigned
for their insertion into the canon, and none is more likely
than that of Simon the Just, who is said to have been the last
of the men of the great synagogue.^ For what the Jews call
the great synagogue were a number of elders amounting to
one hundred and twenty, who, succeeding some after others,
in a continued series, from the return of the Jews again into
Judea, after the Babylonish captivity, to the time of Simon
the Just, laboured in the restoring of the Jewish church and
state in that country ; in order whereto the holy Scriptures
being the rule they were to go by, their chief care and study
was to make a true collection of those Scriptures, and publish
them accurately to the people. Ezra, and the men of the
great synagogue that lived in his time, completed this work
as far as 1 have said. And as to what remained farther to be
done in it, where can we better place the performing of it,
and the ending and finishing of the whole thereby, than in
that time where those men of the great synagogue ended that
were employed therein, that is, in the time of Simon the
Just, who was the last of them ? And that especially, since
there are some particulars in those books which seem ne-
cessarily to refer down to times as late as those of Alexander
the Great, if not later. For, in the third chapter of the first
book of Chronicles, we have the genealogy of the sons of
Zerubbabel, carried down for so many descents after him, as
may well be thought to reach the time of Alexander: and,
in Nehemiah (xii. 22,) we have the days of Jaddua spoken
of, as of days past ; but Jaddua outlived Alexander two years.
1 acknowledge these passages to have been interpolated pas-
sages, both put in after the time of Ezra, and after the time
of Nehemiah (who were the writers of those books,) by those
who completed the canon. To say they were inserted by
those holy men themselves, who wrote the books, the chro-
nology of their history will not bear ; for then they must have

f See Maimonidcs and the rest ot tlie Rabbies, who all say, that the men
of the great synagogue were one hundred and twenty persons, and that
Simon the Just was the last of them.

K0OK VIII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 219

lived down beyond those times which those passages refer
us to ; but this is inconsistent with what is written of them.
And to say that they were put in by any other than those,
who, by the direction of the Holy Spirit of God, completed
the canon of the Scriptures, will be to derogate from their
excellency ; and therefore we must conclude, that, since
Simon the Just was the last of those that were employed in
this work, it was by him that the last finishing hand was put
thereto, and that it was in his time, and under his presidency,
and chietly by his direction, that the canon of the holy Scrip-
tures of the Old Testament, by which we now receive them,
was perfected, and finally settled in the Jewish church. And
thus far having brought down this history through the Scrip-
ture times, till the canon of the Scriptures of the Old Testa-
ment was fully perfected, I shall here end the first part of it.
After this followed the Mishnical times, that is, the times of
traditions. 5 Hitherto the Scriptures were the only rule of
faith and manners which God's people studied : but thence-
forth traditions began to be regarded, till at length they
overbore the word of God itself, as we find in our Saviour's
time. The collection of those traditions they call the Mish-
nah, that is, the second law, and those who delivered and
taught them were styled the Mishnical doctors. From the
death of Simon the Just their time began, and they continued
to be known by that name, till Rabbi Judah Hakkadosh col-
lected all those traditions together, and wrote them into the
book which they call the Mishnah ; which was done about
one hundred and fifty years after Christ, as hath been above
related. The ages in which they flourished, till the time of
Christ, shall be the subject of the second part of this history.

g See David Gantz in Zetnach David, and the rest of the Jewish writers,
by whom all those, who living after the men of the great synagogue, are
quoted in the Mishnah for any tradition, are called the Mishnical doctors.

END OP PART FIRST.

CONNEXION

OLD dJ\rD JSTEW TESTJIMEJ^TS.

PART THE SECOND.

Vol. H. 29

2b the Right Honou7^able B k^lEL, Earl of
Nottingham.
My Lord,
HAVING now, by God's assistance, finished
this Second Part of the Connexion of the
History of the Old and New Testa jients,
which I promised your Lordship when I pre-
sented you with the First Part, I humbly offer
it to your acceptance, hoping it may be re-
ceived with the same favour and candour as
the former 5 which 1 humbly pray from your
Lordship : and am.
My Lord,

Your most obedient, and
Most obliged humble Servant,

HUMPHREY PRIDEAUX.

PREFACE.

The Second Part of this history, which I now offer to the
pubHc, completes the whole of what I intend. M) first pur-
pose was to have concluded at the birth of our Saviour, and
to have left what thenceforth ensues to the ecclesiastical his-
torian of the Christian church, to whom it properly belongs.
But since what is to connect the Old Testament with the
New will there best end where the dispensation of the Old
Testament endeth, and that of the New begins, and since
that was brought to pass in the death and resurrection of our
Saviour, I have drawn down this history thereto. For then
the Jewish church was abolished, and the Christian erected
in its stead ; then the law of Moses ceased, and that of Christ
and his gospel commenced, and therein the accomplishment
of all the prophecies of the Old Testament relating to the
person of the Messiah, which began at his birth, was fully
perfected. And therefore, here I have thought it properest
to fix the conclusion of this work. But to avoid encroach-
ing too far upon the Christian ecclesiastical historian, I have
from the time of Christ's birth treated but in a very brief
manner of what afterward ensued to his death ; and have
passed over the whole time of the public ministration both
of him and his forerunner. For all things that were done
therein being fully related in the four gospels, which are, or
ought to be, in every one's hands, barely to repeat them
here 'would be needless, and all that can be done beyond a
bare repetition, is either to methodize them according to
the order of time, or to explain them by way of interpreta-
tion ; but the former belonging to the harmonist, and the
latter to the commentator, they are both out of the province
1 have undertaken.

I having, in the preface to the First Part of this history,
recommended to the reader, for his geographical guidance
in the reading of it, the maps of Cellarius, the bookseller
hath, in the third edition of that part, inserted into it as many
maps out of him as may be useful for this purpose. And
there hath also been added, in the same edition, a map of
the temple of Jerusalem, which had been drawn and publish-
ed by me in a single sheet, some years before. All these may
serve for the Second Part, as well a? for the First.

Jit) J^REFACE.

Perchance there may be some, who will think the historv
which I give of the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years, and of
the other cycles, which, as well as that, have been made use
of for the fixing of the time of Easter, to be too long a di-
gression from that which is the main subject of this work.
And therefore I think it necessary to acquaint the reader,
that 1 have been led hereto by these following inducements.
First, To give him an account of the controversies which
happened among Christians about the time of celebrating
Easter, during the use of this eight)-four years cycle among
them. Secondly, To explain one important part of our an-
cient English history, b} showing upon what foot that dissen-
sion about Easter stood, which was here carried on between
our British and Saxon ancestors on the account of the same
Jewish cycle, during the whole seventh and eighth century,
which hath nowhere else, that I know of, had a thorough
and clear account given of it. And, lastl). To open the
way to a better understanding of the modern dispute, which
our Dissenters have here set on foot among us upon the same
argument. For they allege it as one reason of their dissen-
sion, that Easter is put wron^ in the calendar before the
Common Prayer-book, and that therefore they cannot give
their a«sent and consent thereto.

It is a very odd thing that this sort of people, who are
against keeping any Easter at all, should raise any quarrel
about the time of its observance. But since they are pleas-
ed so to do. I will licre apply what is written in the ensuing
history, about the time of this festival, to the present case,
and endeavour thereby to give them full satisfaction in it. In
order whereto 1 shall lay down, first, The rule in the calen-
dar, against which the objection is made ; secondly. The ob-
jection itself that is urged against it ; and then, in the third
place, 1 shall give my answers thereto.

I. The words of the rule in the calendar, as they lie in
the page next after the months of the year, are these follow-
ing, " Easter-day is always the tirst Sunday after the first full
moon, which happens next after the one and twentieth day
of March. And if the full moon happens upon a Sunday,
Easter-day is the Sunday after.

II. The objection urged against this rule is, that if we take
the common almanacks, in which the new moons and full
moons are set down as they are in the heavens, it will sel-
dom be found that the first Sunday after the first full moon,
which happens next after the one and twentieth day of March,
is the Easter-day, which is appointed to be observed, accord-
ing to the tables in the Common Prayer-book ; and that
therefore, if the rule be true, the tables must be false. And

PREFACE. 227

tliis, the Dissenters think, is reason enough lor them to deny
their assent and consent to the whole book.

III. I answer hereto, first, Thatit must be acknowledged,
this objection would be true, were it the natural full moon
that is meant in the rule. But besides the natural full moon,
that is, that which appears in the heavens, when the sun and
moon are in direct opposition to each other, there is also an
ecclesiastical full moon, that is, a full moon day so called by
the church, though there be no natural full moon thereon.
To explain this by a parallel case — it is in the same manner,
as there is a political month, and a political year, different
from the natural. The natural month is the course of the
moon, from one new moon to another ; the political month
is a certain number of days, which constitute a month accord-
ing to the political constitution of the country where it is
used. And so a natural year is the course of the sun from a
certain point in the Zodiac, till it come about again to the
same ; but the political year is a certain number of months
or days, which constitute a year, according to the political
constitution of the country where it is used. And so, in like
manner, there is a natural new moon day, and an ecclesiasti-
cal new moon day. The natural new moon day is that on
which the natural new moon first appears, and the fourteenth
day after is the natural full moon day. And the ecclesiasti-
cal new moon day is that which, by the ecclesiastical consti-
tutions, is appointed for it, and the fourteenth day after is the
ecclesiastical full moon day. And the primes, that is, the
figures of the golden numbers, which are in the first column
of every month in the calendar, are there placed to point out
both, that is, the ecclesiastical new moon day first, and then,
by consequence from it, the ecclesiastical full moon day,
which is the fourteenth day after. This order was first ap-
pointed from the time of the council of Nice ;'* and then the
natural new moon and full moon, and the ecclesiastical new
moon and full moon, fell exactly together. And had the nine-
teen years' cycle, called the cycle of the moon (which is the
cycle of the golden numbers,) brought about all the new
moons and full moons exactly ae;ain to the same point of
time in the Julian year, as it was supposed that it would,
when this order was first made, they would have always so
fallen together. But it failing hereof by an hour and almost
an half, hereby it hath come to pass, that the ecclesiastical
new moon and full moon have overshot the natural new moon
and full moon an hour and near an half in every nineteen
years, which, in the long process of time that hath happened

a This council was lield A. D. 325.

i28 PREFACE.

since the council of Nice, hath now made the diflference be-
tween them to amount to about four days and an half; and
so much the ecclesiastical new moons and full moons do at
this time, in every month, overrun the natural. However,
the church still abiding by the old order, still observes the
time of Easter, according to the reckoning of the ecclesiasti-
cal moon, and not according to that of the natural. And
therefore it is of the ecclesiastical full moon, and not of the
natural, that this rule is to be understood, and consequently
what the Dissenters object against it from the full moon in
the heavens, is nothing to the purpose. But if it be still ob-
jected, that this ecclesiastical full moon, different from the
natural, is the product of error, for that it hath its original
from astronomical mistake in the church's falsely supposing
that the new moons and full moons would, after every nine-
teen years, all come over again to the same point of time in
the Julian year, as in the former nineteen years, whereas
they do not so by an hour and an half, and that therefore,
there is still an error in this matter ; the answer hereto is,
that it would be so, were the feast of Easter, and the time of
observing it, appointed by divine institution : but since both
are only by the institution of the church, wherever the
church placeth it, there it is well and rightly observed. But,

Secondly. Were it truly the natural full moon, and not
the ecclesiastical, that is meant in the rule, yet since in this
supposal it would be only an astronomical, and not a theolo-
gical error, this rule may be used without sin ; and the use
of it is all that the declaration of assent and consent obligeth
to, as it is more than once plainly expressed in the act that
enjoins it.

Thirdly. But it seems to me that neither the calendar,
nor this rule belonging thereto, is within that declaration, and
therefore no error in either can be urged as a reason against
it. For the assent and consent required to be given by the
act of uniformity is " To the book of Common Prayer, and
administration of the sacraments, and other rites and cere-
monies of the church of England, together with the Psalter
or Psalms of David, pointed as they are to be sung or said in
churches, and the form and manner of making, ordaining, and
consecrating of bishops, priests, and deacons ;" but neither
the calendar, nor this rule belonging to it, can be brought
under any of these particulars ; and therefore cannot be con-
tained within that declaration at all. If it be said, that the
words rites and ceremonies include the calendar, and with it
all the rules belonging thereto ; my answer is, that the astro-
nomical calculations, and the appointing thereby the times of
the moveable feasts, concerning which our whole present

PRETACE.

229

dispute is, cannot be called either rites or ceremonies. If it
be further urged, that both the calendar and the rule are in
the book; the reply hereto is, so are several acts of parlia-
noent, but no one will say, that by the declaration any assent
or consent is given unto them. But,

Fourthly. Supposing all to be in this case as the Dissenters
object, to make such a trifle to be a reason of breaking com-
munion, and separating from the church, is what men of
common sense or common integrity may be ashamed of.
They may as well urge the errata of the press against this
declaration. For these afford as good a reason a^^ainst it as
the other. This shows how hard they are put to it to find
reasons for their separation, when they urge such a wretched
and frivolous one for it as this.

Thus much of the objection as far as the Dissenters have
urged it. But there being something that may be further
said on the same argument, with much more plausible appear-
ance of reason, which the Dissenters have taken no notice
of, I shall do it for them, that so by answering it I may clear
this whole matter, and thereby fully justify the usage of our
church herein. For it may be objected, that allowing the
full moon in the rule of the calendar above mentioned to be
the ecclesiastial full moon, and not the natural, yet the
making of Easter-day to be the next Sunday after that full
moon, is contrary to the rule which all other churches have
gone by till pope Gregory's reformation of the calendar, and
contrary also to the present usage of our own.'' For, 1st.
It is contrary to the rule which all other churches have gone
by till the said reformation of pope Gregory ; because, till
then, from the time of the council of Nice, their rule hath
been, that Easter-day is always to be the first Sunday after
the first fourteenth moon which shall happen after the one
and twentieth of March, which fourteenth moon is therefore
called the Paschal term : but the full moon never happens
till the fifteenth day of the moon ; and therefore to put Easter-
day on the first Sunday after the said full moon, will be to
make the first fifteenth moon after the said one and twentieth
of March to be the Paschal term instead of the fourteenth,
which no church in the whole Christian world hath ever yet
done. And, 2dly. It is contrary to the present usage of our
own church. For, in the tables subjoined to the said calen-
dar, Easter-day is every where put on the Sunday next after
the first fourteenth moon after the one and twentieth day of
March, and never otherwise. And therefore, should Easter-
day be always put, according to the rule above mentioned,

b This reformation was made, A. D. 1582, and gave birth to what we csM
the New Style.

Vol. If, 30

^30 ir-REFACE.

on the next Sunday after the full moon of that rule, seeing no'
full moon can ever happen till the tifteenth day of the moon,
Easter-day would sometimes fall on a Sunday different from
that where it is placed in the tables 5 as, for example, A. D.
1668, the placing of Easter on the first Sunday after the
fifteenth day of that moon, would make it fall on the twenty-
ninth of March, but the tables place it on the twenty-second
of March, which was the Sunday before, and then it was
accordingly observed. And, A. D. 1678, the placing of
Easter on the first Sunday after the fifteenth day of that
moon, would make it fall on the seventh of April, but the
tables place it on the last of March, which was the Sunday
before, and there it was accordingly observed. And so it
will be found in many other instances. And, therefore, if
the rule by which all other churches, till pope Gregory's
reformation of the calendar above mentioned, observed their
Easter, be right, and if the tables whereby our church keeps
that festival be right, then the rule which is in our Common
Prayer-book must be false, and consequently cannot be
assented to as true. Thus far the objection.

The answer hereto is, that there is a twofold reckoning of
the moon's age, the astronomical and the vulgar; the astro-
nomical reckoning is from the conjunction of the moon with
the sun, the vulgar from its first appearance, which is never
till the next day after the conjunction. The Jews followed
the vulgar reckoning, and, according thereto, accounted that
to be the first day of the moon which was the first day of its
appearance, as 1 have already shown in the preface to the
First Part of this history, and by this reckoning settled the
times of their Paschal festival f which usage the ancient
Christians borrowing from them did the same in their settling
the feast of Easter, and so it hath continued to be done ever
since.*^ The first day therefore of the moon, which is marked
out by the prime in the calendar of our Common Prayer-
book, is not the day of its conjunction with the sun, but the
day of its first appearance, which is always the day after;
and the fourteenth day from thence is the fifteenth from its
conjunction ; on which fifteenth day the full moon happens,
being applied to the Paschal moon, solves the whole difficulty
of this objection. For the fourteenth day of that moon, as
reckoned from its first appearance, will be from its conjunc-
tion the fifteenth day on which the full moon happens. And

c Talmud in Rosli Haslianah. Maimonides in Kiddush Hachodesh. Sei
den De Anno Civili Veterum Judaiorura.

d The ancient Christians api)ointed their Easter by the same rule by which
the Jews appointed their Passover, and the Asian duirches for a lonsrwhik
observed it on the same day with them

PREFACE. 231

therefore this fourteenth day of the moon being the same
with the full moon, and both the same with that which hath
ever been the Paschal term, the first Sunday after which is
Easter-day, the said Paschal term may be expressed by
either of them : and therefore this rule in the calendar of our
Common Prayer-book, in that it expresseth it by the full
moon, doth the same, as if it had expressed it by the four-
teenth day of the moon, and consequently it is not to be
charged with any fault or error in this matter. And thus
having opened the cause in all its points, 1 shall leave the
further prosecution of it to those who shall think fit to con-
lend about it. All that 1 propose hereby is only to give such
light into it, that neither side may, like the Andabatas, fight
in the dark, as both in the handling of this particular seem
hitherto to have done.

In the compiling of this history I have taken all the helps
that the Jewish writers could supply me with: but these, I
must confess, are very poor ones. Of the succession of the
presidents and vice-presidents of their sanhedrim, by whom
they say their traditions were handed down from Simon the
Just, and the men of the great synagogue, 1 have given their
names as far as this history goes. But, besides their names,
there being scarce any thing related of them, but what carries
with it a manifest air of improbability and fable, I have for-
borne troubling the reader with such trash. Only about
Hillel and Shammai I have enlarged ; for their followers con-
stituting two opposite sects among the Jews, in the same
manner as the Scotists and Thomists among the schoolmen,
their names run through both their Talmuds and all their
Talmudic writings, and they are of all that have been in that
station within the compass of this history, of the most emi-
nent note and fame among them, and have had more said
of them than all the rest. And therefore 1 have given as full
an account of them as the Jewish writers can aiford me
within the limits of a just credibility.

But nothing can be more jejune and empty than the histo-
ries which the rabbinical Jews give of themselves. Jose-
phus's History in Greek is a noble work, but they disown
and condemn it, and instead of it would obtrude upon us an
Hebrew Josephus, under the name of Jossipon Ben Gorion.
This, they say, is the true and authentic Josephus, but ours,
that is, the Greek Josephus, a false one. There is a Jose-
phus Ben Gorion mentioned in Josephus's History of the
Jewish War, who is there said to have been one of the three
to whose conduct that war was first committed.® This per-

e Life. 2, Ks<? (mA

232 PREFACE.

son, the impostor who composed this book, mistaking for Jo-
sephus the historian, set forth that spurious work under his
name, intending thereby to quash the credit of the true Jo-
sephus, which we have in Greek, as if that were the impos-
ture, and this in Hebrew the onij true and authentic work
of that historian. But the book itself proves the fraud.
For there is in it mention made both of names and things,
which had no being till many hundreds of years after the
time in which it is pretended the book was written, neither
was it heard of, or ever quoted by any author, till above a
thousand years after that time.^ Solomon Jarchi, a French
Jew, who flourished about the year of our Lord ] 140, is the
first that makes mention of it. After that it is quoted by Aben
Ezra, Abraham Ben Dior, and R. David Kimchi, who all
three lived in the same century. After this it became gene-
rally owned by the Jews, and hath obtained that credit and
esteem among them, as to be held, next the sacred writings,
a book of principal value among them ; and was one of the
earliest of their books that hath been published in print by
them. For it was printed at Constantinople in the year of
our Lord 1490, which was within fifty years of the first in-
vention of that art ; and hereon it became so generally re-
ceived and valued by that people, that, twenty years after,
there came out another edition of it from the same place,
and after that a third edition at Venice, A. D. 1544. What
Munster bath published of it is no more than an epitome of
this author; but the whole of it is in the Constantinopolitan
and Venice editions. It is divided into six books and ninety-
seven chapters. The best that can be said of it is, that it
is written in an elegant Hebrew style, and therefore on this
account is very fit for the use of young students in the He-
brew language. But as to the subject matter, it is every
where stuffed with apocryphal and Talmudic fables ; most of
that, which is not of this sort, is taken from the true Jose-
phus ; but it is to be observed, that what the impostor takes
from him is from the fjatiti version of Ruffinus, and not from
the Greek original, which leads him into several blunders.
But who this author was, or where or when he wrote his
book, is uncertain. Scaliger conjectures, that he was a Jew
of Tours in Franco ;S but his reason for it being only, that
he speaks more of the places about Tours, than of any other
parts of France, this doth not prove the thing. But it be-

f For ill that book lliere is mention made of Lombardy, France, England,
Hungary, Turkey, &.c. which are all modern names, and never heard onill
ceveral hundred years after the time, in which it is pretended this book wa.s
written.

g In F.Iencho Trihaer. Nicolai Serrarii, Cap. 'I.

PREFACE. -233

ing sufficiently proved, that the book is an imposture, it is
of no monnent to know who was the true author of it, or
where or when he hved. Mr. Gagnier, a French gentleman
now Hving in Oxford, hath lately given a very accurate Latin
version of this work, according to the best edition of it. it
is to be wished that his learned pains had been employed
about a better author.

For several hundred years after the destruction of the tem-
ple of Jerusalem, where Josephus ends, no other Jew hath
written any history of the affairs of that people, till about
the tenth century after Christ. But (he sect of the Kar-
raites (who, adhering only to the written word, rejected all
traditions) then prevailing and often pressing the Rabbinists,
their antagonists in this controversy, to make good the suc-
cession through which they pretended to have received
their traditions, this did put several of the learned men upon
the hunt for it; and they having raked through both their Tal-
muds, and from them gotten together some historical scraps
to serve for this purpose, with these poor materials have en-
deavoured to compose something like an history of their nation,
giving an account therein, hov\^ their traditions were deliver-
ed down from Moses to the prophets, and from the prophets
to the men of the great synagogue, and from the men of the
great synagogue to the doctors, who afterward, in a conti-
nued series, handed them down from one to another, through
after generations. Of this sort they have some few histori-
cal composures among them, but such as are very mean and
contemptible. They all begin from the creation of the
world, and, as far as the Scriptures of the Old Testament
go, they write from them, but often interpose fabulous
glosses and additions of their own. From the time where
the Old Testament Scriptures end, the two Talmuds supply
them, and from the time where the Talmuds end, they are
supplied from the traditions that were afterward preserved
among them. And an account of their doctors, and the suc-
cession of them in their chief schools and academies in Jii-
dea, Babylonia, and elsewhere, is the main subject which,
after the scriptural times, they treat of. And of these his-
torical books there are but seven in all, that I know of,
among them, and they are these following: 1. Seder Olam
Rabbah ; 2. Teshuvoth R. Sherira Gaon ; 3. Seder Olam
Zeutak ; 4. Kabbalah R. Abraham Levita Ben Dior ; 5. Se-
pher Juchasin y 6. Shalsheleth Haccabbalah ^ 7. Zemach Da-
vid. The four first are the ancientest, but all of them have
been written since the beginning of the ninth century, and
are very short. The tlijce last are much larger, but of a very
modern composure, being all of them written since the time of

234 PREFACE.

our king Henry VIII. I will here give an account of each
of them in their order.

I. Seder Olam Rabbah, i. e. the Larger Chronicon, is so
called, in respect to Seder Olam Zeutah, i. e. the Lesser Chro-
nicon^ which was afterward composed. However, notwith-
standing this great name, it is but a short history, and treats
mostly of the scriptural times. Buxtorf tells us it reached
down to the time ol Adrian the Roman emperor, and his
vanquishing Ben Chuzibah the impostor, who did then setup
for the Messiah.** I have not seen any copy of that history
which reacheth down so far, but no doubt that great and
learned man did, otherwise he would not have told us so.
The author is commonly said to have been R. .Jose Ben
Chaliptha, who flourished a little after the beginning of the
second century after Christ, and is said to have been master
to R. Jutiah Hakkadosh, who composed the Mishna. But
R. Azarias, the author of Meor Enaim, in the third part
of that book (which he calls Imrc Binach,) tells us, that he
had seen an ancient copy of this book, in which it was writ-
ten, that the author lived seven hundred and sixty-two years
after the destruction of the temple of Jerusalem, which re-
fers his time to the year of Christ 832. It was most cer-
tainly written after the Babylonish Talmud ; for it contains
many fables and dotages taken from thence.

II. Teshuvoth R. Shcrira Goan, i. e. the answers of R. She-
rira, sublime doctor, is an historical tract written by way of
questions and answers by him whose name it bears. It is a
very short piece, and is usually inserted with some other his-
torical fragments in the editions of Juchasin. He was ^ch-
malotarch in Babylonia, and head of all the Jewish schools
and academies in that country, which dignity he obtained,
A. D. 967, and continued in it thirty years, that is, till the
year 997, when he resigned it to R. Haia his son, who was
the last that bore the title of Gao7i or sublime doctor. For,
in his time, that is, A. D. 1037, the Mahometan king that
then reigned over Babylonia expelled the Jews out of all
those parts,' and thereon all (heir schools and academies
which they had there, were dissolved, and all the degrees
and titles of honour, which on the account of learning
used to be conferred in them, utterly ceased, and no learn-
ed man hath since that time, among the Jews, assumed
anv higher name or title of honour in respect of his learning
than that of Rabbi. t^

h Bibliotheca Rabbinica, p. 386.

i On this expulsion out of (he East, they flocked into the West, and from
that time Spain, France, England, and Germany, were filled with them.

k The chiefest of their academies were Naherda, Sora, and Pompeditha,
towns in Babylonia.

PREFACE. 235

III. Seder Olam Zeutah, i. e. the Lesser Chronicon, is so
called in respect to Seder Olam Rabbah, or the Greater Chroni-
con. This book was written, as it is therein expressed, ten
hundred and fifty-three years after the destruction of the
temple at Jerusalem, that is, in the year of our Lord 1123.
Who was the author of it is not known. It is, aggreeable
to its name, a very short chronicon, and is carried down
from the beginning of the world to the year 452, after the
destruction of the temple of Jerusalem, that is, to the year
of our Lord 522. Eight generations after are named in it, but
nothing more than their names is there mentioned of them.

IV. Sepher Kabbalah R. Abraham Levita Ben Dior,^ i. e.
the book of tradition, by Rabbi Abraham the Levite, the soyi of
Dior, is an historical tract, chiefly intended to give an ac-
count of the succession of those, by whom the traditions of
the Jews, as they pretend, from the time of Moses, were hand-
ed down to them from generation to generation. It begins
from the creation of the world, and ends at the year of Christ
1160. The author of it was R. Abraham the Levite, whose
name it bears in the title. He flourished in the time where
his book ends. He writes much from Josippon Ben Gorion,
and was one of the first that gave credit to that spurious book.

V. Sepher Juchasin, i. e. the Book of Genealogies, is an his-
tory of the Jews, much larger than all the four above men-
tioned put together. It begins from the creation of the world,
and is continued down to the year of our Lord 1500. In
the process and series of it an account is given of the suc-
cession of the Jewish traditions from Mount Sinai, and of all
their eminent doctors teaching and professing them, down
to the time where the book ends. The author of it was R.
Abraham Zacuth, who first published it at Cracow, in Poland,
in the year of our Lord 1580.

VI. Shalsheleth Haccabbalah, i. e. the Chain of Tradition,
is an historical book of the same contents with Sepher Ju-
chasin. The author of it was Rabbi Gedaliah Ben Jechajah,
who first published it at Venice in the year of our Lord 1587.

VII. Zemach David, i. e. a Branch or Sprout of David, is
an history treating of the same subject as the two last pre-
ceding. It begins, as they do, from the creation of the world,
and is continued down to the year of Christ 1592, in which
year it was first published at Prague in Bohemia. The au-
thor was Rabbi David Gantz, a Bohemian Jew. There is
extant a Latin version of this book, composed by William
Henry Vorstius, the son of Conrad Vorstius, and published
by him at Leyden, A. D. 1644.

1 Others call him R. Abraham Ben David, but by mistake, for that R.
Abraham was another person. See Buxtorfs Bibliotheca Rabbinica, p. 403>

2SG PREFACE.

By this it may be seen how little light into ancient times
is to be gotten from histories of so modern and mean a com-
posure, neither can any thing better be expected from their
other writings. If any thing of ancient history be found any
where in them more than what is scriptural, it is either taken
from one of the histories which I have here given an account
of, or from the Talmud, which is the common fountain from
which they all draw. For this is the best authority they have,
and how mean this is I have already shown.

My living at a distance from the press hath deprived me
of the opportunity of correcting the errors of it ; but this de-
fect hatii been supplied by my very worthy friend Mr. Bramp-
ton Gurdon, who hath been pleased to take on him the trou-
ble of correcting the last revise of every sheet ; and 1 know
no one more able to correct the errors, not only of the prin-
ter, but also of the author, wherever I may have been mis-
taken in any particular contained in this book, he being a
person eminently knowing in all those parts of literature,
that are treated of through the whole of it, and otherwise
of that worth and learning, as may justly recommend him to
every man's esteem.

I shall be glad if this Second Part of my history may be
as acceptable to the public as the former hath been. I must
confess it hath been written under greater disadvantages, by
reason of the decays which have since grown upon me. It
hath always been the comfort, as well as the care of my life,
to make myself as serviceable as I could, in all the stations
which I have been called to. With this view it hath been,
that I have entered on the writing of any of those works that
I have oflfered to the public ; and I hope I have by all of them
in some measure served my generation. But being now bro-
ken by age, and the calamitous distemper mentioned in the
preface to the former part of this history, 1 tind myself su-
perannuated for any other undertaking, and therefore must,
I fear, spend the remainder of my days in a useless state of
life, which to me will be the greatest burden of it. But, since
it is from the hand of God, 1 will comport myself with all pa-
tience to submit hereto, till my great change shall come, and
God shall be pleased to call me out of this life into a better.
For which I wait with a thorough hope and trust in his great
and infinite mercy, through Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom
be glory, honour, and praise, for ever and ever.

Humphrey Prideaux*

Norwich, Jan. 1, 1717-18.

_ ^^.uiiiuuu aiexanannum.

c Juchasin, Shalsheleth Haccabbalah, and Zemach David. R. A. Levita
in Historica Cabbala.

Vol. II. 31

THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c,

BOOK I.

ELEAZAR, the brother of Simon the Just,^ succeeded
him in the high-priesthood at Jerusalem, and there
executed this office fifteen years.^ But whereas ^['^,^^'-
Simon the Just had been also president of the sanhe- soier 14.
drim, or national council of the Jews, he was in this
last charge succeeded by Antigonus of Socho, to which he
was recommended by his great learning.*^ For he was an
eminent scribe in the law of God, and a great teacher of
righteousness among the people. And he being the first of
the Tannaim or Mishnical doctors, from his school all those
had their original who were afterward called by that name.
And these were ail the doctors of the Jewish law from the
death of Simon the Just to the time that Rabbi Judah Hak-
kadosh composed the Mishna. which was about the middle
of the second century after Christ, as hath been before ob-
served. In the gospels, they are sometimes called scribes,
sometimes lawyers, and sometimes those that sat in Moses's
seat. For those different appellations all denote the same
profession of men, that is, those who, having been brought
up in the knowledge of the law of God and the tradition of
the elders concerning it, taught it in the schools and syna-
gogues of the Jews, and judged according to it in their san-
hedrims. For out of the number of the doctors were cho-
sen all such as were members of those courts, that is,
either of the great Sanhedrim of seventy-two, which was
for the whole nation, or of the Sanhedrim of twenty-
three, which was in every city in Judab. And such were
Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and Gamaliel ; and in

a Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 2. Chronicon Alexand. Eusebii Chonicon.
b Chronicon Alexandrinum.

c Juchasin, Shalsheleth Haccabbalah, and Zemach David. R. A. Levita
in Historica Cabbala.

Vol. II. 31

238 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY eF [PART II.

respect hereof is it that they are called elders, counsel-
lors, and rulers, because, being of the number of those who
were chosen into these councils, they did there declare and
execute those laws, by which they ruled and governed the
people.

The Jews tell us great things of this Simon the Just, and
speak of great alterations that happened on his d'^^^ath in
some parts of their divine worship, and the signs of the divine
acceptance, ihat had till then appeared in the performance
of them. For it is said in the Jerusalem Talmud, that " All
the time of Simon the Just, the scape-goat had scarce come
to the middle of the precipice of the mountain, from whence
he was cast down, but he was broken into pieces : but, when
Simon the Just was dead, he fled away alive into the desert,
and was eaten of the Saracens. '^ While Simon the Just lived,
the lot of God in the day of expiation went forth always to
the right-hand ; but Simon the Just being dead, it went forth
sometimes to the right-hand, and sometimes to the left. All
the days of Simon the Just, the little scarlet tongue looked
always white ; but when Simon the Just was dead, it looked
sometimes white, and sometimes red. All the days of
Simon the Just, the west light always burnt; but, when he
was dead, it sometimes burnt, and sometimes went out.^ AH
the days of Simon the Just, the fire upon the altar burnt
clear and bright, and, after two pieces of wood laid on in
the morning, they laid on nothing else the whole day af-
ter ; but, when he was dead, the force of the fire lan-
guished in such a manner, that they were forced to supply
it all the day. All the days of Simon the Just, a bless-
ing was sent upon the two loaves,^ and the show-bread ;5 so
that a portion came to every priest, to the quantity of an
olive at least ; and there were some who did eat, and there
were others to Vvhom something remained after they had
eaten their fill ; but when Simon the Just was dead, that
blessing was withdrawn, and so little remained to each priest,
that those who were modest withdrew their hands, and those
who were greedy still stretched them out." For the
explication hereof, it is to be observed that, on the great
day of expiation, which was a most solemn fast among

d Mishna&L Gemara Hierosol. in Yoma.

e That is, the most western of the seven lamps of the golden candlesticks
wliich stood in the holy place in the temple.

f Tliat is, the two wave-loaves offered in the feast of Pentecost, of which
ice Lev. xxiii. 16 — 21.

g That is, the twelve loaves of show-bread, which were placed upon the
show-bread table in the holy place every Sabbath, and taken away the
next Sabbath after, and divided among the priests that then officiated. See
Lev. xxiv.6 — 10.

VOOK I.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. ^3^

the Jews, kept by them every year on the tenth day of
their month Tizri (which answers to our September,)
two goats were brought into the inner court of the house
of the Lord, and there, on the north side of the altar, pre-
sented before the high-priest, the one to be the scape-goat,
and the other to be sacrificed to the Lord.'' And in order to
determine which of them should be for each purpose, lots
were cast to decide the matter ; the manner of which was
as followeth.* The goats being put one before the right-hand
of the high-priest, and the other before the left-fiand, an
urn was brought, and placed in the middle between them,
and two lots were cast into it, (they might be of wood, silver,
or gold, but under the second temple they were always of
gold.)'' On the one of these was written For the Lord, and
on the other i^or the scape-gout; which being well shaken
together, the high-priest put both his hands into the urn, and
with his right-hand took out one lot, and with his left-hand
the other, and according to the writing on them were the
goats appointed, as they stood on each hand of the high-priest,
either for the Lord, to be sacrificed to him, or to be the scape-
goat, to be let escape into the wilderness ; that is, if the
right-hand lot were For the Lord, then the goat that stood
before him at the right-hand was to be sacrificed, and the
other to be the scape-goat; but if the left-hand lot were For
the Lord, then the goat that stood at the left-hand Avas to be
sacrificed, and the other to be the scape-goat. And there-
fore, whereas it is said, that the lot of God, till the death of
Simon the Just, went first always to the right-hand, the mean-
ing is, that the high-priest always drew out with his right-hand
the lot For the Lord, and with his left that For the scape-goat ^
but afterward with each hand sometimes one lot, and some-
times the other. As soon as the goats were thus appointed
each to their proper use, the high-priest bound upon the
head of the scape-goat a long piece (they call it a tongue)
of scarlet. And this is that scarlet tongue, which, the Tal-
mud saith, looked always white till the death of Simon the
Just, but afterward sometimes white, and sometimes red.
And the change of red into white being here spoken of as a
sign of God's accepting of the expiation of that day, hither
may be referred what is said in Isaiah i. 18, Though your sins
he as scarlet, they shall be as white as snoio ; though they be
red like crimson, they shall be as wool ; or rather to this text
may be referred the foundation of all that they say of this
matter. After the goat for the Lord was offered up in sacri-
tice to him, the scape-goat was brought before the high-priest,.

h Mishna in Yoma. Maimonides in Yom. Haccipumm.

i Lev. xvi. 8 k Mishna k, Maimonides, ibid.

240 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [fART iter

who laying both his hands upon his head, confessed over him
all the iniquities of the children of Israel, and all their trans-
gressions, and all their sins ; by that ceremony putting them
all upon the head of that goat ; and then sent him away by
a fit person into the wilderness. The place where they led
him was a rock or precipice at the distance of twelve miles
from Jerusalem, where he was to be let escape, to carry away
the sins of the children of Israel with him far out of sight.
Till the time of Simon the Just, the Talmud saith, this goat
was always dashed in pieces in the fall, on his being let loose
over the precipice ; but that afterward he always escaped,
and, flying into Arabia, was there taken and eaten by the
Saracens.

Demetrius having, as he thought, thoroughly settled his
^^ 268 affairs in Greece and Macedon, made great prepara-
ptoiemy tioHS to rccovcr his father's empire in Asia ; for
which purpose he got together an army of one hun-
dred thousand men, and a fleet of five hundred sail of ships,
which was a greater force, both by sea and land, than had
been gotten together by any prince since the time of Alexan-
der the Great.*

This alarming Ptolemy, Lysimachus, and Seleucus, they
An 287 ^'^ three entered into a confederacy together for
Ptolemy their mutual defence against his designs, and also

Soter 18 . . " ,

drew in Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, to join with them
herein.™ And therefore, while Lysimachus invaded Macedo-
nia on the one side, Pyrrhus did the same on the other. This
drew Demetrius outof Greece (where he was then attending
his preparations for the Asian expedition) back into Mace-
donia for the defence of that country. But before he could
arrive thither, Pyrrhus having taken Beroea, a great city in
Macedonia, where many of Demetrius's soldiers had their
families, friends, and effects, the news hereof no sooner got
into the army, but it put all into disorder and mutiny, many
declaring, that they would follow him no farther, but return
home to defend their friends, families, and fortunes, in their
own country ; whereon Demetrius, seeing his interest abso-
lutely lost among them, fled in the disguise of a private sol-
dier into Greece ; and all his army revolted to Pyrrhus, and
made him their king. Demetrius, on his return into Greece,
having there ordered his affairs in the best manner his pre-
sent circumstances would admit, committed the care of all he
had in those parts to Antigonus his son, and, with all the re-
mainder of his forces that could be spared from thence (which
amounted to about eleven thousand men,) went on board his

1 Plutarch, in Demetrio SiPyrrho. Justin, lib. 16, c. 2.
m Plutarch, k Justin, ibid.

BOOK VII.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 241

fleet, and sailed into Asia, there in a desperate manner to
seek his fortunes. On his arrival at Miletus, he took that
city, and there married Ptolemaida, the daughter of Ptolemy.
She was brought to him thither by Eurydice her mother, the
wife of Ptolemy, and sister of Phila, Demetrius's former wife,
who died a little before of a dose of poison, which she des-
perately took on her husband's flight out of Macedonia, to
avoid the calamity which she thought would follow that de-
clension of his fortune. However, this did not hinder Ptole-
my from marrying his daughter to him, and of this marriage
was born Demetrius, who afterward reigned in Cyrene.

From Miletus, Demetrius invaded Caria and Lydia, and
having taken many cities from Lysimachus in those provin-
ces, and there much augmented his forces with new recruits,
at length made himself master of Sardis." But on the com-
ing of Agathocles, the son of Lysimachus, with an army
against him, he was forced again to quit all that he had
taken, and marched eastward. His intentions in taking this
route were to pass into Armenia, and Media, and seize these
provinces. But Agathocles, having coasted him all the way
in his march, reduced him to great distress for want of pro-
visions and forage, which brought a sickness into his army,
that destroyed a great number of them, and, when he attempt-
ed to pass Mount Taurus with the remainder, he found all
the passes over it seized by Agathocles ; whereby being ob-
structed from proceeding any further that way, he m.arched
backward to Tarsus in Cilicia, a town belonging to Seleucus,
and from thence signifying to that prince the calamitous con-
dition he was reduced to, earnestly prayed rehef and assist-
ance from him for the subsisting of himself and the forces
that followed him. Seleucus, being moved, with this repre-
sentation of his doleful case, at first took compassion on him,
and ordered his lieutenants in fhose parts to furnish him and
his forces with all things necessary. But afterward, being
putinmindofthe valour and enterprising genius of this prince,
and of his great abilities in all the arts and stratagems of
war, and his" undaunted boldness for the attempting of any
design he should have an opportunity for, he began to think,
that the setting up of such a man agam might tend to the
endangering of his own aflairs, and therefore, instead of
helping him any further, he resolved to lay hold of this op-
portunity absolutely to crush him, and accordingly marched
against him with an army for this purpose ; of which Deme-
trius having received intelligence, he seized on those fast-
nesses of Mount Taurus where he could best defend him-
self, and from thence sent again to Seleucus, entreating him
n Plutarcli, in Demetrio,

24*2 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

that he would permit him to pass into the East, that there
seizing some country of the barbarous nations, he might
therein pass the remainder of his hfe in quiet and repose ;
or otherwise, if he liked not this, that he would at least allow
him quarters for that winter, and not in the rigorous season
of the year, drive him out in a naked and starvitig condition
into the very jaws of his enemies, to be devoured and de-
stroyed by them. But Seleucus not at all liking his design
of going into the East, this iirst part of his request served on-
ly to increase his jealousy, and therefore all that he would
grant him was, to take winter quarters in Cataonia (a pro-
vince confining upon Cappadocia,) for two months during
the severity of the winter, and after that to be gone. And
then he immediately put guards on all the passes of the
mountains leading from Cilicia into Syria, to obstruct his
coming that way. Demetrius finding himself hereby pent up
and beset, that is, by Agathocles on the one side, and by
Seleucus on the other, was necessitated to betake himselfto
force for the extricating of himself, and therefore falling up-
on Seleucus's forces, that guarded the passes of the moun-
tains into Syria, he drove them thence, and entered through
them into that country.

But when he was ready to have proceeded further on
some bold enterprise for the restoring of his afTairs,
Ptolemy he was taken with a dangerous sickness, which last-
^°^^' ' ■ ed forty days." In the interim most of his men de-
serted ; whereby finding himself, on his recovery reduced
to the utmost necessity, he resolved to make a desperate
attempt upon Seleucus, by storming his camp in the night,
with that small handful of his forces that still remained with
him. But his design being discovered by a deserter, and
thereby disappointed just as he was ready to have put it in
execution, and many more of his soldiers deserting from him
hereon, he attempted to make a retreat back over the moun-
tains, and, that way, if possible, again reach his fleet. But
finding all the passes there seized against him, he was forced
to take shelter in the woods ; but being there ready to be
starved, he was brought at length to the necessity of surren-
dering himself into the hands of Seleucus, who having caus-
ed him, under a strong guard to be carried to the Syrian
Chersonesus near Laodicea, there kept him a prisoner till
he died. He allowed him there the freedom of a park to
hunt in, and all other accommodations both for the pleasures,
as well as the necessaries of life. Whereon giving himself
wholly up to eating, drinking, gaming, and laziness, he passed
away the remainder of his life in those voluptuous and idle
o Plutarchus in Demetrio

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 243

enjoyments, till at length, having fed up his body hereby to
an excessive fatness, and filled it with gross and noxious hu-
mours, he fell into that sickness, of which he died in this con-
finement, after he had passed in it three years, and had lived
to the fifty-fourth year of his age.

All the time of his confiiiemcnt Seleucu? frequenti} sent
him kind rnessjiges, with promises of a release from his cap-
tivity, assuring him that as soon as Antiochus and Stratonice
should be returned again to court, the articles of his resto-
ration should be settled by them to his content. This Stra-
tonice was the daughter of Demetrius, and bad been first
married to Scleucus (as hath been above related.) but was
then, by an unparalleled example, become the wife of Anti-
ochus his son. The manner how it came to pass is thus re-
lated ; Stratonice being a very beautiful lady, Antiochus
fell in love with her ; but not daring to own his passion, he
silently languished under it, and at length, through the vio-
lence of it, fell desperately sick.P Erasistratus, an eminent
Greek physician, having the care of him in his sickness, soon
found out what the distemper was, but to discover who was
the person that had kindled this flame m him, was the diffi-
culty ; for the finding of this out, he carefully attended his
patient, when visited by any of the court ladies, and obser-
ving, that whenever Stratonice came into his chamber, great
alterations were made in his pulse, in his countenance, in his
behaviour, and in every thing else about him which the pas-
sion of love could reach ; and that nothing of this happened,
when any other lady came to make him a visit, he hereby
fully discovered that Stratonice was the sole object of that
violent love, which caused his sickness ; and finding that
nothing else could cure him of it, but the enjoyment of the
person beloved, for the bringing of this about, he thus craf-
tily managed the matter: the next time that Seleucus in-
quired of him about his son's sickness, he told him, that his
disease was love, and that he must necessarily die of it, be-
cause he could not have the person he loved, and he could
notlive without her. Seleucus being surprised at this account,
asked, why he could not have the person he loved ; because,
saith the physician, he is in love with my wife, and I cannot
part with her. How ! not part v»'ith her, replied Seleucus,
to save my beloved son's life ; how then can you pretend to
be my friend ? Sir, said the physician, pray, make it your
own case ; would you, I pray, part with your wife Strato-
nice for the sake of Antiochus ? And if you, who are his most
tender father, will not do it for a most beloved son, how can

p Plutarch, in Demetrio. Appian. in Syriacis. Valerius Masimus, lib. 5,
c. 7. Lucianus de Dea Syria, Julianus in Lisopogone.

244 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pART 11.

you expect it from any other ? Oh, repHed Seleucus, would
to God the safety of my son were put upon this issue, I
would then gladly part with Stratonice, or any thing else, to
effect his recovery. Why, then, said Erasistratus, you are
the only physician that can cure him, for it is the love of
Stratonice that hath cast him into this disease, which he
languisheth with, and nothing can restore him but the giving
of her to him to wife. Hereon Seleucus, having easily
enough prevailed with Stratonice to accept of a young prince
for her husband instead of an old king, she was given to him
to wife, after she had borne children to his father, and they
being thereon crowned king and queen of Upper Asia, were
sent thither to govern those provinces, and there they were
all the time that Demetrius was in his confinement in Syria.
And from this abominable incestuous marriage (the like
whereof was not heard of among the Gentiles in St. Paul's
time^) sprung all that race of Syrian kings, who so grievously
persecuted, vexed, and oppressed God's people in Judah and
Jerusalem, as will be hereafter related.

Ptolemy Soter having reigned in Egypt twenty years from
An 285 ^^^ ^''"^ ®^ ^'^ assuming the title of king, and thirty-
ptoiemy ninc frottj the death ol Alexander, placed Ptolemy
Philadelphus, one of the sons which he had by Be-
renice, on the throne, and made him king in copartnership
with him."^ He had several sons by other wives, one of
which was Ptolemy, surnamedCeraunus, or the Thunderer,
who being born to him by Eurydice, the daughter of Antipa-
ter, and the elder of the two, expected the crown after his
father, as due to him before the other, by virtue of bis birth-
right. But Berenice, who came tirst into Egypt only as
companion to Euridice, when she first married Ptolemy,
having also become his wife, and by reason of her beauty,
been exceedingly beloved by him, she gained hereby such
an ascendant over him above all his other wives, that she
carried it for her son. ^ And therefore being now past eighty,
and apprehending the day of his death not to be far off, he
determined to put the crown upon his head, while he yet
lived, that so there might be no war nor contention about it
after his death. Whereon Ptolemy Ceraunus, not bearing
this preference of his younger brother before him, fled first
to Lysimachus, whose son Agathocles went to Seleucus, who
received him with great kindness, which he repaid with the
mostvillanous treachery, as will be hereafter related.*

q 1 Cor. V. 1.

r Pausan. in Atticis. Justin, lib. 16, c. 2. Diog. Laert. in Demet. Phal.

s Vide Theocriti Idylium 17.

t Appian. in Syriacis. Meranonis Excerpta apud Photium.

liOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW T-£STAMENTg. 245

In the first year of the reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus
(which was the first year of the 124th Olympiad) ^^ ^s.^
was finished the great tower or iight-house in the I'toiemy
island of Pharus, over against Alexandria, com- ""'""i"'-
monly called the tower of Pharus, which hath been i-eckon-
ed among the seven wonders of the world. ^ It was a large
foursquare pile of building, all built of white marble, and
had always fires maintained on the top of it for the direction
of seamen. It cost in the building eight hundred talents.
This, if computed by Attic talents, amounts to one hundred
and sixty-five thousand pounds of our sterling money ; but
if by Alexandrian talents, it will come to twice as much.
The architect, who built it, was Sostratus of Cnidus, who
craftily endeavoured to usurp the honour of it with poste-
rity to himself by this fraudulent device. The inscription
ordered to be set on it being [Am^ Ptolemy to the Gods the
Saviours for the benefit of those zoho pass by sea^ instead of
Ptolemy's name, he craftily engraved his own in the solid

u Plin. lib. 36, c. 12. Strabo, lib. 17, p. 791. Eustathii Comment, in
DionysiiPeriegesin. Suidas in <^a/nf. Eusebii Chronicon, p. 66. Stephanus
Byzantinus. Geographia Nubiensis. Vetus Scholiastes in Lucianuin. This
old Greek scholiast is at the end of Grievius's edition of Lucian's works, pub-
lished at Amsterdam, A. D. 1687. Ttiat which I quote it for, is a passage
taken out of it by Nicholas Lloyd in his Geographical Lexicon, where under
the word Pharus, he tells us in the words of that scholiast, tliat this tower
was TfTTfctyrnvK '^diitt.Kig t«v TrKiupm fTTl ?ro7^u tk afpoc atvs^aiv cc; af^o p cjiaSca /uiKicev,
i. e. That it was a square of a furlong (i. e. six hundred feet) 07i evtry side,
and ascended up so fiigfi into the air, thai it might be seen at a distance of an
liimdred miles. Though this determines the breadth to a certain measure,
yet it doth not the height, but in an uncertain manner. But this defect is
supplied by Eben Adris, an Arabic author, in his book called by the Latin
translator Geographia Nubiensis. For there he tells us (Clim. 3, part 3,)
that this tower or light-house of Pharus was three hundred cubits, (i. e. four
hundred and fifty feet) high. But both these accounts are very improbable,
and the former is contradicted by what Josephus tells us of it, (De Bello
Judaico, lib. 6, p. 914,) for, speaking of the tower of Phasaelus at Jerusalem,
which he describes to be a square building of forty cubits (i. e. sixty feet)
on every side, and ninety cubits (i. e. one hundred and thirty-five feet) high,
saith of it, that it was like the tower of I'harns near Alexandria; to ■jrifio^nSi
vox /uii^aiv uv, i. e. But as to its circumference il was much larger. And Jose-
phus, having often seen both these towers, could not be mistaken herein.
Were the tower of Pharus of the breadth of six hundred feet on every side,
and of the height of four hundred and fifty feet, it would within thirty feet
be as high as the great pyramid, and stand upon altogether as much ground
in a direct perpendicular building, as that doth in a pyramidal ; which would
render it, beyond all other buildings in the world, very prodigious; and,
were it so, Josephus could not have said in reference to it the words above
recited. But against Josephus, as to this matter, it may be objected, that if
the tower of Pharus were so much less than the tower of Phasaelus at Je-
rusalem, how came it to be ever reckoned one of the seven wonders of the
world? It would be an answer to this objection if we could say the words
of Josephus, as above recited, were to be referred to the tower of Pharus,
and not to that of Phasaelus, but the grammatical construction will not ad-
mit it. If any one shall say, that in the place cited /ji.uva> (i. e. lesser) should
be read instead of fAU^iev (i. e. larger,) I should readily agree to this emenda
tion, could it be justified from any authentic copy.

Vol. II, 3 2

246 CONNEXION OF THE HIST0KY OF [PART II»

marble, and then filling up the hollow of the engraved letters
with mortar, wrote upoti it what was directed. So the in-
scription, which was first read, was according as it was or-
dered, and truly ascribed the work to king Ptolemy its pro-
per founder ; but, in process of time, the mortar being worn
off, the inscription then appeared to be thus : [Sostratus
the Cnidian, son of Dexiphanes, to the Gods the Saviours/or
the benefit of those whopass by sea] which being in lasting
letters deeply engraved into the marble stones, lasted as
long as the tower itself. This tower hath been demolished
for sonie ages past. There is now in its place a castle called
Farillon, v/here a garrison is kept to defend the harbour,
perchance it is some remainder of the old work.* Pharus
was at first wholly an island, at the distance of seven fur-
longs from the continent, and had no other passage to it but
by sea. But it hath many ages since been turned from an
island into a peninsula, by being joined to the land, in the
same manner as Tyrus was, by a bank carried through the
sea to it, which was anciently called in Greek the Heptasla-
dium, that is, the seven furlong bank, because seven furlongs
was the length of it.^ This work was performed by Dexi-
phanes, the father of Sostratus, about the same time that
Sostratus finished the tower, and seems to have been the more
diflicult undertaking of the two. They, being both very fa-
mous architects, were both employed by Ptolemy Soter in
the works which he had projected for the beautifying, adorn-
ing, and strengthening the city of Alexandria : the father
having undertaken the Heptnstadium at the same time that
his son did the tower, they finished both these works at the
same tin\e, that is, in the beginning of the reign of Ptolemy
Philadelphus. Those who attribute the making of the Hep-
tastadium to Cleopatra follow Ammianus Marcellinus, whose
relation concerning it cannot be true :^ for it contradicts
Cifisar's Commentaries, and many other authors, that are
better to be credited in this matter.

Towards the end of this year died Ptolemy Soter,' king
of Egypt, in the second year after his admitting of his son to
sit on his throne with Iiim, being at the time of his death
eighty-four years old.** He was the wisest and best of his
race, and left an example of prudence, justice, and clemen-
cy, behind him, which none of his successors cared to fol-
low. During the forty years in which he governed Egypt,

X Thevenot's Travels, part 1, book 2, chap. 1.

y Strabo, lib. 17, p. 792. Plin. lib. 5, c. 31, &. lib. 13, c. 11. Cajsaris
Comment, de Bello Civili,lib. 3. Pomponius Mela, lib. 2, c.7.
7. Lib. 22, cap. 16.

a Paiisanias in Atticis. Eusebii Chronicon
h Lucianus in Macrobiis.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 247

from the death of Alexander, he had brought that country
into a very flourishing condition, which, administering great
plenty to his successors, this administered to as great luxury
in them, in which they exceeded most that lived in their
time.

A little before his death, this very same year, was broug'nt
out of Pontus to Alexandria the image of Serapis, after three
years sedulous endeavour made for the obtaining of it ; con-
cerning which we are told, that, while Ptolemy, the first of
that name that reigned in Egypt, was busying himself in for-
tifying Alexandria with its walls, and adorning it with tem-
ples and other public buildings, there appeared to him in a
vision of the night a young man of great beauty, and of more
than human shape, and commanded him to send to Pontus
and fetch from thence his image to Alexandria, promising
him, that his doing this should make that city famous anci
happy, and bring great prosperity to his whole kingdom, and
then, on his saying this, ascended up into heaven in a bright
flame of fire out of his sight.*^ Ptolemy, being much troubled
hereat, called together the Egyptian priests to advise with them
about it; butthey being wholly ignorant of Pontus, andall other
foreign countries, could give him no answer concerning this
matter ; whereon, consulting one Timotheus an Athenian,
then at Alexandria, he learnt from him, that in Pontus, there
was a city called Sinope, not far from which was a temple of
Jupiter, which had his image in it, with another image of a
woman standing nigh him, that was taken to be Proserpina.
But, after a while, other matters putting this out of Ptole-
my's head, so that he thought no more of it, the vision ap-
peared to him again in a more terrible manner, and threaten-
fied destruction to him and his kingdom, if his comn)ands
were not obeyed ; with which Ptolemy being much terri-
fied, immediately sent away ambassadors to the king of Si-
nope to obtain the image. They being ordered in their way
to consult Apollo at Delphos, were commanded by him to
bring away the image of his father, but to leave that of his
sister. Whereon they proceeded to Sinope, there to exe-
cute their commission in the manner as directed by the ora-
cle. But neither they, with all their solicitations, gifts, and
presents, nor other ambassadors that were sentaftei- them with
greater gifts, could obtain what they were sent thither for,
till this last year. But then the people of Sinope, being
grievously oppressed by a famine, were content, on Ptole-
my's relieving them with a fleet of corn, to part with their
god for it, which they could not be induced to do before.
And so the image was brought to Alexandria, and there set

c Tacitus Histor. lib. 4, cap. 83, 84. Plutarchus de Islde fc Osiride. Cle-
mens Alexandrinus in Protreptico.

248 CONNEXION k:)F THE HISTORY OF [PART li.

up in one of the suburbs of that city called Rhacotis, where
it was worshipped by the name of Serapis ; and this new
god had in that place, a while after, a very famous tem-
ple erected to him, called the Serapeum : and this was the
first time, that this deity was either worshipped or known
in Egypt; and therefore it could not be the patriarch Jo-
seph, that was worshipped by this name, as some would have
it. For, had it been he that was meant hereby, this piece of
idolatry must have been much ancienter among them, and
must also have had its original in Egypt itself, and not been
introduced thither from a foreign country. Some of the an-
cients indeed had this conceit, as Julius Firmicus,*^ Ruffinus,*^
and others ; but all the reason they give for it is, that Sera-
pis was generally represented by an image with a bushel on
its head, which they think denote the bushel wherewith Jo-
seph measured out to the Egyptians his corn in the time of
the famine ; whereas it might as well denote the bushel with
which Ptolemy measured out to the people of Sinope the
corn, with which he purchased this god of them. However,
this same opinion is embraced by several learned men
of the moderns,^ and for the support of it against what is ob-
iected from the late reception of Serapis among the Egyp-
tian deities, they will have Serapis to have been an ancient
Egyptian god, and the same with their Apis, and that Sera-
pis was no other than Apis iv 'Zo^m^ that is, Jlpis in his coffin,
and for this they quote some of the ancients.^ Their mean-
ing is, that, while the sacred bull, which the Egyptians wor-
shipped for their great god, was alive, he was called Apis,
and that, when he was dead, and salted up in his coffin, and
buried, he was called Serapis, that is, Jlpis in Soro (that is,
in his coffin,) from whence, they say, his name was at first
Soroapis, made up of the composition of these two words,
Soros and Apis put together, and that, by corruption from
thence, it came to be Serapis. But what is there, that, after
this rate, learned men may not tenter any thing to ? But the
worst of it is, the ancient Egyptians did not speak Greek.
The Ptolemies first brought that language among them ; and
therefore, had Serapis been an ancient god worshipped in
that country bet'orc the Ptolemies reigned there, his name
could not have had a Greek etymology. Much more might
be said to show the vanit}^ of this conceit, were it worth the
reader's while to be troubled with it. It is certain Serapis
was not originally an Egyptian deity anciently worshipped

(3 In Libro de Errore rroplianarum Religioiuiiri.
e Histor. lib. 2, c 23.
f Vossius, OuzelJus, Spencerus, aliiqiie.

g NyrnphiodoiTis, Glem. Alesandr. Kuseb. Prsep. Evang. lib. 10, c. 12.
RufBn. ibidem.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 249

in that country, (as he must have been, had it been Joseph
that was there worshipped under that name.) but was an ad-
ventitious god brought thither from abroad about the time
which we now treat of. The ancient place of his station,
Polybius tells us, was on the coast of the Propontis, on the
Thraciaij side, over against Hierus, and thai (here Jason,
when he went on the Argouautic expedition, sacriticed unto
him.'^ From thence, tlu'refoie, the people of Sinope had
this piece of idolatry, and from them the Egyptians, in the
manner as I have related ; and till then this deitv was wholly
unknown among them. FJad it been otherwise, Herodotus,
who is so large in his account of (he Egyptian gods, could
not have escaped taking notice of him : but he makes not
the least mention of hun as worshipped in that country, nei-
ther doth any author that wrote before the times that the
Ptolemies reigned in Egypt. And, when his image was first
set up in Alexandria, Nicocreon, then king of Cyprus, as
having never heard of him before, sent to know what god
he was, which he would not have done had he been a deity
anciently worshipped by the Egyptians.' For then Nicocre-
on, who was a very learned prince, must necessarily before
that time have had full knowledge of him. And Origen,
who was an Egyptian, speaks of him as a god not l-ng be-
fore received into that country.'' And it is to be observed,
that, as he was a new god, so he brought in with him among
the Egyptians a new way of worship. For, till the time of
the Ptolemies, the Egyptians never offered any bloody sacrifi-
ces to their gods, but worshipped them only with (heir pray-
ers and frankincense.' But the tyranny of the Ptolemies

h Lib. 4, p. 307.

i Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1, c. 20. k Contra Celsum, lib. 5.

1 Macrob. Saturnal. lib. 1, cap. 7, Verba ejus sunt: ]^.nnquam fas fuit
j^^gyptiis pecudibus aut sanguine, sed precibus et thure solo placare deos.
This was true of tlie ancient Egyptians. For, among the ancients. Porphyry
tells us (De Abslinentia, lib. 2, sect. 59,) that the sacrifices with which they
worshipped their gods were cakes and the fruits of the eartli ; and he tells
us in the same book (lib. 4, sect. 15,) of the Syrians, who were next neigh-
bours to the Egyptians, and agreed in many things with them, that they
offered no living creatures in sacrifice to their gods. But this could not be
true of the Egyptians in Herodotus'stime. For it appears from him, that they
then offered some animals in sacrifices to their gods but those were very
few ; much the greatest number of them were excepted, till the Ptolemies,
with the Grecian guds. brought in the Grecian way of worshipping them with
all manirer of sacrifices; a.id uf this, perchance, may be unilerstood what
Macrobius tells us of this matter. Alexander Sardus, in his book De Mori-
bus et Retibus Gentium, (lib. 3. cap. 15,) liath these « ords : " Dicebat Pytha-
goras se aliquando concilio deorum ititerfuis.se, et didicisse eos jEgyptionim
sacrificia probare, qrja; libatimiibus constant, thure, et laudibus ; non placere
animantium ca;des ; quae lamen postea imraolarunt iEgyptii, ui Soli gallum,
cygnum, taurum ; Veneri columbam ; et syderibus, quae cum syderibus si-
militudinem habent." This makes fully for what 1 have said. Sardns had
it from some ancient authority, but doth not name his author.

250 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pART li.

having forced upon them the worship of two foreign gods,
that is, Saturn and Serapis, they in this worship first brought
in the use of bloody sacrifices among that people. However,
they continued always so averse hereto, that they would
never suffer any temple to be built to either of those gods
within any of the walls of their cities; but, wherever they
were in that country, they were always built without them in
their suburbs. And they seem only to have been the Egyp-
tians of the Greek original who conformed hereto, and not
those of the old race. For they still retained their old usage
in all their old temples, and could never be induced to offer
the blood of beasts in any of them ; for this was always an
abomination unto them from the beginning. And therefore,
when the children of Israel desired leave of Pharaoh to go
three days' journey into the wilderness, to offer sacrifice unto
the Lord,"" they gave this for the reason of it, that their
religion obliging them to offer to their God the bloody sacri-
fices of sheep and oxen," and other living creatures, they
durst not do this in the sight of the Egyptians, lest they
should stone them, because such sort of sacrifices were an
abomination to that people ; and therefore they desired that
they might go to the distance of three days' journey from
them to perform this part of their worship unto their God,
that, being thus far out of their sight and observation, they
might give them no offence, nor provoke them by it to any
mischief against them.

In that place, in the suburb Rhacotis, where the image of
Serapis, which Ptolemy brought from Sinope, was set up,
was afterward built a very famous temple to that idol,
called the Serapcum, which, Ammianus Marcellinus tells us,
did, in the magnificence and ornaments of its buildings, es-

m Exod. viii. 26, 27.

n The chief cause of this abomination was, that many of those living crea-
tures which the Jews offered in sacrifice, were worshipped as gods by the
Egyptians, and therefore were never slain by them, nor could they bear the
slaying of them by others ; of which Diodorus Siculus gives us a sufficient
instance, (lib 1, p. 75, edit. Hanov.) where iiis words are as foiloweth : Such
a superstition towards those sacred animals was ingenerated in their minds,
and every one of them was in his affections so obstinately bent to pay
honour and veneration to them, that at a time when Ptolemy their king
was not yet declared a friend of the Romans, and all the people studied to
court cfiid pay observance to all that came out of Italy, out of fear of the
Romans, that they might not give them any cause of displeasure, or reason
for war against them, a Roman then in Egypt happening to have slain a cat,
the multitude, immediately running together, beset the house where the Ro-
man was, and neither the nobles sent by the king to deprecate their rage,
nor the fear of the Romans, could witlihold them from punishing this man
with death, though it was by chance, and not wilfully, that he did the fact.
Thus far Diodorus. But sheep and cows, which the Jews sacrificed, were
in a higher degree sacred among the Egyptians than their cats ; and for this
reason they could not have borne the Jewish sacrifices among them.

B06K I.] THE OLB AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 251

ceed all other edifices in the world, next that of the capitol
at Rome." Within the verge of this temple there was also
a library, which was of great fame in after ages, both for the
number and value of the books it was replenished wilh.P
Ptolemy Soter being a learned prince, as appeared by the
history of the life of Alexander, written by him, (which was
of great repute among the ancients,*! though not now extant,)
out of the affection he had for learning, founded at Alexan-
dria a museum or college of learned men for the improving of
philosophy, and all other knowledge,"" like that of the Royal
Society at London, and the Royal Academy of Sciences at
Paris. And, for this use he got together a library of books,
which, being augumented by his successors, grew afterward
to a very great bulk.^ Ptolemy Philadelphus, the son of So-
ter, left in it, at the time of his death, an hundred thousand
volumes.* Those that reigned after him of that race, still
added more to them, till at length they amounted to the
number of seven hundred thousand volumes." Their me-
thod in the collecting of them was thus :* They seized all
the books that were by any Greek or other foreigner brought
into Egypt, and, sending them to the museum, caused them
there to be written out by those of that society whom they
there maintained, and then sent (he transcripts to the owners,
and kept the originals to lay up in the library. And particu-
larly it is said of Ptolemy Euergetes, ttiat, having thus bor-
rowed of the Athenians the works of Sophocles, Euripides,
and ^schylus, he sent them back the copies, which he had
caused very fairly to be transcribed, and retained the origi-
nals for his library, giving them fifteen talents over and above
for the same.y The museum being placed in the region of
the city called Bruchium, near the king's palace, there the
library was at first placed also, and had great resort made to
it :^ but afterward, when it was filled with books to the num-

o Lib. 22, cap. 26, p. 343.

p Marcellinus, ibid. Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. TertuUia-
nus in Apologetico, cap. 18.

q Arrianus in Praefatione ad Historiam de Expeditione Alesandri. Plu-
tarchus in Alexandre. Q. Curtius, lib. 9, c. 8.

r Strabo, lib. 17, p. 793. Plutarchu.s in libro quo probat non posse ju-
cunde vilam agi ex Epicuri Fraeceptis.

s Constat ex Suida Zenodo, turn Ephesium praefuisse Bibliothecae Alex-
andrinse sub PtoIema»o primo.

t Euseb. in Chronico, p. 66. Syncellus, p. 271. Cedrenus.

u Amm. Marcellinus, lib. 22, cap. 16. A. Geliius, lib. 6, cap. 17. Isidor.
Orig. lib. 6, cap. 3.

X Gellenus in Comment. 2. in tertium librum Hippocratis, de Moribus
Vulgaribus.

y This amounts to three thousand ninety three pounds, and fifteen shil-
lings sterling money.

7. Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. StrabO; lib. 17,

252 CONNEXION or the HISTORV op [part II.

berof four hundred thousand vohimcs, the other Hbrary within
the Serapeum was erected by way of supplement to it,^ and
it was therefore called the daughter of the Conner ;** and that
grew up to liHve three hundred thousand volumes placed in
It : and these two put together, nmde up the number of seven
hundred thousand volumes in the whole, of which the royal
libraries of ihe Ptolemean kings at Alexandria were said to
consist. W her; Julius Caesar waged war against the Alex-
andrians,*^ it happened that the library in Bruchium was burn-
ed, and the four hundred thousand volumes that were laid
up in it were all consumed.'' But that in the Serapeum®
still remained, and there, we may suppose, it was that Cleo-
patra laid up the two hundred thousand volumes of the li-
brary of Pergamus, which Antony gave unto her 5*^ with
which, and other books there deposited, the later Alexan-
drian library being much augmented, soon grew up to be
larger, and of more eminent note, than the former : and
although it had sometimes been rifled on the commotions and
revolutions that happened in the Roman empire (as Orosius^
particularly complains it had been in his time,) yet it was as
often repaired and replenished again with its full number of
books, and continued for many ages to be of gr«^at fame and
use in those parts, till at length it underwent the san»e fate
with the other, and was also burned and linally destroyed by
the Saracens, on their making themselves masters of that
city. This happened A. D. 642,*^ in the manner as follow-
eih : Johannes Grammaticus, the fanjous Aristotelian philo-
sopher, being then living at Alexandria, when the city was
taken, and having much ingratiated himself with Amrus
Ebnol, the general of the Saracen army, and, by reason of
his great learning, made himself acceptable unto him, he
begged of him the royal library of Alexandria : to this Amrus
replied that this was not in his power, but was wholly in the
disposal of the caliph or emperor of the Saracens ; but he
promised that he would send to him his request ; and ac-
cordingly he wrote to Omar, the then caliph, about it. His
answer hereto was, that, if those books contained what was
agreeing with the Alcoran, there was no need of them, for the

a Epiphan. ibid. Teitullian. in Apologetico, cap. 18. Cbrysostomus
contra Judaos, lib. 1.

b EpipliiHi. ibid.

c Plutai'cluis in Julio Cajsaro. Amiuianus IMarceliinus, lib. 22, c. 16.
Dion Cassius, lib. 42, p. 202.

d Livius apud Senecam de Tranquillitate. Orosius, lib. 6. cap. 15.

e Tertullian, Cbrysostomus, Epiphaiiius, Orosius, and others of the an-
cients, speak of this library in the Serapeum as still remaining in their time.

f Plutarchus in Antonio.

g Orosius, lib. 6, cap. 15. This author wrote his history about A. D. 417

ji Abulfaragius in Historia Dynastiee Nonee. p. 114.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 253

Alcoran alone was sufficient of itself for all truth ; but if they
contained what was disagreeing with the Alcoran, they were
not to be endured : and therefore he ordered, that, whatso-
ever the contents of them were, they should all be destroyed:
whereon being distributed among the public baths, they
served as fuel, for six months time, to heat all the baths of
Alexandria, which shows how great the number of them was.
And in this manner was that inestimable treasure of learning
wholly destroyed. According to Tertullian' and St. Chry-
sostom,^ the Alexandrian library, in which the Greek trans-
lation of the Hebrew Scriptures, called the Septuagint, was
laid up, was that in the Serapeum ; but, according to Epi-
phanius,' it was that in the Bruchium, and they were only the
translations of Aquila, Symmachus, and Fheodotion, that
were deposited in the Serapeum. The museum which stood
in the Bruchijm, still lasted, after the library adjoining to
it had been consumed, till, at length, that whole quarter of
the city was destroyed in a war which they had with Aurelian
the Roman emperor. For Ainmianus Marcelliiius tells us,
that, till then, it had been for a long time the habitation of ex--
cellent men, meaning the society of those learned men who
had been there maintained for the advancement of human
knowledge.™ Strabo, in the description of this museum,
tells us, that it was a large building adjoining to the palace,
and standing near the port ; that it was surrounded with a
portico or piazza, vt herein the philosophers walked and con-
versed together ; that the members of the society, which
were there ad.nitted, were under the government of a pre-
sident, whose office was of that consideration and dignity,
that, during the reign of the Ptolemies, he was always ap-
pointed by those kings, and afterward by the Roman empe-
rors; and that they had within this building a common hall,
where they did eat together, being there plentifully provided
for at the public charge." For this museum, from its first
erection, had been endowed with large revenues fortius pur-
pose ; and therefore Timon the Phliasian, who was con-
temporary with Ptolemy, the first founder of it, called it
T«A«^ov," because there the philosophers were maintained with
plenty of food, like bird? (as he said) fatted in a coop ; for
that word in Greek signified a vessel used to put victuals into.
However, to this museum it was owing, that Alexandria, for a
great many ages together, was the greatest school of learning
in all those parts of the world, and a great many men of
very excellent literature were bred in it, and particularly,

i In Apologetico, cap. IS. k Contra Judajos, lib. 1.

1 DePonderibusetMensuris. m Lib. 22, c, 16, p. 343.

n Lib. 17, p. 793. o Athenseus, lib. 1, p. 22

Vol. II. 33

254 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [pART il.

the Christian church received out of it some of the most
eminent of its doctors, as Clemens Alexandrinus, Ammonius,
Origen, Anatolius, Athanasius, and others ; for all these had
their education in that city.

Demetrius the Phalerean seems to have been the first pre-
sident of this museum. For the library being a pact of that
college, and instituted chiefly for the use of it, it is most
likely that he that had the government of the college had the
government of the library also, and that they always went
thus both together. And therefore, since, accordmg to Aris-
teas, Demetrius had the latter, it is very obvious to infer, that
he had the former also. But if, where Aristeas saith this,
he be understood as if he meant thereby, that Demetrius was
made the king's library keeper, to look after and take care
of the books, they who argue from hence against the autho-
rity of that author, argue right; for that was too mean an
office for so great a man ; for he had been prince of Athens,
and governed that state with absolute authority ten years
together, and was also a great lawgiver, and a great philoso-
pher, and in these respects was reputed one of the emi-
nentest men of the time in which he lived. The emperor
AntoninusP ranks him with the greatest princes of that age,
even with Philip and Alexander the Great. And therefore,
to tend the king's library as his library keeper, and there look
after and take care of the books in it, was an olfice below
the eminency and dignity of such a person. Besides, we
find another in it, Zenodotus of Ephesus. For he,i it is said,
was library keeper to Ptolemy Soter, and also to Philadel-
phus his son, and, being by profession a grammarian, he was
the most proper for this work, such being usually employed
in the keeping and looking after libraries. However, it might
not be below Demetrius, when received by Ptolemy among
his friends and counsellors, to assist him in what he did so
much set his heart upon, that is, the setting up of his museum,
and the library belonging to it. Demetrius being a great
philosopher, and as eminent for his learning as he was for
his dignity and other great qualifications, it is most likely it
was he that did first put Ptolemy upon both these projects;
and who then could be more proper to assist him in the car-
rying on of both, by taking upon him the superintendency
and direction of the whole matter? That he first directed
Ptolemy Soter to get together a collection of books relating
to policy and government, is well attested ; for IMutarch tells
Us so/ his words are, "Demetrius Phalereus persuaded king

p Lib. i!c. c. 29, de seipso. q Suidas in ZnithrK.

r Ajiothegm. Begii:::.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 255

Ptolemy to get together books which treated of the govern-
ment of kingdoms and states, and read them ; for in those he
would find such good advice as none of his friends would dare
to give him." And when the king, upon having this good
counsel given him, and approving thereof, was upon the pur-
suit of getting all such books together, it is easy to suppose
this might lead him further, to the collection of all other sort
of books for the making of the library mentioned ; and it was
not below the dignity of any of his counsellors to be assisting
to him herein ; and to be one of his prime counsellors was
the highest station that Demetrius could be in about him ;
and in this station we are told he was. And this, we ac-
knowledge, must have put him above the mechanical em-
ployment and servile attendance of keeping and looking
after a library, but not above that of having the superinten-
dency and chief direction over it. For we find at Rome one
of the prime cardinals always in this office, at the pope's
library. And lately in France, the archbishop of Rheims,
who is by his place primate of the Gallican church, and first
peer of the whole realm, thought it an honour to be in the
same office, as to the king's library. That, therefore, which
we may suppose in this case, and which 1 think was the truth
of the matter, is, that Demetrius being a great scholar, as
well as a great statesman and politician, did, on his coming
to Ptolemy, put him upon the founding of the museum at
Alexandria, for the advancement of learning, and the erect-
ing of his great library there for the use of it, and that, on
his prevailing with the king to hearken to these two projects
of his proposal, he undertook the charge of carrying on both
of them under him. How this great man came to Ptolemy
hath been above related in the former part of this history.
After he had been driven out of Athens by the prevailing
power of Demetrius, the son of Antigonus. he retired to Cas-
sander his friend, and lived under his protection till his
death f but after that, fearing the brutal ferocity of Antipater
his son, who had murdered his own mother, he withdrew into
Egypt, where he was received with great favour and honour
by king Ptolemy Soter, and became his chief counsellor,
whom he advised with above all others concerning his most
important affairs, as especially he did in the matter of settling
the succession of his crown. '^ For he had sons by two wives,
who were then both alive, Eurydice, the daughter of Anti-
pater, and Berenice, an inferior Macedonian lady, who came
into Egypt in the retinue of Eurydice, but having gotten to

s Diogenes Laertius in Demetrlo. Plularchus in Demetrio Poliorcele.
t Diogenes Laertius, ibid. Cicero de Finibus, lib. 5. Strabo, lib. 9, p
298. JElim. Histor. Var. lib. 3, c. 17.

256 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

be his wife also, and, by reason of her beauty, gained the first
place in his afi^ction, and the greatest ascendant over him,
she prevailed with him to disinherit the sons of Eurydice,
who were the tirstborn, and place the crown on the head of
Philadelphus her son, as hath been already said. Demetrius,
on Ptolemy's proposing this to him for his advice," earnestly
dissuaded him from it, being moved hereto, not only by what
he thought was injustice due to the children of Eurydice, by
reason of their birthright, but also by the affection which he
bore to them, for the sake of Cassander, his deceased friend,
whose sister Eurydice was. This exceedingly provoked
Berenice, and her son Ptolemy Philadelphus, against him ;
and therefore, when he came to be king, although he ex-
pressed not his displeasure against him as long as his father
lived, yet he was no sooner dead, but he let loose all his
wrath against him, for the ill offices he knew he had endea-
voured to do him in respect of the succession. And there-
fore, having ordered him to be taken into custody, he sent
him under a strong guard to a remote fortress of his kingdom,
there to be kept in prison, till he should determine what
further to do with him. But in the interim, being bitten by
an asp, while he slept in his prison, he there died of it: and
so ended the life of this great man.* But this did not put an
end to those laudable designs, which he had put Ptolemy
Soter upon, either as to the museum or the library. For
king Ptolemy Philadelphus carried on both of them, espe-
cially that of the library, which he very much augmented.
And his successors after him continued to do the same, till
it at length grew up to the bulk I have mentioned.

After the death of Ptolemy, two of Alexander's captains
An 283 ^^'" sui'^'ved, Lysimachus and Seleucus. But they
Ptolemy in their old atje (being each of them about eighty)

Philadel. 2. ,. u ,u J*l U

making war upon each other, opened thereby a way
to both their destructions. The occasion of it was thus i^
After Lysimachus had married his son Agathocles to Lysan-
dra, one of Ptolemy's daughters, he took another of them
called Arsinoe to wife to himself, and had several children
by her. Hereon great emulation happened between the
two sisters, each striving to secure the best interest they
could for themselves and families, against the death of Ly-
simachus, whenever that should happen ; and they being
sisters by different mothers (for Lysandra was born of Eu-
rydice, and Arsinoe of Berenice) this conduced to heighten
tile contention that was between them. On the coming of

u Diogenes Laeiliiis in Demetrio.

X Cicero in Oratione pro C. Rabirio.

V Justin, lib. 17. Appiaims In Syriacis. Pausanias in Attici?

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 237

Ptolemy Ceraunus to the court of Lysimachus, who was
brother to Ljsaiidra by both parents, Arsinoe feared his con-
junction with Agathock's and L)sandra might make them too
strong for her, and enal)le them to destroy hers and her
children's interest on the death of Lysimachus, and therefore
to prevent this, she plotted the death of Agathocles, and
effected it. For having infused jealousies into the head of
the old king her husband, as if Agathocles were laying plots
against his life and crown, she induced him b} these false
accusations to" cast him into prison, and there put him to
death. Hereon Lysandra with her children, and Ptolemy
Ceraunus her brother, fled to Seleucus, and excited him to
make war against I^ysimachus, and many of Lysimachus's
captains and chief followers did the same. Fur revolting
frotn him out of the abhorrence they had of him for the
death ol his son, and other cruelties which he had commit-
ted upon it, they went over to Seleucus, and joined with
Lysandra, for the persuading of Seleucus to this war ; and
they the easier prevailed herein, because on other accounts
he was then of himself inclined to it.

And therefore Seleucus, having prepared a great army,
marched with it out of the East into Lesser Asia,
and having there brought all under him, that be- Ptoiemy
longed to Lysimachus as far as Sardis, he laid siege
to that city,^ and, having taken it, made himself master of
all the treasure of Lysimachus, that was laid up in that
place.

Lysimachus, on his having an account of this invasion,
made ready an army to repel it, and, passing over ^^^
the Hellespont, came to a battle with Seleucus at a Ptoiemy
place called Corupedion in Phrygia, in which he was
vanquished and slain ; whereby Seleucus became master of
all his dominions.* But that which most pleased him was,
that he was now the survivor of all Alexander's captains, and
had made himself by this victory the conqueror of the conquer-
ors, and in this he much vaunted himself; and upon this ac-
count may he seem to have acquired the best title to the
name of Nicator (that is, the coiiqueror,) though he had as-
sumed it before, and is commonly called so b} historians, to
distinguish him from others of the same name who afterward
reigned in Syria.

But this triumph of his did not last long, for within seven
months after, as he was marching into Macedonia to ^^ 220
take possession of that kingdom, where he purposed Pioiemy
to pass the remainder of his life, he was in the march

z PoIya3nus,lib.4, c. 9, sect. 4.

fi Justin, lib. 17, c. 1. Appian. in Syriacis. Memnonis Escerptu apud
Photium. c. 9. Pausunias in Atticis Orosius. lib. 3- c. 23,

258 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

treacherously slain by Ptolemy Ceraunus, whom he had re-
ceived with great kindness into his court on his flij^ht thither,
and there maintained him in a princely manner, and carried
him with him in this expedition, with purpose, on having
finished it with success, to have employed his forces for the
restoring of him to his father's kingdom.*^ But this wicked
traitor, having no sense of gratitude for these favours, con-
spired against his benefactor, and basely murdered him. The
manner of it is thus told. Seleucus having passed the Hel-
lespont in his way to Macedonia, as he marched on from
thence towards Lysimachia, (a city which Lysimachus had
built near the Isthmus of the Thracian Chersonesus) he
stopped at a place, where he observed an old altar had been
erected, and being told that it was called "irgos, this made
him very inquisitive about it. Fo) he had been warned, it
seems, by an oracle, to have a care of iVrgos, which he under-
stood of the city of Argos in Peloponnesus. But while he was
asking several questions about it, and how it came to be called
by that name, the traitor came behind him, and thrust him
through, and then getting the army to declare for him,
seized the kingdom of Macedon. Those who were the
soldiers and friends of Lysimachus, looking on him as a re-
venger of his death, on this account at tirst had a kind liking
unto him, and stuck by him ; but he soon gave reason to
make them otherwise affected to him. For his sister Arsi-
noe, with her children still surviving,*^ he thought himself not
safe in the possession of Lysimachus's dominions, as long as
any of his children remained alive, and therefore, pretending
to take Arsinoe to be his wife, and to adopt her two sons
which she had by Lysimachus, and having by this means got-
ten them into his power, he murdered them both on the very
feast of the nuptials, and after that, having stripped Arsinoe
of all that she had. he sent her to Samothracia into banish-
ment, with two maids only to wait upon her. But Provi-
dence did not suffer all those wickednesses to go long un-
punished.

For the next year after,'^ Ptolemy waging war against the

„^^ Gauls, who had invaded IMacedonia, he was taken

Ptolemy prlsoncr in the battle, and afterward on being known,

' was torn by them in pieces, which was a death he

sufficiently deserved. For what is above related of him fully

shows him to have been a man of a most perfidious and wick-

b Justin, lib. 17, c. 2. Appian. in Syriacis. Memnonis Escerpta apud
riioliuin, c. 13. Pausanias in Atticis.

c Justin. Ml). 24, c. 2. AJemnonis Excerpla apud Photium, c. 15.

d Jiretin lib. 24, c. 5. Memnonis Excerpta, «'. 15. Pausanias in Phoci?
Kclogaj Diodori Siculi, lib. 22.

BOOK I.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 259

ed temper of mind, and the knowledge which his father had
of this, no doubt, was that which most prevailed with him to
exclude him from the succession of his crown, and settle it
on his younger brother. After his death, Arsinoe retired into
Eg}pt to Ptolemy Philadelphus her brother, who falling in
love with her,^ after he had divorced another Arsinoe, *^ the
daughter of Ljsimachus, whom he had married inunediately
on his first accession to the throne, took this sister of his to
be his wife, according to the corrupt usage of the Persians
and Egyptians, who, from the time of Catnbyses, had these
incestuous marriages in practice among them, and we have
frequent instances of it among the Ptolemean kings, as well
as among those that succeeded Cyrus in the kingdom of Per-
sia. How Cambyses first ^ave the ill example for it, hath
been afore related in the former part of this history. The
reason why Ptolemy divorced Arsinoe his first wife was, he
had convicted her of being in a plot against his life. For,
on the coming of Arsinoe the sister to him, Arsinoe the wife
finding that he was fallen in love with her, and that she was
thereon neglected, out of a furious jealousy and passion of
revenge together, she entered into a conspiracy with Chry-
sippus her physician and others to cut him oif. But the trea-
son being discovered, she was thereon sent into the Upper
Egypt as far as the confines of Ethiopia, there to end her
days in banishment after she had brought him two' sons and a
daughter, the eldest of which was that Ptolemy, who, by the
name Euergetes, succeeded him in the throne. And after
this removal of her was it, that Ptolemy took the other Arsi-
noe, his sister, to be his wife in her stead. And although she
was now past child-bearing, yet she had such charms to en-
gage his aff' ctions, that he never took any other wife as long
as he lived, and when she died did not long survive her. In
the epistle which, according to Aristeas, Eleazar the high-
priest of the Jews wrote to him, she is named as his queen
and his sister.

On the death of Seleucus,^ Antiochus, surnamed Soter, his
son by Apama, the daughter ot Artabazus, a Persian lady,
succeeded hin; in the empire of Asia, and reigned over it
nineteen years. As soon as he had heard of his father's
death, and secured himself of his dominions in the East,
where he then was, he sent Patrocles, one of his generals,
with an army over Mount Taurus into Lesser Asia, to take
care of his affairs in those parts. '' On his first arrival he
marched against the Heracleans, a colony of the Greeks,

e Theocriti Scholiastes. f Fausanias in Attici?.

g Appian in Syriacis. Eusebii Cbronicon.
h Metnnonis Escerpta, c. 16.

260 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

lying on the Euxine Sea, in the country of Pontus, and then
a potent state. But matters between them being made up
by a treaty, he turned all his force against the Bithyiiians,
and invaded that country ; but being drawn into a snare by
a stratagem of the enemy's, he and his whole army were
there all cut olf to a man. Zipaetes was then king of Bithynia,
an aged prince that had reigned there forty-eight years, and
was then seventy-six years old, who being overborne with
the joy of this victory, soon after died, leaving behind him
four sons, the eldest of which was Nicomedes, who succeed-
ing him in the kingdom, to secure himself the better in it,
forthwith caused two of his brothers to be cut off;' but the
youngest, called also Zipaetes from his father's name, esca-
ping his power, seized on some part of his father's dominions,
and there maintained a long war with his brother.'' From
this Nicomedes were descended the Bithynian kings, of whom
we find so frequent mention in the Roman histories. At the
same time that he had war with his brother, being threaten-
ed with another from Antiochus, who was preparing a great
army, to be revenged of him for the death of Patrocles, and
the loss of his army with him, he called in the Gauls to his
assistance, and on this occasion was it that the Gauls first
passed into Lesser Asia. ^ The whole history of this expedi-
tion of these barbarous people into those parts is thus related.
Jn the beginning of this year, it being (as Polybius tells
us)"" the nest year after Pjrrhus's first passing into Italy, the
Gauls being overstocked at home, sent out a vast number of
their people to seek for new habitations." These dividing
themselves into three companies, took three several ways.
The first company, under the command of Brennus and
Acichorius, marched into Pannonia, the country now called
Hungary. The second, under the command of Cerethrius,
went into Thrace, and the third, under the command of Bel-
gius, invaded lilyrium and Macedonia; and by these last was
it that Ptolemy Ceraunus was slain. But, after this victory,
thpy having dispersed themselves to plunder the country,
Sosthenes, a Macedonian, getting forces together, took the
advantage of this disorder to fall upon them, and, having cut
off great numbers of them, forced the rest to retreat out of

i Memnonis Excerpta, c. 21.

k Momuonis Excerpta, c. 18. Livius, lib. 38.

1 Memnon. c. 19, 20, 21. Livius, lib. 38. Justin, lib. 25, c. 2.

in Lib. 1. p. 6.

n Pausanias in Pliocicis. Justin, lib. 24, 25. Memnonis Excerpta apud
Photium. Eclogae Diodori Siculi, lib. 22. Livius, lib. 38. Callimachi
Hymiius in Delum, et Scholiastes ad enndem. Suidas in YuKorcu. From
these authorities is collected all that is said under this and the following
years, of the inundation of these barbarous people, made at this time upon
Greece, Macedon, Tlirace, and the adjacent countrie?.

BOOK I.J THE OLI> AN1> NEW TESTAMENTS. 2fil

the country; whereon Brennus and his company came into
Macedonia in their stead. This Brennus (being of the same
name with him, that some ages before sacked Rome) was the
chief author of this expedition, and therefore was one of the
prime leaders in it. On his hearing of the first success of
Belgius, and the great prey which he had got by it, he envied
him the plunder of so rich a country, and therefore resol-
ved to hasten thither, to take a part in it; which resolution,
after his hearing of the defeat of Belgius, he was mucli more
eagerly excited to, out of a desire of being revenged for it.
What became of Belgius and his company is not said, there
being after this no more mention made of either. It is most
likely he was slain in the overthrow given him by Sosthenes,
and that his company after that joined themselves to those
that followed Brennus. But however this matter was, Bren-
nus and Acichorius, leaving Pannonia, marched with one
hundred and fifty thousand foot, and fifteen thousand horse,
into lllyrium, in order to pass from thence into Macedonia
and Greece. But there a sedition happening in the army,
twenty thousand of their men deserted from them, and, under
the command of Leonorius and Lulaiius, two prime leaders
in this expedition, marched into Thrace, and there joinino-
those whom Cerethrius had led there before, seized on
Byzantium and the western coasts of the Propontis, and there
made all the adjacent parts tributary to them.

However, Brennus and Acichorius were not discouraged by
this desertion, from proceedingin their intended expe-
dition, but having, by new recruits raised among the i'toie7By*
Illyrians, as well as by others sent them from Gallia, ^'''''"'*'- '^•
made up their army to the number of one hundred and fifty-
two thousand foot, and sixty-one thousand two hundred horse,
marched directly with them into Macedonia, and having there
overborne Sosthenes with their great numbers, and ravaged
the whole country, passed on to the straits of Thermopylse,
to enter through them into Greece. But, on their coming
thither, they were stopped for some time by the forces which
they found the Grecians had posted there for the guard and
defence of that pass, till they were shown the same way over
the mountains by which the forces of Xerxes had passed
before ; whereon the guards retiring to avoid being surround-
ed, Brennus marched on with the gross of the army towards
Delphos, to plunder the temple in that city, of the vast
riches which were there laid up, ordering Acichorius to fol-
low after with the remainder. But he there met with a
wonderful defeat. For, on his approaching the place, there
happened a terrible storm of thunder, lightning, and hail,
which destroyed great numbers of his men, and, at the same
Vol. If. ^ 34

262 CONNEXiON OF 'IHE HISTORY OF [fART li,

time, there was as terrible an earthquake, which rending the
mountains in pieces, threw down whole rocks upon them,
which overwhelmed them by hundreds at a time ; by which
the whole army being much dismayed, they were the follow-
ing night seized with such a panic fear, that every man, sup-
posing him that was next to him to be a Grecian enemy,
they fell upon each other, so that, before there was day-
light enough to make them see the mistake, one half of
the army had destroyed the other. By all this the Greeks,
who were now come together from all parts to defend
their temple, being much animated, fell furiously on them,
and, although now Acichorius was come up with Brennus,
yet both their forces together could not stand the assault,
but great numbers of them were slain, and great numbers
were wounded, and among these last was Brennus himself,
who had received several wounds, and, although none of
them were mortal, yet seeing all now lost, and the whole ex-
pedition which he had been the author of thus ending in a
dismal ruin, he was so confounded at the miscarriage, that
he resolved not to outlive it; and therefore calling to him
as many of the chief leaders as could be got together amidst
that calamitous hurry, he advised them to slay all the wound-
ed, and with the remainder make as good a retreat backward
as they could ; and then, having guzzled down as much wine
as he could drink, he run himself through, and died. After
his death, Acichorius taking upon him the chief command,
made as good a retreat as he could towards Thermopylae in
order to repass those straits, and carry back what remained
of this broken army into their own country ; but being to
make a long march thither all the way through enemies' coun-
tries, they were as they passed, so distressed for want of
provisions, whicli they were every where to fight for, so in-
commoded at night, by lodging mostly upon the ground in a
winterseason, and in such a manner harassed and fallen upon
wherever they came, by the people of those countries
through which they passed, that what with famine, cold, and
sickness, and what with the sword of their enemies, they
were all cut off and destroyed ; so that of the numerous
company which did first set out on this expedition, not as
much as one man escaped the calamitous fate of miserably
perishing in it. Thus was God pleased, in a very extraor-
dinary manner, to execute his vengeance upon those sacri-
legious wretches, for the sake of religion in general, how
false and idolatrous soever that particular religion was, for
which that temple at Delphos was erected. For to believe
a religion true, and offer sacrilegious violences to the places
consecrated to the devotions of that religion, is absolute im ■

aOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEM'Js. 263

piety, and a sin against all religion, and there are many in-
stances of very signal judgnnents with which God hath punish-
ed it, even among the worst of heathens and infidels, and
much more may they expect it, who, having the truth of God
established among them, shall become guilty hereof.

In the interim, Leonorius and Lutarius parting from the
other Gauls, who had settled themselves on the Propontis,
marched down to the Hellespont, and seizing on Lysimachia,
made themselves masters of all the Thracian Chersonesus ;
but there another sedition arising among them, the two com-
manders parted their forces, and separated from each other,
Lutarius continuing on the Hellespont, and Leonorius with
the greater number returned again to Byzantium, from
whence he came.

But afterward Leonorius passing the Bosphorus, and Lu-
tarius the Hellespont, into Asia, they both there ^^ ^^
again united their forces by a new confederacy, and Pioiemy
jointly entered into the service of Nicomedes, king
of Bithynia, who having by their assistance, the year follow-
ing, conquered Zipaites,his brother,and fixed himself thereby
in the thorough possession of all his father's dominions, he as-
signed them that part of Lesser Asia to dwell in, which from
them was afterward called by those Gallo-Graicia, and by others
Galatia ; which last name afterward obtaining from the other,
those people, instead of Gauls, were there called Galatians,
and from them were descended those Galatians to whom St.
Paul wrote one of his canonical epistles.

The rest of those Gauls that remained in Thrace, after-
ward making war upon Antigonus Gonatas, who, on the
death of Sosthenes, reigned in Macedonia, they were almost
all cut off and destroyed by him. The few that escaped
either passed into Asia, and there joined themselves to their
countrymen in Galatia, or else scattered themselves in other
parts, where they were no more heard of. And thus ended
this terrible inundation of those barbarous people, which
threatened Macedonia and all Greece with no less than an
absolute destruction.

Within the compass of this year" archbishop Usher pla-
ceth the making of that Greek translation of the Hebrew
Scriptures, which we call the Septuagint. And here all else
must place it, who with him believe that history to be genu-
ine, which is written of it under the name of Aristeas, and
will hold what is consistent with it herein. For, according
to that author, they cannot place it later, because then it
would not fall within the time of Eleazar, who is therein said

f> Tn Annalibiis sub A. M. 3727.

264 (j*>2«NKXiox OF xaE iiisTORr (M- [past II.

to have been the high-priest of the Jews, that sent the seven-
ty-two elders to Alexandria to make this translation ; for
he died about the beginning of the next year after. And
they cannot place it sooner, because then it w^ould be before
Ptolemy Philadelphus married Arsinoe, his sister, whom
Eleazar, in his epistle, which that author makes him to have
written to this prince, calls his queen and his sister. With-
out entering into long critical discourses concerning this
translation, 1 shall first historically relate the diflerent ac-
counts which are given of it, and then, as briefly as I can,
lay down that which appears to me to be the truth of this
whole matter.

The ancientest account we have hereof, is from a book
still extant, under the name of Aristeas, which is professedly
•written to give us the whole history of it. He is said there-
in to have been a prime officer in the guards of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, king of Egypt, at the time when this aflair
was transacted. What we are told of it by him is as foUow-
eth : Ptolemy Philadelphus, king of Egypt, being intent on
making a great library at Alexandria, and being desirous of
getting all maimer of books into it, committed the care of
this matter to Demetrius Phalereus, a noble Athenian, then
living in his court, directing him to procure from all nations
whatsoever books were of note among them. Demetrius,
in the search he made pursuant to these orders, being in-
formed of the book of the law of Moses among the Jews,
acquainted the king hereof, whereon he signified his pleasure,
that the book should be sent for from Jerusalem, with inter-
preters from the same place, to render it into Greek ; and
ordered hi n to lay before him in writing what was proper to
be done herein, that accordingly he might send to the high-
priest about it. Aristeas, the pretended author of this his-
tory of the seventy-two interpreters, Sosibius of Taientum,
and Andreas, three nobles of king Ptolemy's court, having
great favour for the Jews, took this opportunit}^^ to move the
king in the behalf of those of that nation, who had been
taken captive by king Ptolemy Soter in those invasions made by
him upon Judea which are above mentioned, and were then in
bondage in Egypt, telling him, that it would be in vain to
expect from the Jews either a true copy of their law, or a
faithful translation of it, as long as he kept so many of their
countrymen in slavery; and therefore they proposed to him
first to release all those Jews, before he should send to Jerusa-
lem about this matter. Hereon the king asked what the num-
ber of those captive Jews might be ? Andreas answered, that
they might be somewhat above one hundred thousand. And
do you then think, said the king, fhat this is a small matter

BOOK I.] THE OLD ANU NKW TESTAMENTS. 265

which Aristeas asketh ? To this Sosibius repHed, that the
greater it was, the more it would become so great a king to
do it. Whereon king Ptolemy complying with (he proposal,
published a decree for the release of all the Jtwish captives
in Egypi, and ordered twenty drachms an head to be paid
out of his treasury to those that had them in servitude, for
the price of their redemption ; and this was computed to
amount to four hundred talents, which shows the number of
the redeemed to have been one hundred and twenty thou-
sand; for four hundred talents at twenty drachms aji head,
would redeem just so many. But afterward the king having
ordered the children that were born to those Jews, while in
their servitude, and the mothers that bore them, to be also
redeemed, this made the whole expense to amount to six
hundred and sixty talents, which proves the whole number
of the redeemed, that is, men, women, and children, to have
amounted to one hundred and ninety-eight thousand. For
so many six hundred and sixty talents, at the price of tw enty
drachms an head, would have redeemed. When this was
done, Demetrius, according as he was ordered, laid before
the king, in a memorial, the whole method which he thought
was proper to be followed for the obtaining from the Jews
the book of the law of Moses, which he desired. What he
proposed in this memorial was, that a letter should be writ-
ten to Eleazar the high-priest of the Jews at Jerusalem, to
send from thence a true copy of the Hebrew original, and
with it six out of each of the twelve tribes of Israel, to trans-
late it into the Greek language. And, according to this pro-
posal, a letter was written in the king's name, to Eleazar
the high-priest, to send the book, and with it, for the render-
ing of it into Greek, six elders of every tribe, which he
should judge best able to perform the work. And Aristeas,
the pretended author of this history, and Andreas, above
mentioned, were sent with this letter to Jerusalem; who
carried with them also from the king several gifts for the
temple, in money for sacrifices there to be offered, and other
uses of the sanctuary, one hundred talents ; in utensils of
silver seventy talents, and in utensils of gold fifty talents,
and precious stones in the adornments of the said utensils, of
five times the value of the gold. On their coming (o Jeru-
salem, they were received with great respect by the high-
priest, and ail the people of the Jews, and had all readily
granted them which they went thither for. And therefore,
having received from the high-priest a true copy of the law of
Moses, all written in golden letters, and six elders out of
every tribe, that is, seventy-two in all, to make a version of
it it into the Greek language, they returned with them to

266 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

Alexandria. On their arrival, the king calling those elders
to his court, made trial of them by seventy-two questions
proposed to them, to each one in their order; and from the
answers which they made, approving of their wisdom, he
gave to each of them three talents, and sent them into the
island of Pharus adjoining to Alexandria, for the performing
of the work which they came for. Where Demetrius having
conducted them over the Heptastadium (a bank of seven
furlongs in length, which joined that island to the continent)
into an house there provided for them, they forthwith betook
themselves to the business of the interpretation, and as they
agreed in the version of each period by common confer-
ence together, Demetrius wrote it down, and thus, in the
space of seventy-two days, they performed the whole work ;
whereon the whole work being read over, and approved of,
in the king's presence, the king gave to each of them three
rich garments, two talents in gold, and a cup of gold of a
talent weight, and then sent them all home into their own
country. Thus far Aristcas.

Aristobulus, an Alexandrian Jew, and a Peripatetic philo-
sopher, is the next that makes mention of this version. He
flourished in the 1 88th year of the era of contracts, (that is,
in the l^Sth year before Christ,) for then a letter was writ-
ten to him by the Jews of Jerusalem and Judea, as we have
it in the second book of the Maccabees. p This Aristobulus
is said to have written a comment on the five books of Mo-
ses, and to have dedicated them to king Ptolemy Philometor,
to whom he had been preceptor, and therein to have spoken
of this Greek version made under the care and protection of
Demetrius Phalereus, by the command of Ptolemy Philadel-
phus king of Egypt.*! The book is not now extant. All
that remains of it are some few fragments quoted by Clemens
Alexandrinus and Esebius,"" in which having asserted that
Pythagoras, Plato, and other Grecians, had taken most of
their philosophy from the Hebrew Scriptures, to make this
seem the more probable, he tells us, these Scriptures had
been for the most part translated into Greek, before the times
of Alexander and the Persian empire ; but that under Pto-
lemy Philadelphus, a more perfect translation was made of
the whole, by the care of Demetrius Phalereus.

The next that makes mention of this version is Philo, ano-
ther Alexandrian Jew who was contemporary with our Sa-
viour. For it was but a little after the time of his crucifixion,

p Chap. 1, ver. 10. Euseb. Praep. Evang. lib. 3, c. 9.
<l Euseb. Praip. Evang. lib. 13, c. 12. Clemens Alex. Strom, lib. 1, 5.
r Canon Chron. p. 187. Prrep. Evang. lib. 7, o. 13 ; lib. 8, c. 9 ; lib. 13,
c. le.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AKD NEW TESTAMENTS. 267

that he was sent in an ennbassy from the Jews of Alexandria
to Caius Caesar the Roman emperor.* In this account he
teJIs us the same that Aristeas doth,* of king Ptolcm} Fhila-
delphus's sending to Jerusalem, for eiders to make this ver-
sion ; of the questions proposed to tht m on their first arrival,
for the trial of their vvi?dom ; and of their retiring into the
island of Fharus, for the accomplishing of this work, and of
their finishing it there, in that retirement; and thus far he
plainly writes after Aristeas. But he farther adds, what
Aristeas gives him no foundation for, that, in their interpre-
tations, they all so exactly agreed as not to differ so much as
in a word ; but to have rendered every thing not only in the
same sense, but also in the same phrases and words of expres-
sion as not to vary in the least each from other through the
whole work. From whence he infers, that they acted not
herein as common interpreters, but as men prophetically
inspired, and divinely directed, who had every word dictated
to them, by the Holy Spirit of God, through the whole ver-
sion. And he adds farther, that, in commemoration of this
work, the Jews of Alexandria kept a solemn anniversary,
one day in every year, when they went over into the island
of Pharus, and there spent that day in feasting, and rejoi-
cing, and giving praise to God for his divine assistance, in
so wonderful a manner given by him in the making of this
version.

Josephus, who wrote his Antiquities of the Jews towards
the end of the first century after Christ, agreeth with Aristeas
in his relation of this matter," what he writes of it being no
more than an abridgment of that author. And Eusebius,
who flourished about two hundred and twenty years after
him, doth the same,^ ^'^ing us of it no other account, but what
he found in Aristeas, and is now extant in him ; only as to
Josephus, it must be acknowledged, there is a variation in
his account concerning the price paid by Ptolemy for the
redemption of the captive Jews : for whereas Aristeas saith,
it was twenty drachms an head, and that the sum total
amounted to six hundred and sixty talents, Josephus lays it
at one hundred and twenty drachms an head, and the sum
total at four hundred and sixty talents 5 in all other things
they exactly agree.

The next author after Josephus, who makes mention of
this version, and the manner of making it, was Justin Mar-
tyr, a Christian writer, who flourished in the middle of the
second century, about one hundred years after Philo.^ He

s Philo de Legatione ad Caium Caesarem. t De Vita Mosis, lib. 2.

u Antiq. lib. 12, c, 2. x Euseb. Prajp. Evang. lib. 8, c. 2—5.

y He wrote his first apology for the Christians, A. D. 140

268 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [i'ART 1!.

havingbeenat Alexandria, and there discoursed with the Jews
of that place concerning this matter, tells us what he found
there related, and was then lirml^ believed among them, con-
cerning it. VVhereb} it appears, that what Phiio tells us of
the wonderful agreement of the interpreters, in the making
of that version, was much further improved by his time.
For they had then added to the story distinct cells for the in-
terpreters, and the tiction of their being shut up, all in them
apart from each other, one in each cell, and of each of them
therein making a distinct version by himself, and all agreeing
together to a word, on the comparing of what each had
done ; which the good man swallowing with a thorough cre-
dulity, writes of it in the words following:'^

" Ptoleujy, king of Egypt, having a mind to erect a
library at Alexandria, caused books to be brought thither from
all parts to fill it, and being informed, that the Jews kept with
great care ancient histories written in Hebrew, and being
desirous to know what these writings contained, sent to Jeru-
salem for seventy learned men, who understood the Hebrew
and the Greek languages, and ordered them to translate
those books ; and, to the end they might be the more at quiet
and free from noise, and thereby be enabled the sooner to
make this translation, he would not have them siay in the
city, but caused to be built for them, in the island of Pharus.
seven furlongs from Alexandria, as many little houses or cells
as there were interpreters, that each might there apart by
himself make liis vei siou. And he enjoined those who served
them to do them all sorts of good offices, but to prevent
their •conferring together, that he might know, by the con-
formity of their versions, whether their translation was true
and exact. And finding afterward that these seventy per-
sons did not only agree in the sense, but also in the same
terms, so that there was not one word in any one of their ver-
sions which was not in all the others, but that they all wrote,
word for word, the same expressions, he was surprised with
admiration, and not doubting but that this version was
made by the Spirit of God, he heaped honours upon the in-
terpreters, whom he looked on as men dear unto God, and
sent them home loaden with presents to their own country.
And as to the books, he received them with that veneration
which was due to them, looking on them as divine books, and
placed them in his library." And then the holy man adds,
for the confirming of this story, which he himself thoroughly
believed as true, " These things which we now relate unto
vou, O Greeks, are not fables and feigned stories. For we

z Cohort ad Gentes, p, 14

JiOOK I.j THE OLD ANl* NEW TESTAMENTS. 269

ourselves having been at Alexandria, did there see the ruins
of those little houses or cells, in the island of Pharus, there
still remaining ; and what we now tell you of them we had
from the inhabitants of the place, who had received it from
their forefathers by undoubted tradition." And, in another
place, he saith of the same matter:* " When Ptolemy king
of Egypt was preparing a library, in which he purposed to
gather together the writings of all men, having heard of
the writings of the prophets among the Jews, he sent to He-
rod, then king of the Jews, to desire him to transmit to him
those books of the prophets. Whereon king Herod sent
them unto him, written in the Hebrew language. But where-
as those books, as written in this language, were wholly un-
intelligible to the Egyptians, he sent a second time to Herod
to desire him to send interpreters to translate them into the
Greek language ; which being done, these books, thus transla-
ted, are still remaining among (he Egyptians, even to this
day, and copies of them are now in the hands of the Jews,
in all places wheresoever they are."

Irenaeus,^ Clemens Alexandrinus,'^ Hilary,*^ Austin,'' Cyril
of Jerusalem,*^ Philastrius Brixiensis,^ and the generality of
the ancient fathers that lived after Justin, follow him in this
matter of the cells, and the wonderful agreement of all the
versions made in them. And some also of the moderns arc
zealous contenders for the truth of this story, being fond of a
miracle which would so much conduce to the confirming of
the divine authority of the holy Scriptures against all gain-
sayers ; and it is much to be wished, that it were built upon
such authority as would not admit of any of those objections
which are urged against it.

By the time of Epiphanius, who was made bishop of Sala-
mine, in Cyprus, (A. D. 368,) false traditions had further cor-
rupted this story. For he gives a relation of the matter
which differs from that of Justin, as well as of Aristeas, and
yet he quotes Aristeas even in those particulars which he
relates otherwise than that author doth ; which shows, that
there was another Aristeas in his time different from that
which we now have, though it be plain, that the author which
is now extant with us under that name is certainly the same
which Josephus and Eusebius used. What Epiphanius writes
hereof would be too long to be all here inserted. The sum
of it is, that Ptolemy Philadelphus, designing to make a

a Apologia secunda pro Christiauis.

I) Adversus Ha;reses, lib. 3, cap. 15.

c Slrora. lib. 1. d Psalui 2.

e De Civitate Dei, lib. 18^ c. 43 f Catechism 4, p. 37

g Hasresis, 90.

Vol. II, :>5

270 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

library at Alexandria, sent to all countries to procure copies
of their books to put into it, and committed it to the care of
Demetrius Phalereus to manage this whole matter ; by whom
being informed of the books of the holy Scriptures, which the
Jews then had at Jerusalem, he sent an emba?sy thither,
with a letter to the high- priest to procure a copy of the said
books. That hereon the Jews sent twenty-two canonicaJ
books, and seventy-two apocryphal, all written in Hebrew.
But Ptolemy not being able to read them in that language,
he sent a second embassy to Jerusalem for interpreters to
make a second version of them into Greek : for which pur-
pose a second letter was written to the high-priest ; and
that the Jews, on the receipt of this letter, sent him seventy-
two interpreters, chosen six out of every tribe, who made
the version according as was desired.'' The manner in which
he saith this was done will best appear from his own words :
they areas followeth :' " The seventy-two interpreters were
in the island of Pharus (which lieth over against Alexandria,
and in respect of it is called the Upper-land,) shut up in
thirty-six little houses or cells, by two and two in a cell, from
morning till night, and were every night carried, in thirty-
six boats, to king Ptolemy's palace, there to sup with him,
and then were lodged in thirty-sixbed-chambers, by two and
two in a chamber, that they might not confer together about
the said version, but make it faithfully according to what
appeared to them to be the true meaning of the text. For
Ptolemy built in that island, over against Alexandria, those
thirty-six cells, which I have mentioned, of that capacity, as
that they were sufficient to contain each of them two of the
said interpreters, and there he did shut them up by two and
two, as I have said, and two servants with them in each cell,
to provide them with food, and minister unto them in ail
things necessary, and also writers, to write down the versions
as they made them. To these cells he made no windows in
the walls, but only opened for them above such lights, in the
roofs of the said cells, as we call skylights. And thus continu-
ing from morning till night, there closely shut up, they made
the version in manner as followeth : to each pair of interpre-
ters one book was given, as, for example, the book of Gene-
sis was given to one pair, the book of Exodus to another pair,
the book of Leviticus to a third, and so of all the rest, a book
to each in their order; and in this manner all the twenty-
seven books above mentioned, which are now, according to
the number of the flebrew letters, reduced to twenty-two,
wore translated out of the Hebrew into the Greek language."

b Epiphanius in libro de Ponderibiis et Mensuri?.
i Epiphaniu?. ibid. p. 161

iiOOK I.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 271

And then, a little after, he further saith :^ " And therefore
these twenty-seven books, now numbered to be twenty-two
with the Psalter, and what is annexed to Jeremiah, that is,
the Lamentations, and the epistles of Baruch (though these
epistles are not found in the Hebrew canon of the holy Scrip-
tures ; for in that the Lamentations only are annexed to
Jeremiah,) were in this manner distributed among the thirty-
six pair of interpreters, and afterward were sent every one
of them round to them, that is, from the first pair to the
second, and from the second to the third, and so on, till each
book had been translated into Greek once by each pair, and
the whole of it by all of them thirty-six times, as common
tradition reports the matter ; and to them were added twenty-
two apocryphal books. And when all was finished, the king
sitting on high on his throne, thirty-six readers came before
him with the thirty-six translations ; and another reader
stood there also, who had the original Hebrew copy in his
hand ; and, while one of these readers did read his copy
aloud, the rest diligently attended, and went along with him,
reading to themselves in their copies, and examining there-
by what was written in them ; and no variety or difference
was found in any one of them."

Thus far having given an account of all that is related by
the ancients concei-ning the manner of the making this ver-
sion, which we call the Septuagint, 1 shall now la^ down
what appears to me to be the truth of the whole matter in
these following positions :

L That there was a translation of the Hebrew Scriptures
into Greek, made in the time that the Ptolemies reigned in
Egypt, is not to be doubted : for we stiil have the book, and
it IS the same which was in use in our Saviour's time ; for
most of those passages which the holy penmen of the New
Testament do, in the Greek original of it, OjUote out of the
Old Testament, are now found verbatim in this version.
And, since the Egyptian princes of the Ptolemean race were
so fond, as the writers of those times tell us, of replenishing
their library at Alexandria, with all sorts of books, there is no
reason but to believe, that a copy of this translation, as soon
as it was made, was put into it.

II. The book going under the name of Aristeas, which is
the groundwork and foundation of all that is said of the man-
ner of making this translation, by seventy-two elders sent
from Jerusalem to Alexandria for this purpose, in the time
of Ptolemy Philadelphus, is a manifest fiction, made out of
design thereby to give the greater authority to this transla-

k Epiphaniuf, p. 163

272 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OV [^PART it.

tion. The Jews, after their return from the Babylonish
captivity, to the time of our Saviour, were much given to
religious romances, as appears from their apocryphal books
still extant, many of which are of this sort ; and that the book
whicli we now have under the name of Aristeas was such a
romance, and written by some hellenistical Jew, plainly
appears from these following reasons. For,

1. The author of that book, though pretended to be an
heathen Greek, every where speaks as a Jew, and delivers
himself in all places, where he makes mention either of God
or the Jewish religion, in such terms as none but a Jew
could ; and he brings in Ptolemy, Demetrius, Andreas, Sosibi-
us, and others, speaking after the same manner, which clearly
proves, that no Aristeas, or heathen Greek, but some hellen-
istical Jew, under his name, was the author of that book.

2. He makes Ptolemy advance an incredible sum of money
for the obtaining of this version. For, according to him,
Ptolemy expended, in redeeming the captive Jews that were
in his kingdom, six hundred and sixty talents ; in vessels of
silver sent to the temple, seventy talents ; in vessels of gold,
fifty talents ; and, in precious stones to adorn and embellish
these vessels, to the value of five times the gold, that is, two
hundred and fifty talents ; in a gift for sacrifices, and other
uses of the temple, one hundred talents ; and then he gave
to each of the seventy-two interpreters, at their first coming,
three talents apiece in silver, that is, two hundred and six-
teen talents in the whole ; and lastly, to each of them at
their parting, two talents in gold, and a gold cup of a talent
weight : all which put together make, in the sum total, one
thousand and forty-six talents of silver, and five hundred
and sixteen talents of gold, which being reduced to sterling
money, amounts to one million, nine hundred and eighteen
thousand, five hundred and thirty-seven pounds, and ten
shillings;' and, if we add hereto the value of other gifts,
which, according to Aristeas, were bestowed on these seventy-
two elders by the bounty of the king, and the charges which
it cost him in fetching them to Alexandria, maintaining them
there, and sending them back again to Jerusalem, this may
be computed to mount that sum near to two millions sterling,
which may well be reckoned to be above twenty times as
much as that whole library was ever worth. And who can
then believe, that this narrative, which makes Ptolemy expend
so much for one single book in it, and which neither he nor
any of his court, as long as they continued heathens, could
have any great value for, can be a true and genuine history ?

1 That is, computing these talents by Altic talents, and valuing them
according to Dr. Bernard. If they be computed by the talents of Alexan-
dria, where the scene of action is laid, they will amount to twice as much.

BOOK 1.3 THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 273

3. The question proposed to the seventy-two interpreters,
and their answers to them, manifestly carry with them the
air of fiction and romance. If it should appear hkely to any
(as I confess it doth not unto me) that Ptolemy should trouble
himself to propose to them ?uch questions, he must be a
person of great credulity, that will believe those answers to
have been given extempore to them. Whoever will judge
rationally of this matter, must necessarily acknowledge, that
they were framed by artifice and prenieditatiou to the ques-
tions, and that both were the inventions of him that made
the book.

4. The making of seventy-two elders to be sent to Alex-
andria from Jerusalem on this occasion, and these to be
chosen by six out of every tribe, by the advice of Demetrius
Phalereus, all looks like a Jewish invention, framed with
respect to the Jewish sanhedrim, and the number of the
tw^elve tribes of Israel 5 it not being likely, that Demetrius,
an heathen Greek, should know any thing of their twelve
tribes, or of the number of their seventy-two elders, of which
their sanhedrim did consist. The names of Israel, and the
twelve tribes, were then absorbed in that of the Jews, and
few knew of them in that age by any other appellation.
Although some of the other tribes joined themselves to the
Jews, on their return from the Babylonish captivity, as I
have before observed, and thereby the names of those tribes
might still be preserved among their descendants ; yet it is
not to be supposed that all were so, but that some of the
names of those other tribes were wholly lost, and no more
in being, in the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, and that there-
fore no such choice could then be made out of them for the
composing of this version. But, if it were otherwise, yet
that there should be six out of every tribe, or indeed seventy-
two of the whole nation, then living in Judea, fully qualified
for this work, seems by no means likely. Till the lime of
Alexander the Great, the Jews had no communicaiion with
the Greeks, and from his having been at Jerusalem, (froii*^
which time only this communication first began) there had
now passed only fifty-five years. During this time, no doubt,
some of them might have learned the Greek tongue, especial-
ly after so many of them had been planted by Ptolemy at
Alexandria, and by Seleucus at A.itiocb, in both which cities
the prevailing number of the inhabitants were of the Greek
nation. BuTthat six of every tribe should then be found thus
skilful in the land of Judea, where there was then no reason
for them to learn this language, is not to be imagined. But
this is not all the difficulty of the matter. Those who were
to do this work must have been thoroughly skilled also in the

■274 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

Hebrew, which was the language of the original text, as well
as in the Greek, into which they were to translate it. But
at this time the Hebrew was no longer among them their
common speech. The Chalde(j, since their return from
Chaldea, was become their mother tongue, and the know-
ledge of the Hebrew was thenceforth confined only to the
learned among them ; and, those learned men being such as
taught and governed the people at home, they had no oppor-
tunity by converse with the Greeks to learn their language,
nor indeed had they any occasion for it. So that, for the
making out of this story, we must suppose, first. That there
were many of every tribe of Israel then living in Judea ;
secondly. That there were several in each of these tribes
well learned in the Hebrew text ; and, thirdly, That there
were in each of them, of this last sort, so many thoroughly
skilled in the Greek language, as that out of them a choice
might be made of six for each tribe fully qualified for this
work : each particular hereof at this time seems utterly
improbable ; but the whole doth much more so, when all is
put together.

5. Neither can any probable reason be given, why seventy-
two should be sent from Jerusalem to Alexandria for this
purpose, when seven were more than enough for the work.
Some of the ancientest of the Talmudists say," that there
were only five that were employed in it ; and this is by much
the more likely of the two.

6. There are several particulars in this book which cannot
accord with the histories of those times. First, In none of
them is there any mention of the victory which Aristeas
makes Ptolemy Philadelphus to have obtained against Anti-
gonus at sea. If by this Antigonus he means Antigonus the
father of Demetrius Poliorcetes, he was dead seventeen years
before Ptolemy Philadelphus was king of Egypt; and if he
means the son of that Demetrius, called Antigonus Gonatus,
who reigned in Macedon, there is no author that speaks of

r. '^^y such victory obtained by Ptolemy Philadelphus over
him. And, secondly. Whereas Menedemus the philosopher
is said in this author to have been present, when the seventy-
two interpreters answered the questions proposed to them
by Ptolemy, it is manifest by what is written of him by
authors of undoubted credit, that he could not have been at
this time in Egypt, if he were then alive, which it is most
likely he was not." But, thirdly, What doth evidently con-

m Tract. Sopherim, c. 1.

n It appears by what is written of him by Diogenes Laertius, lib. 2, that
he died soon after the end of the Gallic war in Greece, being very aged at
the time of his death.

BOOK 1.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 275

vict of falsity this whole story of Aristeas is, that he makes
Demetrius Phalereus to be the chief actor in it, and a great
favourite of the king's at this time ; whereas he was so far
from being in an^ favour with him, that none was nion- out
of it, or was less hkeiy lo be trusted or employed in any
matter b} him. ai:d that tor good reason. For he had ear-
nestl} dissuaded l^olemy Soter his father trom settling the
crown upon him : for which reason Philadelphus looking on
him as his greatest cnem}, as soon as his father was dead
(under whose favour he had till then been protected) he cast
him into prison where he soon after died, in the manner as
hath been alread} related, and therefore he could bear no
part iti the transacting of this matter."

Many other arguments there are which prove the spuri-
ousness of this book. They who would further examine
hereinto. may read what hath been written of it by Du Pin,^
Richard Simon^ the Frenchman, and b} Dr. Hoddy, the late
worth} professor of the Greek language at Oxford; whose
account of this, and other matters relating to the holy Scrip-
tures, in his learned and accurate book. Dt Bibliorum Texti-
bus Originulibus. versionibus GrcEcis ^ Latina vulgata, is very
worth} of any man's reading.

111. As to Aristobulus, what he saith of this version's being
made by the command of Ptolemy Fhiladelphus, and under
the care and direction of Demetrius Phalereus, is no more
than what is taken out of Aristeas; that book, it seems,
having been forged before his time, and then gotten into
credit among the Jews of Alexandria, when he took this out
of it. For the 188th year of the era of contracts, the time
in which he is said to flourish, "■ being one hundred and fifty-
two years after that in which we place the making of this
version, that was long enough for this fiction concerning it to
have been formed, and also to have grown into such credit
among the Jews, as to be believed by them. For if we
allov/ one hundred years for the former, that is, for the
framing of this fiction, by that time all persons might have
been dead, and all things forgotten, that might contradict it,
and fifty-two years after might have been sufficient for the
latter, that is, for its growing into the credit of a true history
among the Jews. As to other things related of this Aristo-
bulus, that is, that he was preceptor to the king of Egypt,
and that he wrote commentaries on the five books of Moses,

o Diogenes Laertius in Vita Demetrii Phalerei.

p History of the Canon and Writers of the books of the Old and Mew
Testaments, part l,c.6, sjsct 3.
q Critical History of the Old Testament, book 2, c. 2
r 2 Maccabees i. 10.

276 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

and dedicated them to Ptolemy Philometor, they are all justly
called in question by learned men. As to his being king
Ptolemy's master, this is said of him (2 Maccab. i. 10,) in
the 188th year of the era of contracts, when it was by no
means likely he could have been in that office ; for the Pto-
lemy that then reigned in Egypt was Ptolemy Physcon; and
the iSSlh year of the era of contracts was the twenty -first
year of his reign, and Hhe fifty-sixth after his father's death ;
and therefore he must then have been about sixty years old,
if not more; which is an age past being under the tuition of
a master. If it be said, he might still retain the title, though
the office had been over many years before, the reply hereto
will be, that he must then have been of a very great age,
when mentioned with this title ; for men use not to be made
tutors to princes, till of eminent note, and of mature age ;
forty is the least we can suppose him of, when appointed to
this office, if he ever was at all in it; and supposing he was
first called to it when Ptolemy Physcon was ten years old,
he must have been ninety at least at the time when this title
was given him in the place above cited. And if he had been
preceptor lo Ptolemy Physcon, how came it to pass that he
should dedicate his book of commentaries on the law of
Moses to Ptolemy Philometor, who reigned before Physcon ?
If any such book had been at all made by him, it is most
likely he would have dedicated it to that Ptolemy who had
been his pupil, and not unto the other, whom he had no such
especial relation to. And as to what he is said to have
written in these commentaries, of there having been a Greek
version of the law before that of the Septuagint, and that the
Greek philosophers borrowed many things from thence, it
looks all like fiction. The light of reason, or else ancient
traditions, might have led them to the saying of many things,
especially in moral matters, which accord with what is found
in the writings of Moses ; and if not, yet there were other
ways of coming at them without such a version. Converse
with the Jews might suffice for it, and particular instruction
might be had from some of their learned men for this purpose ;
and such, Clearchus tells us,*- Aristotle had from a learned
Jew in the Lower Asia. That there ever was such a version,
no other writing besides these fragments quoted from Aris-
tobulus do make the least mention. Neither is it likely, that
there should ever have been any such ; for till the Jews
settled among the Greeks at Alexandria, and there learned
their language, and forgot their own, (which was not done
till some time after the death of Alexander,) there was no

s It was according to Ptolemy's Canon.

t. See part 1, book 7, under the year 348, p. 558.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 27*7

use of such a Greek version of the law among them. And, if
it had been thus translated before, what need was there of
having it done again in rhe reign of Ptolemy Philadelphus?
All these things put together, create a suspicion among
learned men, that the commentaries of Aristobulus came out
of the same forge with Aristeas, that is, were written under
the name of Aristobulus by some hellenistical Jew, long
after the date which they bore. And it augments this suspi-
cion, that Clemens Alexandrinus is the first that makes men-
tion of them. For had there been any such commentaries
on the law of Moses, and written, in the time when said, by
so eminent a Jew, and so famous a philosopher, as Aristo-
bulus is related to be, Philo Judseus, and Josephus could not
have escaped making use of them ; but neither of these
writers makes the least mention of any such commentaries;
which is a strong argument that there were none such extant
in their time ; and those who mention them afterward, speak
very inconsistently of this Aristobulus, whom they make to
be the author of them. Sometimes they tell us, that he
dedicated his book to Ptolemy Philometor ;" at other times
they say it was to Ptolemy Philadelphus and his father toge-
ther.^ Sometimes they will have it that he was the same
that is mentioned in the first chapter of the second book of
Maccabees \f and sometimes they make him to have been
one of the seventy-two interpreters one hundred and fifty-
two years before ;^ which uncertainty about him, makes it
most likely that there was never any such person at all.
That passage, where he is spoken of in the second book of
the Maccabees, is no proof for him ; for the letter which is
'made mention of in it, being there said to have been sent to
him from the people that were at Jerusalem, and in Judea,
and the council, and Judas; this plainly proves that whole
passage to be of the same nature with most other things
written in the two first chapters of that second book of Mac-
cabees, that is, all fable and fiction. For, by the Judas there
mentioned, the writer of that book can mean no other Judas,
than Judas Maccabaius. But he was slain in battle thirty-
six years before the date of this letter.^ Whatsoever these
commentaries were, they seem not to have been long-lived ;
for as Clemens Alexandrinus was the first of the ancients, so
Eusebius was the last, that makes mention of them.

After that time, it is most likely, they grew out of reputa-

u Clemens Alexandrinus. Strom. Eusebii. Chronicon, p. 187. Priep.
Evang. lib. 13, c. 12.
X Clemens Alexandrianus. Strom, lib. 5. Euseb. Prtep. Evang. lib. 8, c 9.
y Clemens Alexandrinus h Eusebius, ibid.
z Anatolius apud Eusebium in Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 1, c. 32.
a 1 Maccabees ix. 16.
Vol. II, 36

^7t> CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [pART II.

tion, and were no more heard of. Upon the whole, they
that hold this book to have been spurious, and all that is said
of the author of it to be fable and fiction, seem to say that,
which in all likelihood is the truth of the matter.

IV. What i^hilo adds to the stor)* of Aristeas, was from
such traditions as had obtained among the Jews of Alexan-
dria in his time, which had the same original with all the
rest, that is, were invented by them, to bring the greater
honour and credit to themselves, and their religion ; and also
to gain among the vulgar of their own people the greater
authority and veneration to that version of the holy Scrip-
tures which they then used. And when such things had
once obtained belief, it was easy to introduce an anniversary
commemoration of them, and continue it afterward from
year to year, in the manner as Philo relates.

V. Where Josephus differs from Aristeas in the price paid
by Ptolemy for the redemption of the captive Jews, there is
a manifest error; for the sum total doth not agree with the
particulars. The number of the Jews redeemed, Josephus
saith, were one hundred and twenty thousand ;^ the redemp-
tion of these, at twenty drachms an head, at which Aristeas
lays it, would come to just four hundred talents, which is the
sum also which he reckons it to amount to. But Josephus
saith, the redemption money was one hundred and twenty
drachms an head, which is six times as much, and yet he
makes the sum total to be no more than four hundred and
sixty talents. J he error is in the numerical letters ; foF
either the particulars must be less, or the sum must be more ;
but whether it was the author or the transcribers that made
this error 1 cannot say. Those*^ who hold Josephus to have
put the price at one hundred and twenty drachms an head
(which was just thirty Jewish shekels,) that so it might an-
swer what was paid for an Hebrew servant according to the
law of Moses,^ do tix the error on the author ; but then
they make him guilty of a great blunder, in not altering the
sum total as well as the particulars, so as to make them both
agree with each other.

VI. As to Justin Martyr, and the rest of the Christian
writers that followed him, it is plain they too greedily fol-
lowed what they wished might be true. Had the seventy-
two interpreters, who are said to have made this version of
the Hebrew Scriptures into Greek, been all separated into
so many different cells, and had all there apart, every one by

b Antiq.lib. 12,c.2.

c Usserius in Annalibus Veteiis Testaraenti, sub Anno, J. P. 4437. Hod-
dius de Bibliorum Textibus OiiginaHbus, lib. 1, c. 17-
d Exod. xxi. 32. _ .

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 279

himself made so many versions as there were persons, and
all these versions had exactly agreed with each other, with-
out any difference or variation in any one of them from all
the rest this would have been a miracle, which must have
irrefragably confirmed the truth of those Scriptures, as well
as the authority of the version which was then nmde of them,
against all gainsayers. And for both these the Christians of
those times were altogether as much concerned as the Jews ;
for the foundations of our holy Christian profession are laid
upon the Old Testament as well as on the New. And this
part of the holy Scriptures was, out of Judea, nowhere else,
in those times, read among Christians, but in this Greek ver-
sion, or in such other versions as were made into other lan-
guages from it, excepting only at Antioch, and in the Syrian
churches depending from that see, where they had a Syriac
version from the beginning, immediately translated from the
Hebrew original. And therefore Justin Martyr, finding these
traditions among the Jews at Alexandria, on his being in that
city, was too easily persuaded lo believe them, and niade
use of them in his writings against the heathens of his time,
in defence of the religion he professed. And upon this au-
thority it was, that Ircnaeus, and the other Christian writers
above mentioned, tell us the same thing, being equally fond
of the argument, by reason of the purpose it would serve to.
But how little the authority of Justin was to be depended
upon, in this matter, may sufiiciently appear from the mac-
curate account which he gives us of it ; for he makes Ptole-
my, when intent upon having the Hebrew Scriptures for his
library, to send to king Herod first for a copy of them, and
afterward for interpreters to turn them into the Greek lan-
guage f whereas, not only Ptolemy Philadeiphus, but all the
oth?r Ptolemies who reigned after him in Egypt, were all
dead before Herod was made king of Judea. So great a
blunder in this narrative is sufficient to discredit all the rest.
And It is further to be taken notice of, that, though Justin
was a learned man, and a philosopher, yet he was a very cre-
dulous person, and, when he became a Christian was carried
on, by the great zeal he had for his religion, too lightly to lay
hold of any story told him which he thought would any way
make for it. An instance hereof is,^ that, being at Rome,
and there finding a statue consecrated to Simon Sancus,s an
old semi-god of the Sabines, he was easily persuaded to be-
lieveit to be the statue of Simon Magus ; and therefore, m

e Justin, in Apologia secunda pro Christianis. •„«;,* Frrlesiast

f Justin, in Apologia prima pro Christianis. Euseb. in Hist. Eccles.ast.

'"''g Thl'very statue was lately dug up at Ro°^«' -''»^fiVS&
it, Stmoni Sango Deo Fidio. See Valesius's notes on the thirteenth chapter
of the soeond book of Eusebius's Ecclesiastical Histor>'.

580 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

his second apology, upon no better foundation than this, he
upbraids the people of Rome for the making of such a wretch
and impostor to be one of their gods. And it was from the
like easiness and creduHty, that, being shown by the Jews at
Alexandria the ruins of some old houses in the island of
Pharus, he was by them made believe, that they were the
remains of the cells in which, they told him, the seventy-
two interpreters made their version of the Hebrew Scrip-
tures into Greek by the command of Ptolemy Philadephus,
king of Egypt ; and hereon he gives us that account of it
which 1 have about related. But Jerome, who was a person
of much greater learning, and far more judicious, rejects
this story of the cells with that scorn and contempt which
it seems to deserve. His words are : " I know not what
author he was, that, by his lying, first built the seventy cells
at Alexandria, in which the seventy elders being divided,
wrote the same things ; seeing neither Aristeas, who was
one of the same Ptolemy's guards, nor Josephus, who lived
long after him, say any such thing, but write, that they con-
ferred together in one and the same room, and did not pro-
phesy ; for to be a prophet is one thing, and to be an inter-
preter is another.'"'

VII. Epiphanius's account of the making of this version
differing from all the rest, seems to have been taken from
some other history of it than that which Josephus and Euse-
bius wrote from. It is probable some Christian writer, af-
ter the time of Justin Martyr, might have collected together
all that he found written or said of this matter, and grafting
the wliole upon the old Aristeas, with such alterations as he
thought fit to make in it, composed that book, which, under
the name of Aristeas, fell into Epiphanius's hands, and that
from thence he took all that he writes of this matter. It is
certain, that the Aristeas which Epiphanius makes use of
was not written till many years after the pretended author
of that book must have been dead ; for the second letter
which Epiphanius, out of him, tells us, Ptolemy Philadel-
phus sent to Eleazar, begins with this sentence : " Of an
hidden treasure, and a fountain stopped up, what profit can
there be in either of them ?'' which is taken out of the
book of Ecclesiasticus ;' but that book was not published by
Siracides till the year before Christ 132,*^ which was one
hundred and fifteen years after the death of Ptolemy Phila-
delphus, by whose command, according to that author, this

h Praefat. ad Pentateuchum, et in Apologia secunda contra Ruffinum.

i Ecclesiasticus XX. 30; xli 14.

k It appears by the preface of Siracides to iiis book of Ecclesiasticus that
he came not into Egypt (where he published that book) till the 38tb year of
Ptolemy EuergetesII, which was the year before Christ 132.

JJOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 281

version was made. And it also seems tome as certain, that
it could not be written till after the time of Justin Martyr ;
for all that is said of the cells, it is plain, had its original from
that report which he brought back from Alexandria concern-
ing them, on his return from his travels to that city. Epi-
phanius' retains this tale of his of the cells, but contracts
them to half the number : for he makes them to be but
thirty-six, and puts two interpreters together into each of
them. By this means thirty-six copies are made to suffice
for all that laboured in this work ; whereas, according to
Justin, they being shut up each one singly by himself in his
separate cell, there must have been as many copies as inter-
preters. But in this they do not so much diflfer from each
other as both do from Aristeas : for he saith, that they brought
with them from Jerusalem but one copy in all, and that out
of this alone they made the version by common consult, sit-
ting together in one common hall, and there carrying on and
finishing the whole work. And this one copy, Aristeas saith,
was written in letters of gold ; which contradicts an ancient
constitution of the Jews, whereby it is ordained among
them, that the law is never to be written otherwise than with
ink only." Epipbanius moreover saith, that, besides the
canonical books, there were sent from Jerusalem, on this
occasion, seventy-two apocryphal books; which none of the
rest that write of this matter before him make any mention
of. And, of these seventy-two books, he makes twenty-two
only to have been translated ; whereas he seems elsewhere
to imply, that all were translated that were sent. These
contradictions, uncertainties, and various accounts, over-
throw the credit of the whole story, and plainly prove all
that hath been delivered to us concerning it by Aristeas,
Philo, Justin Martyr, Epiphanius, and their followers, to
be no more than fable, fiction, and romance, without any
other foundation for it, save only, that, in the reign of
Ptolemy Philadelphus, such a version of the law of Moses
w^as made by the Alexandrian Jews into the Greek language,
as those authors relate. For,

VIII. Alexander, on his building of Alexandria, brought
a great many Jews thither to help to plant this his new city,
as hath been already mentioned ;" and Ptolemy Soter, after
his death, having fixed the seat of his government in that
place, andsethis heart much upon the augmenting and adorn-
ing of it, brought thither many more of this nation for the
same purpose ;° where, having granted unto them the same

] In libro de Ponderibus Si Mensuris,

m Vide Sbickardi Mishpat Hammelec, c. 2.

n Part 1, book 7, under the year 332.

o Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. J. Contra Apionem, lib. 2.

2t2 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [pART lU

privileges with the Macedonians and other Greeks, they soon
grew to be a great part of the inhabitants of that city ; and
their constant intercourse with the other citizens, among
whom they were there mingled, having necessitated them to
learn and constantly use the Greek language, that happened
to them here as had before at Babylon on the like occasion,
that is, by accustoming themselves to a foreign language,
they forgot their own ; and therefore, no longer understand-
ing the Hebrew language, in which they had been hitherto
first read, nor the Chaldee, in which they were after that in-
terpreted in every synagogue, they had them translated into
GreekP for their use, that this version might serve for the
same purpose in Alexandria and Egypt, as the Chaldee pa-
raphrases afterward did iii Jcrusdlem and Judea. And this
was the original and true cause of the making of that Greek
version, which hath since, from the fable of Aristeas, been
called the Septuagint : for that fable, from the first broach-
ing of it, having generally obtained, first among the Jews,
and afterward among the Christians, soon caused that this
name was given to that version. At first the law only was
translated : for then they had no need of the other books in
their public worship, no other part of the holy Scriptures,
save the law only, having been in those times read in their
synagogues,*^ as hath been before taken notice of. But af-
terward, when the reading of the prophets also came into
use in the synagogues of Judea, in the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes, upon the occasion already mentioned,*! and the
Jews of Alexandria (who in those times conformed them-
selves to the usages of Judea and Jerusalem in all matters of
religion,) were induced hereby to do the same, this caused
a translation of the prophets also to be there made into
the Greek language, in like manner as the law had been be-
fore. And after this other persons translated the rest for the
private use of the same people ; and so that whole version
was completed which we now call the Septuagint ; and, after
it was thus made, it became of common use among all the

p After the time of Ezra, the Scriptures were read to the Jews in He-
brew, and interpreted into the Chaldee language ; but at Alexandria, after
the making of this version, it was interpreted to them in Greek; which was
afterward done also in all other Grecian cities where the Jews became
dispersed. And from hence those Jews vvere called Hellenists, or Greci-
zing Jews, because they used the Greek language in their synagogues ; and
by that name they were distingui.^hed from the Hebrew Jews, who used
only the Hebrew and Chaldee languages in their synagogues. And this
distinction we find made between them, Acts vi. 1, for the word which we
there translate Grecians, is, in the original, 'EKhtivi^mv, i. e. not Grecians, but
Hellenists, that is, Grecizing Jews, such as used the Grecian language in
their synagogues. And, because herein they differed from the Hebrew
Jews, this created some differences between them , and made a sort of schism
among them.

(] Part 1 . book f,.

BOOK I.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 283

churches of the hellenistical Jews, wherever they were dis-
persed among the Grecian cities. 1st. That the law onlv
was at first translated into Greek in the time of Ptolemy
Philadelphus, all that first speak of this version, that is, Aris-
teas,*" Aristobulus, Philo, and Josephus, directly tell us.
2dly. That it was done at Alexandria, the Alexandrian dia-
lect, which appears through the whole version, is a manifest
proof. 3dly. That it was made at different times, and by
different persons, the different styles in which the different
books are found written, the different ways in which the same
Hebrew words and the same Hebrew phrases are translated
in different places, and the greater accuracy with which
some of the books are translated above others, are a full
demonstration.

IX. Ptolemy Philadelphus having been very intent upon
the augmenting of his library, and replenishing it with all
m anner of books, it is not to be doubted, but that, as soon
as this Greek version was made at Alexandria, a copy of it
was put into that library, and there continued, till that noble
repository of learning was accidentally burned by Julius
Caesar in his war again.st the Alexandrians. However, it
seems to have lain there in a very obscure manner, none of
the Grecian authors now extant, nor any of the ancient La-
tins, having ever taken the least notice of it ; for all of them,
in what they write of the Jews,^ give accounts of thtm so
vastly wide of what is contained in the holy Scriptures, as
sufficiently show that they never perused them, or knew any
thing of them. There are, indeed, out of Eupolen)us, Aby-
denus, and other ancient writers now lost, some fragments
still preserved in Josephus, Eusebius, and other authors,
which speak of the Jews more agreeably to the scriptural
history, but still with such variations and intermixtures of
falsity, that none of those remains, excepting onl} what we
find taken out of Demetrius, in the ninth book of Eitscbius
de Prceparalione Evatigelica, do give us any ground to believe,
that the writers of them ever consulted those books, or knew
any thing of them. This Demetrius'^ was an historian that
wrote in Greek, and an inhabitant of x\lexandria, where he
compiled an history of the Jews, and continued it down to
the reign of the fourth Ptoiemy, who was Ptolemy Philopa-
ter, the grandson of Philadelphus. How much longer alter

r Aristeas, Aristobulus and Philo, say the law only was translated by the
LXX; and Josephus more expressly tf lis us, in the preface to his Antiqui-
ties, thai they did not translate for Ptolemy the whole Scriptures, but the
law only.

3 Diodor. Sic. in Eclogis, lib 34 k. 40 Justin, ex Trogo. lib. 36, c. 2.
Strabo, lib. 16. Tacitus Hist. lib. 5, c. 2, aliique.

t Clemens Alexandrinus. Strom, lib. 1. Hieronymus in Catalogo Illus-
»riuin Scviptorum, c. 38. Vossius de Historicis Graecis, lib. 3, sub litera D.

284 GONN^EXION OF THE HISTORY OP [I'ART II.

this it was that he lived is not any where said. He having
written so agreeably to the Scripture, this seems to prove
him to have been a Jew. However, if he were otherwise,
that is, not a Jew, but an heathen Greek, that no heathen
writer, but he only, should make use of those Scriptures, af-
ter they had been translated into Greek, sufficiently shows,
how much that copy of them which was laid up in the king's
library at Alexandria was there neglected, and also how care-
fully the Jews, who were the first composers of this version,
kept and confined all other copies of it to their own use.
They had the stated lessons read out of it in their syna-
goguges, and they had copies of it at home for their private
use, and thus they seem to have reserved it wholly to them-
selves till our Saviour's time. But after that time the gos-
pel having been propagated to all nations, this version of the
Hebrew Scriptures was propagated with it among all that
used the Greek tongue, and it became no longer locked up
among the hellenistical Jews, but copies of it were dispersed
into all men's hands that desired it ; and hence it came to pass,
that, after our Saviour's time, many of the heathen writers,
as Celsus, Porphyry, and others, became well acquainted
with the Old Testament Scriptures, though we find scarce
any, or rather none of them, were so before.

X. As Christianity grew, so also did the credit and use
of the Greek version of the Old Testament Scriptures.
The evangelists and apostles, who were the holy penmen of
the New Testament Scriptures, all quoted out of it, and so
did all the primitive fathers after them. All the Greek
churches used it," and the Latins had no other copy of those
Scritpures in their language, till Jerome's time, but what
was translated from it. Whatsoever comments were writ-
ten on any part of them, this was always the text, and the
explications were made according to it. And when other
nations were converted to Christianity, and had those Scrip-
tures translated for their use into their several languages,
these versions were all made from the Septuagint, as the
Jllyrian, the Gothic, the Arabic, the Ethiopic,the Armenian,
and the Syriac. There was indeed an old Syriac version
translated immediately from the Hebrew original, which is
still in being, and at this time made use of by all the Syrian
churches in the East." But besides this there was another
Syriac version of the same Scriptures, which was made from
the Septuagint. The former was made, if not in the apos-
tles' time, yet very soon after, for the use of the Syrian
churches, and it is still used in them ; but this latter was not
made till about six hundred years after the other, and is at

u Vide Waltoni Prolegotn. c. 9, sect. 1. Hoddium, lib. 3, part 1.
X Vide W^altoni Frolegom. c. 13. Du Pin, Siraoniunij aliosque.

BOOK I.] THE 01.0 A^~D NEW T£5TAM£\TS. 285

this time extant in some of those churches where they are
both used promiscuously together, that is, as well the one as
the other. Of the antiquity of the old Syriac version, the
Maronites, and other Syrian Christians, do much brag ; for
they will have it, that it was made, one part of it by the
command of Solomon, for the use of Hiram, king of Tyre,
and the other part, (that is, that part whereof the original
was written after the time of Solomon) by the command of
Abagarus, king of Edessa, who lived in our Saviour's time.
The chief argument which they bring for this is, that St. Paul,
(Eph. iv. 8,) quoting a passage out of Psalm Ixviii. 18,
makes his quotation of it, not according to the Septuagint,
nor according to the original, but according to the Syriac
version; for in that only is it found so as he quotes it; and
therefore, say they, this quotation was taken out of it, and
consequently this version must have been made before his
time. The words of that passage, as quoted by St. Paul,
are, He led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men. But
the latter part of it is neither according to the Septuagint
version of that Psalm, nor according to the Hebrew original,
but according to the Syriac version only. For, according to
the two former, the quotation must have been, And received
gifts for men; and according to the latter only is it in that
text of the Psalmist so as St. Paul quotes it. But this rather
proves, that the Syriac version in that passage of the Psalmist
was formed according to St. Paul's quotation, than that
St. Paul's quotation was taken from that version. It is cer-
tain this version was very ancient.^" It was, in all likeli-
hood, made within the first century after Christ, and had for
its author some Christian of the Jewish nation that was tho-
roughly skilled in both languages, that is, in the Hebrew, as
well as in the Syriac ; for it is very accurately done, and
expresseth the sense of the original with greater exactness
than any other version which hath been made of those Scrip-
tures (I am speaking of the Old Testament) at any time be-
fore the revival of learning in these last ages ; and therefore,
as it i's (excepting only the Septuagint, and the Chaldee
paraphrases of Onkelos on the law, and Jonathan on the
prophets) the oldest translation that we have of any part of
those Scriptures, so is it the best without any exception at
all, that has been made of them by the ancients into any
language Avhatsoever. And this last character belongs to it
in respect of the New Testament, as well as of the Old.
And therefore, of all the ancient versions which are now con-
sulted by Christians, for the better understanding of the

y See Dr. Pocock's Preface to his Commentary on Miftah.
VoT,. IF. ^7

2^6 COItKEXION OF TKfi HISTORY OF [pART II*

holy Scriptures, as well of the New Testament as of the Old,
none can better serve this end, than this old Syriac version,
when carefully consulted, and well understood. And to
this purpose the very nature of the language much helpeth ;
for it having been the mother tongue of those who wrote the
New Testament, and a dialect of that in which the Old was
first given unto us, many things of both are more happily ex-
pressed in it through this whole version, than can well be
done in any other language. But to return to the Septua-
gint.

XI. As this version grew into use among the Christians,
it grew out of credit with the Jews ; for they being pinched
in many particulars urged against them by the Christians
out of this version, for the evading hereof they entered into
the same design against the Septuagint version, that, in the
last age, the English Papists of Doway and Rheims did against
our English version,^ that is, they were for making a new
one that might better serve their purpose. The person who
undertook this work was Aquila, a proselyte Jew of Sinope,
a city of Pontus. He had been bred up in the heathen re-
ligion, and had much addicted himself, while of it, to magic
and judicial astrology; but being very much affected with
the miracles which he saw the professors of the Christian
religion did work in his time, he became a convert to it upon
the same foot as Simon Magus had formerly been, that is,
out of an expectation of obtaining power thereby of doing
the same works.* But not being able to attain thereto, as
not having sufficient faith and sincerity for so great a gift, he
went on with his magic and judicial astrology, endeavouring
thereby to bewitch the people, and make himself thought
some great one among them ; which evil practices of his
coming to the knowledge of the governors of the church,
they admonished him against them, and, on his refusal to
obey their admonitions, excommunicated him ; at which
being very much exasperated, he apostatized to the Jews,
was circumcised, and became a proselyte to their religion;
and, for his better instruction herein, got himself admitted
into the school of Rabbi Akiba,'' the most celebrated doctor
of the Jewish law in his time, and, under him, he made such
a proficiency in the knowledge of the Jewish language, and
those holy Scriptures that were written in it, that he was

z The Rhemish Testament was published A. D. 1600 ; the Doway version
of the Old Testament, 4to. 1609; both in opposition to tiie English Bible
used in queen Elizabeth's time.

a Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Synopsis Sacrae Scripture,
Athanasio ascripta. Eutiiymius in Prasfatione ad Comment, in Psalmos
Vide etiam de eo Usserii Syntagma de Versione LXX. Interpretura, c. 6, 6
"VValtoni Prolegomena, c. 9, et Hoddium,lib. 4, c. 1.

b Hleronymus in Comment- ad Esaia;,cap. iv.

BOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 287

thought sufficient for this work, and accordingly undertook
it, and made two editions thereof ;<= the first he published in
the twelfth year of the reign of Adrian, the Roman emperor
which was A. D. 128.'^ But afterward having revised it'
and made it more correct, he published the second edition
of it. And this the hellenistical Jews received, and after-
ward used it every where instead of the Septuagint;® and
therefore this Greek translation is often made mention of in
the Talmud, but the Septuagint never/ And in this use of
it they continued till the finishing and publishing of both the
Talmuds. After that time the notion grew among them,
that the Scriptures ought not to be read in any of their syna-
gogues, but in the old form, that is, in the Hebrew first, and
then, by way of interpretation, in the Chaldee, according to
the manner as I have already described it; and the decrees
of the doctors were urged for this way. But the hellenistical
Jews, after so long use of a Greek version, not easily comino-
into this, it caused great divisions and disturbances among
them ; for the quieting of which, Justinian the emperor pub-
lished a decree," which is still extant among his novel con-
stitutions, whereby he ordained, that the Jews might read
the Scriptures in their synagogues, either in the Greek ver-
sion of the LXXII, or in that of Aquila, or in any other lan-
guage, according to the country in which they should dwell.
But the Jewish doctors having determined otherwise, their
decrees obtained against the emperor's ; and, within a little
while after, both the Septuagint and the version of Aquila
became rejected by them ; and, ever since, the solemn read-
ing of the Scriptures among them in their public assemblies
hath been in the Hebrew and Chaldee languages. ''

Not long after the time of Aquila, there were two other
Greek versions made of the same Scriptures ;' the first by
Theodotion, who lived in the time of Commodus, the Roman
ei
ai

according to others,^ of Ephesus. They who would recon-
cile this matter, say he was of the former by birth, and of the
other by habitation. The latter was a Samaritan,*" and bred

c Hieronymus in Comment, ad Ezek. cap. iv.

d Epiphanins in libro de Fonderibus et Alensuris.

e Philastrius Hajres. 90. Origeii. ia Epistolaad Africaiium.

t Lightfoot in Primam Epistolam ad Coriiilhios, c. y.

g Novel, 140. Photii Nomocanon Xil. 3.

h The Chaldee is used in some of their synagogues even to this day, as
particularly at Frankfort in Germany.

i Epiphanins in Libro de Ponderibus et Mensuris.

k Epiphanins, ibid.

1 Ireneeus Haeres. lib. 3, c. 24. Synopsis sacrse Scripturte, Ath'ana?io
ascripta.

m Epiphanins, ibid.

28S ceNA'EXioN OP tke history of [part ii,

up in that sect, but afterward he became a Christian of the
sect of the Ebioni tcs f and Theodotion having been of the same
profession before him, hence it came to pass, that they were
by some, both of them, to have been proselvtes to Judaism ;
for the heresy of the Ebionites approached nearer the reU-
gion of the Jews than that of the orthodox Christians. They
professed indeed to beheve on Christ as the true Messiah,
but held him to be no more than a mere man, and thought
themselves still under the obligation of the law of Moses,
and therefore were circumcised, and observed all the other
rites and ceremonies of the Jev/ish religion ;° and for this
reason, they had commonly the name of Jews given them
by the othodox Christians: and hence it is, that we find both
these persons as having been of that heretical sect, some-
times branded with the name of Jews by the ancient writers
of the church. They both o( them undertook the making
of their versions with the same design as Aquila did, although
not wholly for the same end : for they all three entered on
this work for the perverting of the old Testament Scrip-
tures ; but Aquila did it for the serving of the interest of the
Jewish religion, the other two for the serving of the interest
of that heretical sect which they were of; and all of them
wrested those holy writings, in their versions of them,
as much as they could, to make them speak for the difTerent
ends which they proposed. There is some dispute, which
of the two latter versions was first made. Symmachus's ver-
sion is first in the order of columns in the Hexaplaof Origen ;
and this hath made some think, that it was tirst also in the
order of time. But if this were an argument of any force,
it would prove his version, and Aquila's also, to have been
made before the Septuagint ; for they are both in the
order of those columns, placed before it. Irena^usP quotes
Aquila, and also Theodotion, but says nothing of that of Sym-
machus ; which sufficiently proves, that both their versions
were extant in his time, but not that of the other.

These three interpreters took three ditferent ways in
the making of their versions. Aquila stuck closely and ser-
vilely to the letter, rendering word tor word, as nearly as he
could whether the idioms and properties of the language he
made his version into, or the true sense of the text, would
bear it or no.'i Heiice his version is said to be rather a good
dictionary to give the meaning of the Hebrew words, than a
good interpretation to unfold unto us the sense of the text ;
and therefore Jerome commends him much in the former

n Eiisebius in Hist. Eccles. lib. 6, c. 17, et Demonstrat. Evang. lib. 7, c. 1.

o Eusebius, ibid. p Lib. S, c. 24.

q Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Origen. in Epist. ad Africa-
nuin. Hieronyraiis in Praefat. ad Chronica Eusebiana ; et in Piwfat. ad Li-
brum Job : ct in TFactat. de optimo fieiiere intcrpretandi.

SO0K I.] THE OLD ANB NEW TESTAMENTS. 2B\}

respect, and as often condemns him in the latter. Symma-
chus took a contrary course/ and, running into the other ex-
treme, endeavoured only to express what he thought was the
true sense of the text, without having much regard to the
words ; whereby he made his version rather a paraphrase
than an exact translation. Theodotion went the middle way
between both,^ without keeping himself too servilely to the
words, or going too far from them ; but endeavoured to ex-
press the sense of the text in such Greek words as would
best suit the Hebrew, as far as the diirerent idioms of the two
languages would bear. And his taking this middle way be-
tween both these extremes, is, 1 reckon, the chief reason
why some have thought he lived after both the other two,
because he corrected that in which the other two have erred.
But this his method might happen to lead him to, without
his having any such view in it. Theodotion's version had
the preference with all except the Jews, who adhered to
that of Aquila as long as they used any Greek version at all.
And therefore, when the ancient Christians found the Sep-
tuagint version of Daniel too faulty to be used in their
churches,* they took Theodotion's version of that book iiito
their Greek Bibles instead of it; and there it hath continued
ever since. And for the same reason, Origen," in his Hcx-
apla, where he supplies out of the Hebrew original what was
defective in the Septuagint, doth it mostly according to the
version of Theodotion.

All these four different Greek versions Origen collected
together in one volume, placing them in four distinct columns,
one over against the other all in the same page f- and from
hence this edition was called the Tetrapla, i. e. the fourfold
edition. In the first column of this edition was placed the
version of Aquila, in the second that of Symmachus, in the
third the version of the Septuagint, and in the last that of
Theodotion. Some time after he published another edition,
wherein he added two other columns in the beginning, and
two others also in the end of the same page ; and tins was
called the Hexapla, i. e. the sixfold edition, and sometimes
the Octapla, that is, the eightfold. In the first column of this
edition was placed the Hebrew text in Hebrew letters, and

r Hieronymus in Pra»fdtione ad Chronica Eusebiana, et in Comment, aii
Amos, c. 3.

s Hieronymus in Pra?fatione ad Chronica Eusebiana, et in Pru^fationc ad
Libram Job, et alibi sa?pius.

t Hieronymus in Pra?fatione ad Versionem Danielis, et in Prajfatione ad
Comment, in Danielem et alibi.

u Hieroi.ymus in Praefatione ad Pentat. et in Pr*fatione ad Libros Para-
lipom et in Epistola ad .\ugustinum. et alibi in operibus suis.

X Epiphanius de Ponderibus et Mensuris. Hieronyrau's in Prsfutione ad
libros ParalipoHi. Eusebii Hist. Eccles. lib. 6, c. 16.

290 CONNEXION OP THE mSTORY OP [pArt II.

in the second the Hebrew text in Greek letters, in the third
the Greek version of Aquila, in the fourth that of Sjmtnachus,
in the fifth that of the Septuagint, in the sixth that of Theo-
dotion, in the seventh that which was called the fifth Greek
version, and in the eighth the sixth Greek version ;^ and after
all these columns, in some parts of this edition, was added a
ninth, in which was placed that which they call the seventh
version. The fifth and sixth were not of the whole Old
Testament, but only of some parts of it. The law, and
several other of the books of these Scriptures, were want-
ing in both these versions ; and therefore this edition be-
gan only with six columns, and the other columns were
added there only where these other versions began. And
hence it is, that this edition is called sometimes the Hex-
apla, in respect of that part of it where there were only six
columns, and sometimes the Octapla, in respect of that
part of it where there were eight columns ; for the Hexapla
and the Octapla were one and the same work, which in some
parts of it had only six columns, and in others eight, and in
some nine. In respect of the two former it was called Hex-
apla and Octapla, but never Enneapla (i.e. the ninefold,) in
respect of the last ; for that last containing only a small part,
and as some say, no more than the Psalms, no regard was had
to it, in the name given to the whole work. In this edition
Origen altered the order of several parts of the Septuagint,
where it differed from the Hebrew original :^ for whereas
several passages in that version, especially in Jeremiah,
were inverted, transposed, and put into a different order from
whattheyareintheFIebrew,it was necessary for him to reduce
them again to the same order with it for the making this edi-
tion answer the end he proposed :^ for his end herein being,
that the differences between all the versions and the original
might be the more easily seen, in order to the making of
that version the more correct and perfect which was in use
through the whole Greek church, he found it necessary to
make the whole answer line for line in every column, that
all might appear the more readily to the view of the reader ;
which could not be done without reducing all to the same
uniform order : and that of the original, in which all was
first written, was the properest to be followed.

y Eusebius &. Epiphanius, ibid. Hieronymus in Comment, in Epislolam
Pauli ad Titum, &i in Epistola ad Vincentium fc Gallienum &, alibi. Videas
etiam de liac re Waltonum, Hoddium, & Simonium.

3 Vide de hac re Usserii Syntagma de Grajca LXX. Interpretum Ver-
sione, c. 9. Morini Exercitationes Biblicas, part 1, k, Hoddium de Textibus
Bibliorum Originalibus, lib. 4, c. 2. sect. 15.

a Origen. in Epistola ad Africanum. Hieronymus in Prffifatione ad Jere-
miam.

BOOK 1.]

THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.

291

- J/ <^
S = -5

" i? S

The fifth and sixth edition above mentioned were found,
the one of them at Nicopohs, a city near Actium in Epirus,
in the reign of Caracalla, and the other at Jericho in Judea,
in the reign of Alexander Severus.*' Where the seventh was
found, or who was the author of this or of the other two, is no-
where said. The first of these three contained the minor
prophets, the Psalms, the Canticles, and the book of Job;
the second the minor prophets and the Canticles f and the
third, according to some, onlj the Psalms. But very uncer-
tain, and, in some particulars, very contradictory accounts
being given of these three last versions, and the matter being
of no moment, since they are now all lost, it will be of no
use to make any further inquiry concerning them
How the whole was disposed in this edition of
Origen's, will be best understood by this scheme.

All the last three versions, as well as the other
three, of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion, Origen
published in this edition as he found them. But the
Septuagint, which was in the fifth column, being that
for the sake of which he published all the rest, he be-
stowed much more pains upon it, to make it as correct
and perfect as he could : for the copies of it, which
in his time went about for common use among the
hellenistical Jews and Christians, and were then read
by both in their public assemblies, as well as in pri-
vate at home, were then very much corrupted, through
the mistakes and negligence of transcribers, whose
hands, by often transcription, it had now long gone
through ; and therefore, to remedy this evil he appli-
ed himself with great care, by examining and colla-
ting of many copies, to correct all the errors that had
this way crept into this version, and restore it again
to its primitive perfection.*^ And that copy which he
had thus restored he placed in his Hexapla, in the
fifth column ; which being generally reputed to be the
true and perfect copy of the Septuagint, the other
copy that went about in common use was, in contra-
distinction to it, called the common or vulgar edition.^
And his labour rested not here ; for he not only en-
deavoured, by comparing many different copies and
editions of it, to clear it from the errors of transcribers,
but also, by comparing it with the Hebrew original, to

•• Jg re

b Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 6, c. 16. Epiphanius de Ponderibus Si Men
suris. Hieronymus. Auctor Synopsis Sacrae Scripturse aliique.
c Hieronymus citat earn versionem in his libris, nemo in alii?.
d Origen. in Matthaeum editionis Huetianae, torn. 1, p. 381.
e Hieronymus in Epistola ad Suniam et Fretelam.

292 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Or [PART 11,

clear it from the mistakes of the first composers also : for
many such he found in it, not only by omissions and addi-
tions, but also by wrong interpretations, made in it by the first
authors of this version. The law, which was the most
exactly translated of all, had many of these, but the other
parts a great many more. All which he endeavoured to cor-
rect in such manner, as to leave the original text of the
Scptuagint still entire, as it came out of the hands of the first
translators, without any alterations, additions, or defalcations
in it ; in order whereto he made use of four marks, called
obelisks, asterisks, lemnisks, and hypolemnisks, which were
then in use among the grammarians of those times, and put
them into that edition of his corrected version of the Septua-
gint which he placed in his Hexapla.^ The obelisk was a"
straight stroke of the pen, resembling the form of a small
spit, or the blade of a rapier, as thus ( — ) ; and thence it had
the name of OfaeA<(rx95, in Greek, which signifieth, in that lan-
guage, a small spit, and also the blade of a sword ; the aster-
isk was a small star, as thus (*), and was so called, because
in Greek that word thus signifieth : the lemnisk was a straight
line drawn between two points, as thus (-r-) : and the hypo-
lemnisk, a straight line with one point under it, as thus (-r-).
By the obelisk he pointed out what was in the text of the
Septuagint to be expunged, as that which was redundant
over and above what was in the text of the Hebrew original.
By the asterisk he showed what was to be added to it, to
supply those places where he found it deficient of what was
in the original. And these supplements he made to it mostly
according to the version of Theodotion, andonly where that
could not serve to this purpose did he make use of the other
versions. s The lemnisks and hypolemnisks he seemeth to
have used to mark out unto us where the original interpre-
ters w^ere mistaken in the sense and meaning of the words.
But how these marks served to this end the accounts which
we have of them are notsufiicient to give us a clear notion.
To show how far the redundancies went that were marked
with obelisks, and how far the additions that were marked
with the asterisks, another mark was made use of by him in
this edition,'' which in some copies were two points, as thus
(:), or else in others' the head of a dart inverted, as thus (|) ;
and by these marks was pointed out where the said redundan-

f Epiphanius de Poudeiibus et Mensuris. Hieronyinus in Prologo ad
Genesin, et in Praefatione ad librum Psalmorum, et in Prajfatione ad libros
Paralipom, et in Preefatione ad libros Solomonis, et in libro secundo adver-
sus Rutfinum.

g Hieronymus in Prologo ad Genesin, et in Praefatione ad librum Job, et
in libro secundo adversus Ruffinum, et in Epistola 74, ad Augustinum.

h Hieronymus in Prsefatione ad librum Psalmorum.

i Vide Graecam versionem libri Joshujp a Masio editam.

BOOK I.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEN1\^. Sjy^

cies and additions ended, in the same manner as by the
obelisks and asterisks was where they begun, as thus {*Kccixvro?,
or thus — Kcci xvT»i.\.) But all this he did without making any
alteration in the original version of the Septuagint : for
taking out all these marks, with those supplements which
were added under the asterisks, there remained the true and
perfect edition of the Septuagint, as published by the first
translators ;'' and this was that which was called Origen's
edition, as being corrected and reformed by him in the man-
ner as I have said. This was a work of infinite labour, which
gained him the name of Adamantius,' and was also of as great
benefit to the church. It is not certainly said when he finish-
ed it ; but it seems to have been in the year of our Lord
250, which was four years before his death. The original
copy, when completed, was laid up in the library of the
church of Cesarea in Palestine, where Jerome,"" many years
after, consulted it, and wrote out a transcript from it. But
the troubles and persecutions which the church fell under in
those times, seem to have been the cause that, after it was
placed in the library, it lay there in obscurity about fifty
years without being taken notice of ; till at length, being
found there by Pamphilus and Eusebius, they wrote out
copies of it ; and, from that time, the use and excellency of it
being made known, it became dispersed to other churches,
and was received every where with great applause and
approbation by them." But the voluminousness of the work,
and the trouble and charges it would have cost to have it
entirely transcribed, became the cause that it was not long-
lived : for it being very troublesome and expensive to have
so bulky a book wrote out, which consisted of several volumes,
and also very difficult to find scribes among Christians in
those times sufficiently skilled to write out the Hebrew text,
many contented themselves with copying out the fifth column
only, that is, the Septuagint, with those marks of asterisks,
obelisks, lemnisks, and hypolemnisks, with which Origen
placed it in that column, that part thus marked seeming to
comprehend an abridgment of the whole, whereby it came
to pass, that few transcripts of this great work were made,
but many of the other. In the transcribing of which, the

k Hieronymus in Lpistola 74, ad Augustinum.

1 Hieronymus in Epistola ad Marcellarn. For Adaniantius, as applied
to him, signified the indefatigable, who was not to be overcome with labour ;
and it was not without indefatigable labour that he completed this and the
other works which he published.

m Hieronymus in Psalmum Secundum, et in Comment, in Epistolam ad
Titum, c. 3.

n Hieronymus in Prooemio ad Comment. Danielem, fc in Epistola 74. nd
Augustinum.

Von. If. .*38

i2ijf4 i;oxirEXiON of the history of j part ii.

asterisks being often left out, through want of due care in the
writers, this occasioned that, in many copies of the Septua-
gint which were afterward made, several particulars were
taken into the text of the Septuagint, as original parts of it,
which had only, under this mark, been inserted there by way
of supplement out of other translations. However, several
copies of the whole work, both of the Tetrapla and Hexapla,
still remained in hbraries, and were consulted there on all
occasions, till, at length, about the middle of the seventh
century, the inundation of the Saracens upon the eastern
parts having destroyed ail libraries wherever they came, it
was after this no more heard of; for there hath never since
been any more remaining of it, than some fragments that
have been gathered together by Flaminius Nobilius, Drusias,
and Bernard de Montfaucon. The latter, in a book lately
published, almost as bulky as the Hexapla, and a very pomp-
ous edition of it, hath made us expect concerning this matter
much more than is performed.

Pamphilus and Eusebius having, about the conclusion of
the third century, found the Hexapla of Origen in the libra-
ry of Cesarea, (or, according as some relate, brought it from
Tyre, and placed it there,)'^ corrected out of it the Septua-
gint version then in common use ; and, having caused to be
written out several copies of it thus corrected according to
the fifth column in Origen's Hexapla, communicated them
to the neighbouring churches ; and from hence this edition
became of general use in them from Antioch to the borders
of Egypt, and was called the Palestine edition, because it was
there first published and used ; and sometimes it is also called
the edition of Origen, because, it was made according to his
corrections.

About the same time two other editions of the same Septua-
gint Bible were made, the first by Lucian, a presbyter of the
church of Antioch ;^ which being found after his death at
]!^icomedia in Bithynia, where he suffered martyrdom in the
tenth persecution, it became afterward used through all the
churches from Constantinople to Antioch.^ The other was
made by Hesychius, a bishop of Egypt ; which being received
by the church of Alexandria, was, from that time, brought
into use in that and all the other churches of Egypt."" Both

o Hieroiiymus in Praefatione ad Faralipomena.

p Hieronynius ia Praefatione ad Paralipom. &i in Catalogs Scriptorutn
Ecclesiasticoiiim, &. in Epistola ad Suniarn &.Fretelaiu. Suidas et Simone
Metaphrasia in voce Act/w^vo?, & in voce voQiovii.

H Aucfor Synopsis Saciaj ScripturiE.

r Ilicronymus in Apologia versus Rnffinum, lib 2, & in Prsefatione nd
Faralipomena.

BOOK I.j THE OLD ANU NEV? TESTAMENTS. ^9o

these two latter correctors understood the Hebrew text, and
in many places corrected their editions from it.

All the authors of these three editions suffered martyrdom
in the tenth persecution, which gave their editions that repu-
tation, that the whole Greek church used either the one or
the other of them. The churches of Antioch and Constanti-
nople, and of all the intermediate countries lying between
them, made use of the edition of Lucian : all from Antioch
to Egypt, thatof Pamphilus : and all the churches of Egypt,
that of Hesychius. So that Jerome saith,^ the whole world
was divided between them in a threefold variety ; because,
in his time, no Greek church through the whole world made
use of any other edition of those Scriptures, than one of these
three ; but every one of them received either the one or
the other of them for the authentic copy which they went by.
But, if we may judge by the manuscript copies which still
remain, these three different editions, bating the errors of
scribes, did not, by variations that were of any great moment,
differ the one from the other.

As thus the ancients had three principal editions of the
Septuagint, from whence all the rest were copied, so hath it
happened also among the moderns ; for, since the inventing
of printing, there have been also three principal editions of
this Septuagint version, from which all the rest have becii
printed that are now extant among us: the first, that of car-
dinal Ximenes, printed at Complutum or Alcala in Spain ;
the second, that of Aldus, at Venice ; and the third, that of
Pope Sextus V. at Rome.

That of cardinal Ximenes was printed A. D. 1515,^ in his
Polyglot Bible of Complutum; which contained, 1st. The
Hebrew text; 2dly. The Chaldee paraphrase of Onkeloson
the Pentateuch ; 3dly. The Greek Septuagint version of
the Old Testament, and the Greek original of the New ; and
4thly, The Latin version of both. It was prepared for the
press by the study and care of the divines of the university
of Alcala, and others called thither to assist in this work.'=
But the whole being carried on under the direction, and at
the cost and charges of cardinal Ximenes, it hath the name

s In Praefatione ad Paralipomena sic scrlbit. Alexandria &. /Egyptus in
LXX suis Hesychisim. Laudat Auctorera. Constantinopolis usque ad Aii-
tiochiam Luciani Martyris exemplaria probat. Meds inter has provincial
Palestinos, codices legunt, quos ab Origene elaborates Eusebius k, Pamphi-
lus vulgaverunt. Totusque orbis hac inter se trifaria varietate compugnat.

t Waltoni Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglotta, c. 9, sect. 28. Hoddius de
Bibliorum Textibus Originalibus, lib. 4, c. 3. Userii Syntagma de Graica
LXX Interpretum Versione, c. 8. Grabbii Prolegomena ad Octateuchum,

u Alcala is the Spanish name of the same town which in Latin i-? cRlie'i
Complutum.

iOG CONNEXION OF TH£ HISTORY OP [PART U.

of his edition. The method proposed herein, as to the Sep-
tuagint, having been, out of all the copies they could meet
with, to choose out that reading which was nearest the He-
brew original, they seem rather thereby to have given us a
new Greek translation of their own composure, than that
ancient Greek version, which, under the name of the Septua-
gint, was in so great use among the primitive fathers of the
Christian church. From this edition hath been printed the
Septuagint which we have in both the Polyglots of Antwerp
and Paris : the former of which was published, A. D. 1572,
and the other, A. D. 1645; and also the Septuagint of Com-
melin, printed at Heidelberg, with Vatablus's Commentary,
A. D.'l599.

2dly. Aldus'S edition was published at Venice, A. D.
1518.^ It was, by the collation of many ancient manuscripts,
prepared for the press by Andreas Asulanus, father-in-law of
the printer. And from this copy have been printed all the
German editions, excepting that of Heidelberg by Commelin,
already mentioned.

3dly. But the Roman edition hath obtained the preference
above the other two in the opinion of most learned men,
though Isaac Vossius condemns it as the worst of all. The
printing of this edition was first set on foot by cardinal Mon-
talto ; and he having been afterward pope, by the name of
Sextus Quintus, at the time when it was published, A. D.
1587, it therefore came out under his name.^ He first re-
commended the work to pope Gregory XIII. as being that
which had been directed to be done by a decree of the
Council of Trent f and, by his advice, the work was com-
mitted to the care of Antony Caraffa, a learned man of a
noble family in Italy, who was afterward made a cardinal
and library-keeper to the pope. He, by the assistance of
several other learned men employed under him, in eight
years time, finished this edition. It was, for the most part,
according to an old manuscript in the Vatican library, which
was written all in capital letters, without the marks of accents
or points, and also without any distinction either of chapters
or verses, and is supposed to be as ancient as the time of
Jerome; only where this was defective, (for some leaves
of it are lost) they supplied the chasms out of other manu-
scripts ; the principal of which were one that they had

X Userii Syntaicma de Grajca LXX Interpretura Versione, g. 8. Waltoni
Prolegomena ad Biblia Polyglotta Angelicana, c.9, sect. 29. Hoddius ibid.
Grabius ibid.

y Uscrius, Waltoiius, Hoddius, &i Grabius, ibid. Antonius Caraffa in
Praefatione ad editioiiein Rotnanain. JVIoriuus in Praefatione ad editionein
suatn Parisianaui Graecae versions tot LXX.

7, Antonius Caraffa. ibid.

liOOK I.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 297

from Venice, out of the library of cardinal Bassarion, and
another that was brought them out of Magna Grascia, now
called Calabria ; which last so agreed with the Vatican
manuscript, that they supposed them either to have been
written the one from the other, or else both from the same
copy. The next year after was published at Rome a Latin
version of this edition, with the annotations of Flaminus
Nobilius. Morinus reprinted both together at Paris, A. D.
1628 ; and according to that edition have been published all
those Septuagints that have been printed in England, that
is, that of London in 8vo, A. D. 1653, that in Walton's
Polyglot, published A. D. 1657, and that of Cambridge,
A. D. 1665; which last hath the learned preface of bishop
Pierson before it, and doth much more exactly give us the
Roman edition, than that of 1663, though both in some par-
ticulars differ from it.*

But the ancientest and the best manuscript of the Sep-
tuagint version now extant, according to the judgment of
those who have thoroughly examined it, is the Alexandrian
copy, which is in the king's library at St. James's. It is writ-
ten all rn capital letters, without the distinction of chapters,
verses, or words. It was sent for a present to king Charles I .
by Cyrillus Lucaris, then patriarch of Constantinople.*'
He had been before patriarch of Alexandria, and, being
translated from thence to the patriarchate of Constantinople,
he brought thither this manuscript with him, and from thence
sent it thither by Sir Thomas Roe, then ambassador from
England to the Grand Seignior: and with it he sent this
following account of the book, in a schedule annexed to it,
written with his own hand.

Libei' iste scripturm sacrce JVoviet Veieris Testmnenti, prout
ex traditione habemus, est scriptus manu Theclce, nobilis fami-
ncB Mgyptice, ante mille et trecentos aw^os circiier, paulo post
Concilium Niccenum. Komen Theclce in Jine libri erat exara-
turn : sed extincto Christianismo in Mgypto a Mahometanis, et
libri una Christianorum insimilem sunt redacti condiiionem ;
extinctum enim est Theclx nomen et laceratum ; sed memoria
et traditio recens observat.

Cyrillus, Patriarcha Constantinopoliiamis.

Which, being rendered into English, is as followeth :
'• This book of the holy Scriptures of the Old and New
Testament, as we have it by tradition, was written by the
hand of Thecla, a noble Egyptian lady, about thirteen hun-

a Vide Prolegomena Lambertii Bos ad editionem suam tov LXXII. Fra^
xiequeras publicatam A. D. 1709.
Ofailv^ in Prolegomenis ad Octateii chum

298 0L1> AND NEW TESTAMENTS CONNECTED.

dred years since, a little after the council of Nice. The
name of Thecla was formerly written at the end of the book :
but the Christian religion being by the Mahometans suppress-
ed in Egypt, the books of Christians were reduced to the
like condition ; and therefore the name of Thecla is extin-
guished, and torn out of the book : but memory and tradition
doth still observe it to have been hers.

Cyril, Patriarch of Constantinople.''

Dr. Ernestus Grabe, a learned Prussian, who had lived
many years in England, did lately, under the encouragement
of her late majesty queen Anne, who gave him a pension for
this purpose, undertake to publish an edition of the Septua-
gint according to this copy ; and he hath accordingly given
us two parts of it, and would have published the rest in two
parts more, but that his death prevented him from proceed-
ing any further. Would some other able hand, with the
like accuracy and care, finish what he hath left undone, this
might then be justly reckoned among us a fourth edition of the
Septuagint ; and it is not doubted, but that, when so comple-
ted, it will be approved as the perfectest and best of them all.

And thus far 1 have given an account of this ancient trans-
lation of the holy Scriptures of the Old Testament, and all
the editions it hath gone through, both ancient and modern,
so far as it belongs to an historian to relate. If any are desi-
rous to know all the critical disputes and observations which
have been made about it, and what learned men have written
of this nature concerning it, they may consult archbishop
Usher's Syntagma de Grceca LXX Interpretum Versione : Mo-
nnu&^s Exercitationes Biblicce, part 1, and his preface before
his Paris edition of the Septuagint ; Wouwer de Grcsca el
Latina Bibliorum Interpretatione ; Walton's Prolegomena ad
Biblia Folyglotta, c. 9 ; Vossius de LXX Interpretibiis : Si-
mon's Critical History of the Old Testament ; Du Pin's His-
tory of the Canon of the Old Testament ; Grabe's Prolego-
mena before those two parts of the Septuagint which were
published by him ; and especially Dr. Hoddy's learned book
above cited, where he hath wriiten the fullest and the best of
all that have handled this argument. And here having con-
cluded this long historical account of if. I shall with it con-
clude this book.

THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c.

BOOK II.

SosTHENES (who, OD his defeating the Gauls, had for some
time reigned in Macedon) being dead, Antiochus ^^g
the son of Seleucus Nicator, and Antigonus Gonatus, Ptoiemy'
the son of Demetrius PoHorcetes,^ each claimed to
succeed there as in their father's kingdom, Demetrius first,
and afterward Seleucus, having been kings of that country.
But Antigonus, who had now, from the time of his father's
last expedition into Asia, reigned in Greece ten years, being
nearest, first took possession ; whereon Antiochus resolving
to march against him, and the other to keep what he had
gotten, each raised great armies, and made strong alliances
for the war. On this occasion, Nicomedes, king of Bithynia,
having confederated with Antigonus, Antiochus, in his march
towards Macedonia, not thinking it tit to leave such an ene-
my behind him in Asia, instead of passing over the Helles-
pont to attack Antigonus, led his army against Nicomedes,
and carried the war into Bithynia. But there both armies
having for some time lain against each other, and neither of
them having courage enough to assault the other, it at length
came to a treaty, and terms of agreement between them •,^
by virtue of which, Antigonus having married Phila, the
daughter of Stratonice by Seleucus, Antiochus quitted to him
his claim to Macedonia, and Antigonus became quietly
settled in that kiugdom,'^ where his posterity reigned for
several descents, till at length Perseus, the last of that race,
being conquered by Paulus ^Emilius, that kingdom became a
province of the Roman empire.*^

a Meranon, c. 19. b Justin, lib. 25, c. ].

c In Vita Ai-ati Astronomi operibus ejus praefixa.
d Plutarcbus in Deinetrio.

:200 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

Antiochus, being thus freed from this war marched against
275 t^^ Gauls (who having gotten a settlement in Asia,
Ptolemy' bv the favouT of Nicomedes, in the manner as
phiiadei. 10. ^'^^^ 1^^^^ above related, overran and harassed
all that country.) and having after a sharp conflict over-
thrown them in batlle,® he thereby delivered those provin-
ces from their oppressions,^ from whence he had the name
of Soter, or the Saviour, given unto him.

The Romans having forced Pyrrhus, after a six years war,
to leave Italy, and return again into Epirus, with
Ptolemy baffle and disappointment, their name began to grow
Phiiade . 11. ^^ gpggt noto and fame among foreign nations ;^
whereon Ptolemy Philadelphus sent ambassadors to them, to
desire their friendship ; with which the Romans were well
pleased, thinking it no small reputation to them, that their
friendship was sought for by so great aking.s

And therefore, to make a return of the like respects, the
next year after they sent a solemn embassy into
Ptolemy Egypt unto that king.*^ The ambassadors were
phiiadeU2. ^ p^^^j^g Gurges, On. Fabius Pictor, and Q. Ogu-
linus, whose conduct in this employment was very remarka-
ble : for, with a mind as great as self-denying, they put off
every thing from themselves that might tend to their own pro-
per interest : for when king Ptolemy, having invited them to
supper with him, presented them in the conclusion of the
entertainment with crowns of gold, they accepted of the
crowns for the sake of the honour that was done them there-
by, but the next morning after, crowned with them the sta-
tues of the king, which stood in the public places of the city ;
and being presented, on their taking their leave, with very
valuable gifts from the king, they accepted of them, that they
might not disgust him by the refusal ; but as soon as they
were returned to Rome, they delivered them all into the
public treasury, before they appeared in the senate to give
an account of their embassy, declaring thereby that they
desired no other advantage from the service of the public,
than the honour of discharging it well. And this was the
general temper and inclination of the Romans in those times ;
which made them prosper in all their undertakings. But
afterward, when the service of the public was only desired
in order to plunder it, and men entered on the employments
of the state with no other view or intent than to enrich
themselves, and advance their own private fortunes, no won-

e Appian. in Syriacis.

f Plutarchus in Pyrrho. g Livius,lib. 14. Eutrop. lib. 2.

h Liviiis, lib. 14. Eutrop. lib. 2. Valerius Maximus, lib. 4, c. 3. Dio in
E\cerptis ab Ursino editi?.

BOOK ri. j IHE OLB AND UEW TESTAMENTS. 301

der that every thing began to go backward with them. And
so it must happen with all other states and kingdoms, when
the pubhc interest is sacrificed to that of private men. and
the offices and employments of the state are desired only to
gratify the ambition, and glut the avarice of tliem that can
get into them. But the Romans, although they received into
their treasury what their ambassadors thus generously deli-
vered into it, yet were not wanting in what was proper for
them to do for the encouraging so good an example, and the
rewarding of them that gave it : for they ordered to be given
to them, for their service done the state in this embassy, such
sums out of their treasury, as equalled the value of what
they thus delivered into it. So that the liberality of Ptolemy,
the abstinence and self-denial of the ambassadors, and the
justice of the Romans, were all signally made appear in the
transactions of this matter.

After the death of Pyrrhus, who was slain at Argus, in
an attempt made upon that city.' Antigonus Gona- . ^„

I • rn.t J 1 • II °i 1 • An. 268.

tus kmg or Mecedon having much enlarged his power Ptoiemy
and made himself thereby very formidable to the
Grecianstates,"^ the Lacedemonians and the Athenians entered
into a confederacy against him, and gained Ptolemy Philadel-
phus to join with them herein. Whereon Antigonus besieged
Athens : for the relief of which Ptolemy sent a fleet under
the command of Patroclus, one of his chief officers ;' and
Areus king of the Lacedemonians led thither an army by land
for the same purpose. Patroclus, on his arrival with his fleet,
sent to Areus to persuade him forthwith to engage the enemy,
promising him at the same time, to land the forces which he
had on board the fleet, and fall on them in the rear. But the
provisions of the Lacedemonians being all spent, Areus
thought it better to retreat and march home ; whereon Patro-
clus was forced to do the same, and sail back with his fleet
again into Egypt, without accomplishing any thing of the de-
sign for which he was sent; and Athens being thus deserted
by its allies, fell into the hands of Antigonus, and he placed
a garrison in it.

Patroclus, in his return into Egypt, having found Sotades
at Caunus, a maritime city of Caria, there seized on ^^ ^^_
him, and wrapping him in a sheet of lead, cast him ^'<?[^™>'
into the sea." He was a lewd poet, who having
written some satirical verses against king Ptolemy,and in them
bitterly reflected on him for his marriage with Arsinoe his
sister, had fled from Alexandria to avoid the indignation of

i Plutarchus in Pyrrho.

k Justin. lib. 26, c. 2 Fausanias in Laconicis.

1 Fausanias, ibid. ra Athenafi's- Hh 14. p- 62.0

Vol. ir. • r?Q

302 CONNEXION OP THE HiSXORi' 01 fPART ii.-.

that prince. Bui Patroclus, having thus met him in his
flight, thought he could not better recommend himself to the
favour of his prince, tlian by taking this vengeance on the
person who had thus abused him. And it was a punishment
which he well deserved ; for he was a very vile and flagi-
tious wretch, and was commonly called Sotades CincBdus. that
is, Sotades the Sodomite; which name was given him by way
of eminence, not only for his notorious guilt in that mon-
strous and abominable vice, but especially for that he had
written in larnuic verses, a very remarkable poem in com-
mendation of it, which was in great repute among those who
were given to that unnatural and vile lust." Hence Sodomites
were called from him, Sotadici CiiKBdi, that is, Sotadic Sodo-
mites, as in Juvenal, Inter Sotadicos 7iotissima fossa Cincedos ;°
for so it ought to be read, and not Socraticos, as in our printed
books. For this latter was an alteration made in the text of
that author by such as were wickedly addicted to this beastly
vice, thinking they might acquire some credit, or at least
some excuse to this worst of uncleanness, if they could make
it believed that Socrates, who was one of the best of men,
had been also addicted to it.

Magas, governor of Cyrene and Libya for king Ptolemy,
An. 265. rebelled against him, and made himself king of those
|'»ie>"y provinces. P He was half brother to him, being son
of Berenice by Philip, a Macedonian, who had been
her husband before she married king Ptolemy Soter ; and
therefore by her intercession, she prevailed with that prince
to make him his lieutenant, to govern those provinces, op
his again recovering them after the death of Ophelias, A. D.
307 ; where, having strengthened himself by a long continu-
ance in that government, and also bj the marriage of Apame,
the daughter of Antiochus Soter, king of Asia, he, in confi-
dence hereof, rebelled against his brother, and, not being
contented to deprive him of the provinces of Libya and Cy-
rene, where he now reigned, sought to dispossess him also of
Egypt ; and therefore, having gotten together an army,
marched towards Alexandria for this purpose, and seized Pa-
raetonium, a city of Marmarica, in his way thither. But as
he was proceeding farther, a message being brought him,
that the Marmarides, a people of Libya, had revolted from
him, he was forced to march back again for the suppressing
of this defection. Ptolemy being then with a great army on
the borders of Egypt, to defend his country against this in-
vader, had a good opportunity, by falling on him in his re-

n Strabo, lib. 14, p. 648. Atheiiaeus, ibid. Suidas ia voce 2(sw«Af5.
o Satyra, ii. 10. p PaQsaniiBra in Atticis,

Ti&OK II.] Tliffi OWi A^ik T^^y TE-^a'AjMLEKXi. ^Oo

treat utterly to have broken bim. But he was hindered by a
like defection at honne. as Magas had been; for having, for
his defence in this war, hired several mercenaries, and among
them four thousand Gauls, he found they had entered into a
conspiracy against him to take possession of Egypt, and drive
him thence; for the preventing of which he marched back
into Egypt, and having led the conspirators into an island in
the Nile, he there pent them up, till they all perished of fa-
mine, or, to avoid it, had slain each other with their own
swords.

Magas, as soon as he had removed the difficulties at home
which recalled him thither, was for renewing his de- ^^ ^ei
signs again upon Egypt; and, for the carrying of them Pioieniy.
on with the better success, engaged Antiochus Soter,
his father-in-law, to engage with him herein ;i and the project
concerted between them was, that Antiochus should attack the
territories of Ptolemy on one side, and Magas on the other.
But while Antiochus vras providing an army for this purpose,
Ptolemy, having full notice of what was intended, sent
forces into all the maritime provinces which were under the
dominion of Antiochus ; whereby having caused great ra-
vages and devastations to be made in them, by this means he
necessitated that prince to keep at home, for the defence of
his own territories, and Magas, without his assistance in the
war, thought not fit to move any farther in it.

The next year after died Phileterus, the first founder of
the kingdom of Pergamus, being eighty years old :"■ j^„ jgg
he was an eunuch, and served Docimus, who was one |^|°'*"»y
of the captains of Antigonus, and, on his revolt
from that prince to Lysimachus, passed with him into the
same service ; and L) simachus finding him to have had a libe-
ral education, and to be a person of great capacity, made him
his treasurer, and thereon put the city of Pergamus into bis
hands, where in a strong castle his treasure was kept.^ And
here he served Lysimachus many years with great fidelity;
but being particularly attached to the interest of Agathocles,
the eldest son of Lysimachus, and therefore having expressed
great grief at his death, which was brought about by the con-
trivance of Arsinoe, the daughter of king Ptolemy Soter,
(whom Lysimachus had married in his old age, as hath been
already related,) he grew suspected to that lady ; and finding
thereon that designs were laid for his life also, he revolted
from Lysimachus, and, under the protection of Seleucus,
set up for himself: and, having converted the treasure of

q Pausanias in Atticis. r Lucianus in Macrobiis.

s Pausanias in Atticis. Strabo, lib- 12. p. 443. & lib. 13, p. 623, 624.
Appian. in Myriads,

'30d C©2iJNiE3^I0.\ OP TEE «ibl'<:»liY Oi [PART il.

Lysimachus to his own use, among the distractions that after
followed, first on the death of LysinDachus, and then on that
of Seleucus within seven months after, and the unsettled state
of them that succeeded them, he managed his atfairs with
that craft and subtlety, that he secured himself in the posses-
sion of his castle, and all the country adjacent, for the term
of twenty years, and there founded a kingdom, which lasted
for several descents in his family after him, and was one of
the potentest sovereignties in all Asia. He had indeed no
children of his own as being an eunuch ; but he had two bro-
thers, Eumenes and Attalus ; the elder of which, Eumenes,
had a son of the same name, who succeeded his uncle in his
new-acquired kingdom, and reigned in it twenty-two years.
This same year began the first Punic war between the Ro-
mans and Carthaginians, which lasted twenty-four years.

Towards the end of the same year died Antigonus of
Socho,* who was president of the sanhedrim at Jerusalem,
and the great master and teacher of the Jewish law in their
prime divinity-school in that city, and had been in both these
oflices, say the Jews, from the death of Simon the Just, who
was of the last of those that were called the men of the great
synagogue. These taught the Scriptures only to the people.
They who after succeeded, added the traditions of the elders
to the holy Scriptures, and taught them both to their scholars,
obliging them to the observance of the one as well as the
ether, as if both had equally proceeded from Mount Sinai.
These were called the Tanaim, or the Mishnical Doctors,
for the reason already mentioned;'^ and the tirst of them v, as
this Antigonus of Socho, who, being now dead, was succeed-
ed by Joseph the son of Joazer, and Joseph the son of John.
The first of these was Nasi, or the president of the sanhedrim,
and the other Ab-Beth-Din, or vice-president ; and both
jointly taught together in the chief divinity-school at Jerusa-
lem.

In the time of this Antigonus began the sect of the Saddu-
eees, to the rise of which he gave the occasion ; for having in
his lectures, often inculcated to his scholars, that they ought
not to serve God in a servile manner with respect to the re-
ward, but out of the filial love and fear only which they
owed unto him, Sadoc and Baithus, two of his scholars, hear-
ing this from him, inferred from hence, that there were no
rewards at all after this life ; and therefore, separating froni
the school of their master, thej taught, that there was no re-
surrection nor future state, but that all the rewards which

I Juchasio, Zemach David, Shalsheleth Haecabala.

u Vavt 1, book 5.

BOOK n.J 'f HE OLD AKD MEW TESTAMENilb.

6Q5

God gave to those that served him, were in this life onlj.'^
And, many being perverted by them to this opinion, they be-
gan that sect anriong the Jews, which, from the name of Sa-
doc, thetirst founder of it, were called Sadducees; who differ-
ed from Epicures only in this, that, although they denied a
future state, jet they allowed the power of God to create
the world, aiid his providence to govern it ; whereas the
Epicureans deny both the one and the other. A fuller ac-
count of them, and their tenets, shall be hereafter given, in
the place where I shall treat of all those sects of the Jews to-
gether which arose among them between this time and that
of our Saviour.

Nicomedes, king of Bithynia,y having built a new city in
the place w^here Astacus before stood (which had
been destroyed by Lysimachus,) or very near it,^ as Pioie'my
others say, caused it, from his own name, to be called ^'"''"'''' *'
Nicomedia ; of which place frequent mention is made in the
histories of the latter Roman emperors, several of them having
made it the seat of their residence in the East.

Antiochus Soter, on his hearing of the death of Philetasrus,
thought to possess himself of his territories ; whereon
Eumenes marched with an army against him for his defence,
and, having encountered him near Sardis, overthrew him in
battle, and thereby not only secured himself in the possession
of what his uncle had left him, but also augmented it by
several new acquisitions.**

Antiochus, after this defeat, returning to Antioch, there put
to death one of his sons, who had raised some dis-
turbances in his absence, and made the other, who Ptoiemy
was named also Antiochus, king, and a little after, ^'"'"''^'•2^-
dying, left him in the sole possession of all his dominions.** He
was born to him by Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius,
who had been first his mother-in-law, and afterward his wife,
as hath been already related.

This Antiochus, on his first coming to the crown, had for
his wife Laodice,"^ his sister by the same father ; he . „„
afterward took the title of Theus, or the Divine ; Ptolemy'
and by this he is usually distinguished from the other ^'''**'^''''^-

X Pirke Avoth Juchasin. Zemach David. Shalsheleth Haccabala. R.
Abraham Levita in Cabbala Historica. See Lighifoot's Worlis in English,
vol i. p. 457, 655 656 ; and vol. ii. p. 125, 126, 127.

y Pausanias in Eliacorum libro primo. Euseb. Chron. Trebellius Pollio
in Gallienis. Aminianus Alarcellinus, lib. 22.

z Memnon, c. 21.

a Strabo, lib. 13, p. 624. For the Antiochus who was beaten at Sardis
eouldbe none other than Antiochus the son of Seleucus, accoKiing to this
author ; for he here calls him th Xi^wti, i. e. the son of Seleucus, that Greek
phra.se in that place not bearing any other interpretation.

b Trogus in Prologo, lib. 26.

e Polyajnus Stratagem, lib. 8, c, 50. Appian. in Syriaeis. JustiB.Iib.

arc. 1.

906 t/ONNBXIOIv OF THE HISTORY Ot [l*AnT li-

kings of that name who reigned in Syria. It was first given
him by the Milesians, on his dehvering them from the Ty-
ranny of Timarchus ;'^ for this Timarchus, being governor of
Caria for Ptolemy Philadelphus (who at this time had, be-
sides Egypt. Cffilo- Syria, and Palestine,*' the provinces of
Cihcia. Pamphyha, Lycia, and Caria, in Lesser Asia,) re-
belled against him, and setting up for himself, fixed the chief
seat of his tyranny at Uiletiis/ The Milesians, to be freed
from him, called in Antiochiis, who, having vanquished and
glain Timarchus, was, for this reason, honoured by them as
a god, and had the title of Theus there given unto him ;
which was an impious flattery the people of those times were
frequently guilty of towards the princes then reigning: for
the Lemnians had a little before consecrated his father and
grandfather to be gods, and built temples to them ;^ and the
Smyrnians did the same for Stratonice his mother.'*

In the beginning of this king's reign, lived Berosus, the fa-
mous Babylonish historian ; for he dedicated his history to
him. So saith Tatian : his words arc, " Berosus the Babylo-
nian, who was a priest of Behis at Babylon, aad lived in the
time of Alexander, dedicated to Antiochus, who was the
third after him, his history, which he wrote in three books,
of the atfairs of the Chaldeans, and the actions of their kings."
The third after Alexander was certainly Antiochus Theus: for
Seleucus Nicatorwas the tirst, Antiochus Soterthe second, and
Antiochus Theus the third ; and therefore, according to To
tian, it must be to l)im that this dedication was made. But it
being also said by Tatian, that he lived in the time of Alexan-
der,who died sixty-four years before the lirst year of Antiochus
Theus, the age of the historian makes it necessary to place this
dedication to Antiochus as early as possible, that is, in the tirst
jear of his reign. For, supposing Berosus to have been
twenty at the death of Alexander, in whose time he is said to
have lived, he must have been eighty-four in the tirst year of
Antiochus Theus ; and so great an age makes it probable he
could not have lived long beyond it ; and therefore below this
year we cannot well place this dedication. And the account
which Pliny* gives us of this history, brings down the ending
of it to have been hereabout; for he saith, that it contained
astronomical observations for four hundred and eighty years.
Learned men, with good reason,'' begin the computation of
these four hundred and eighty years from the beginning of
the era of Nabonassar, and the four hundred and eightieth

d Appian. in Syrlacis. e Trojius in Prologo, lib. 26.

f Theocritus Idyll. 17. g Athenaeus, lib. 6, c. 16.

h Marmora Oxoniensia, p. 5, 6, 14. i Lib. 7, c. 56.
k Vide Usserii Annales Veteris Testamenti sub Anno. J. P. 4453, fo Vos"
fiiim de Histoiricis Grfpcis, lib- 1, c. 13

BOOK II.] THE OLD AETD NEW l-ESTAMEN'4'3. 307

year of that era ended about six years before Antiochus
Theus began his reign. And that he should end his history
at a term six years before he published it is not hard to con-
ceive, though perchance it nii^ht be deduced down to the
death of Antiochus Soter, and the odd number be left out in
the computation, it being usual in the reckoning of such long
sums to end them at a full number. After the Macedonians
had made themselves masters of Babylon, he learned from
them the Greek language ; and, passing from Babylon into
Greece, first settled at Cos,' a place famous for the birth of
Hippocrates, the father of physicians, and did there set up a
school for the teaching of astronomy and astrology ; and
afterward from Cos he went to Athens, where he grew so fa-
mous for his astrological predictions,'" that they there erected
to him in their gymnasium, the pubiic place of their exercises,
a statue with a golden tongue. Many noble fragments of his
history are preserved by Josephus and Eusebius, which give
great light to many passages in the Scriptures of the Old
Testament, and without which the series of the Babylonian
kings could not have been well made out. Oi the counterfeit
Berosus, published by AnniUs of Veterbo, I have already
spoken," and therefore need not here again repeat it.

Ptolemy, being intent to advance the riches of his kingdom^
contrived to bring all the trade of the East that was . „„
by sea into it. It had hitherto been managed by Ptoiemy
the Tyrians, and they carried it on by sea to Elath,
and from thence by the way of Rhinocorura to Tyre. These
were both sea-port towns, Elath on the east side of the Red
Sea, and Rhinocorura at the bottom of the Mediterranean,
between Egypt and Palestine, near the mouth of that river
which the Scriptures call the river of Egypt. Of both which
places, and the trade carried on through them by the Tyrians,
I have already spoken in the first part of this history." To
this trade into Egypt, Ptolemy contrived to build a city on
the western side of the Red Sea, from whence he might set
out his shipping for the carrying of it on. But observing that
the Red Sea, towards the bottom of the gulf, was of very
difficult and dangerous navigation, by reason of its rocks
and shelves,^ he built his city at as great distance from that
part of this sea as he could, placing it almost as far down as
the confines of Ethiopia, and called it Berenice, from the name
of his mother. But that not having a good harbour, Myos
Hormus, in the neighbourhood, was afterward found to be a
more convenient port ; and therefore all the wares of Arabia,

1 Vitruvius, lib. 9, c. 7. m Ptinius, lib, "?, c. 87

n Part I, book 8, under the year 298.

8 Part 1, book 1, under the year74C* „

p gt^^feo, Ub. 17, p. 815. _ ..^ '

308 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART 11,

India, Persia, and Ethiopia, being brought thither by sea, they
were carried from thence on camels' backs to Coptuson the
Nile, and froin theiice down that river to Alexandria, from
whence they were dispersed al! over the West, and the wares
of the West were carried back the same way into the East ;
by which means the T^rians being deprived of this profitable
traiiic, it became thenceforth fixed at Alexandria; and this
city, from that time, continued to be the prime mart of all
the trade that was carried on between the East and the West
for above seventeen hundred years after, till, a little above
two centuries since, another passage from the West into those
countries was found out by the way of the Cape of Good
Hope. But the road from Coptus to the Red Sea being
through deserts, where no water was to be had, nor any con-
venience of towns or houses for the lodging of passengers,
Ptolemy, for the remedying of both these inconveniences,'^
drew a ditch from Coptus, which carried the water of the
Nile ail along by that road, and built on it several inns, at
such proper distances, as to afford every night lodgings and
convenient refreshments, both for man and beast, to all that
should pass that way. And, as he thus projected to draw all
the trade of the East and West into this kingdom, so he pro-
vided a very great fleet for the protecting of it, part of which
he kept in the Red Sea, and part in the Mediterranean.*^
That in the Mediterranean alone was very great, and some
of the ships of it of a very unusual bigness : for he had in it
two ships of thirty oars on a side, one of twenty oars, four
of fourteen, two of twelve, fourteen of eleven, thirty of nine,
thirty-seven of seven, five of six, seventeen of five 5 and of
four oars and three oars of a side, he had double the number
of all these already mentioned ; and he had, over and above,
of the smaller sort of vessels a vast number.^ And, by the
strength of this fleet, he not only maintained and advanced
the trade of his country, but also kept most of the maritime
provinces of Lesser Asia, that is, Cilicia, Pamphyha, Lycia,
and Caria, and also the Cyclades, in thorough subjection to
him, as long as he lived.*

Magas, king of Gyrene and Libya, growing old and infirm,
A 258 expressed a desire of composing all differences
Ptolemy wilh king Ptolemy his brother, and in order hereto,
proposed to marry his only daughter beremce to
king Ptolemy's eldest son, and with her to give the inheri-
tance of his kingdom after him ; which being accepted of by
Ptolemy, peace was made between them on these terms."

q Strabo, lib. 17, p. 815.

r Theocritus in Idyilio 17. Appianus in Praefatioue.

s Athenaeus, lib. 5, p. 293. t Theocritus in Idyilio IT

u Jnstin Jib. 26, «;. 3, obi, pro Magas. ex eiTore i^oribaram, legitur Agaur

&00K XI.] THE OLD A.MB NEW TESTAMENTS. 309

But Magas, in the year following, died before the treaty
was executed, after he had reigned tifty years over
Libya and Cyrene, from the time that these pro- ptoi*n.y
vinces were first committed to his government, on ^'"''"^'^••2^-
the death of Ophelias." In the latter end of his life, he
gave himself much to ease and luxury, eating and drinking
beyond all temperance and measure •, whereon he grew so
corpulent, that at length he weighed himself down into the
grave by the load of his own fat.>' After his death, Apame,
his wife, (whom Justin calls Arsinoe,) setting herself very
violently to break the match contracted for her daughter
with the son of king Ptolemy, as being agreed without her
consent,'* sent into Macedon for Demetrius, the half-brother
of king Antigonus Gonatas, (for he was the son of Demetrius
Poliorcetes by his last wife Ptolemaicia, the daughter of
Ptolemy Soter,) promising him her daughter in marriage, and
the kingdoms of Lybia and Cyrene with her.*' This invita-
tion soon brought Demetrius thither. But Apame, on his
arrival, finding him a very beautiful young man, fell in love
with him herself: which Demetrius complying with, neglected
the young princess, and gave himself wholly up to this scanda-
lous amour with the mother 5 and being thereon thoroughly
possessed of her favour, in confidence of it, began to carry
himself with great pride and insolence, not only towards the
princess, but also towards the ministers and soldiers that
served her father ; whereon they all conspired against him.
And' Berenice herself, having led the conspirators to the
door of her mother's bed-chamber, when he was there ac-
companying with her, they fell upon him, and slew him in
her bed, notwithstanding she did all she could, by interposing
her body between him and the swords of the conspirators, to
save him from this assassination. After this Berenice went
into Egypt, and there consummated the marriage with the
son of king Ptolemy which her father had contracted for her,
and Apame was sent into Syria to king Antiochus Theus
her brother.

But, on her arrival at his court, she so exasperated him
against king Ptolemy, as to engage him to enter into ^^ ^^
a war witlWiim, which lasted long, and was carried Ptoiemy
on with great violence, to the very great damage ot
king Antiochus, and at last administered the occasion of a

X Justin, lib. 26, c. 3.

y Athenaeas ex Agatharcide, lib. 12, p. 550. a Justin, ibid.

b Plutarchus in Deraetrio. Here it is to be observed, that Apame was
(he grand-daughter of the same Demetrius, by Stratonice his daughter, for
^he was the daughter of Antiochus Soter by that lad%'
Vol. II, -10

310 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pAET U,

cruel tragedy in his family, in which he himself perished, as
will be hereafter related.*^

For the carrying on of this war, Ptolemy employed his
lieutenants, without appearing in it himself, by
pioiemy reason of the tender state of his health,'^ which would
iiiiaiiei. 30. ^^^^ permit him to bear the hardships of a camp, or
the fatigues of a campaign. But Antiochus, being in the vi-
gour of his youth, headed his armies himself, and drew after
him all the strength of Babylon and the East, for the more vi-
gorous prosecuting of the war.^ But what were the successes of
it on either side, we have no account, through want of their
being recorded in history ; only we maypresume there were no
great advantages gotten, nor any signal events brought to pass
on either side, because if there had, they could not have esca-
ped being told us, in an age when there lived so many able
historians and learned men to commit them to writing.

But, amidst this war, Ptolemy did not omit his search for
An. 254. books for his library, and also for pictures and
fi°I*?^ o. drawings which were the works of eminent artists»

Philadel. 31. .,„°,.. t n c- • i-

And for this Aratus, the lamous bicyonian, bemg one
of his agents in Greece, he so far gained his favour by his
service to him herein, that, on his applying lo him for his
help towards the restoring of his city to liberty and peace,
he gave him for this purpose one hundred and tifty talents.^
The case was thus : Aratus having expelled Nicocles, the
tyrant of Sicyon, and brought back the exiles again to their
city, great disturbances did there arise hereon about the 'res-
toration of their lands, which had like to have put all into
confusion among them, by reason most of those lands had
been transferred to other proprietors, and by purchase and
sale for valuable considerations, gone through several hands
before the exiles were restored, who thought it hard to be
deprived of what they had paid for ; and there being no other
way to satisfy them, but by refunding their money again, for
this reason Aratus applied to king Ptolemy, and, with the
money he gave him, satisfied every body, and restored peace
to Sicyon. *^

While Antiochus was carrying on the war in which he was
An. 250. engaged against king Ptolemy, there happened a
1,u^^a'^, ^^ great defection from him in the eastern provinces of
his empire ; and, by reason of his embarrassments
in this war, he not being at leisure immediately to suppress
it, the revolt at length grew to a head too hard for him to
master; and this gave beginning to the Parthian empire.

c Hieronymus in Danielera xi. 5.

d Strabo, lib. 17, p. 789.

ft Hieronymus in Danieiem ix o f J'lutarchus hi Arafo

i$OOK n.J i'HIi OJ.l> AND JiEW lEaTAMENTS. 311

The occasion of it was thus : Agathocles, who was governor
of Parthia for king Antiochus, being sodomitically given, fell
in love with a beautiful young man, called Teridates, and
attempted a force upon hira for the gratifying of his unnatu-
ral lust. Whereupon Arsaces, the brother of the youth, to
rescue him from this violence, with some other of his friends
joining with him, fell upon the governor and slew him ; and
after that, drawing a company together after him for the vin-
dication of the fact, he, in a little time, while neglected by
Antiochus, grew strong enough to expel the Macedonians out
of the province, and there set up for himself.^ And about
the same time, Theodotus revolted in Bactria, and, from bi;ing
governor of that province, declared himself king of it. And
that country, having one thousand cities in it, he got them
all under his obedience; and while Antiochus delayed to
look that way, by reason of his wars with Egypt, made him-
self too strong in them to be afterward reduced ; which
example being followed by other nations in those parts, they
all there generally revolted at the same time ; and Antiochus
lost almost all those eastern provinces of his empire that
lay beyond the Tigris.^ This happened, Justin tells us,'
while L. Manlius Vuiso. and M. Attilius Regulus, were con-
suls at Rome,

This same year, on the death of Manasseh, high-priest of
the Jews,^ Onias, the second of that name, succeeded him
in his office. lie was the son of Simon the Just ; but, having
been left an infant at his father's death, Eleazar, the brother
of Simon, was then made high-priest in his stead ; and he
also dying before Onias was of an age capable for the ex-
ecuting of the office, Manasseh, the son of Jaddua, and
uncle of Simon the Just, was called to it; and now, he being
dead, Onias came into the office. But, being a man of
a heavy temper, and a very sordid spirit, he behaved him-
self very meanly in that station, to the endangering of the
whole Jewish state, by the illness of his conduct, as will
hereafter be related in its proper place.

The commotions and revolts which happened in the East,
making Antiochus weary of his war with king ^^ ^49.
Ptolemy, peace was made between them on the \^\o\emy

^ * . . , ,. . T T ^- r PniladeJ. 36.

terms, that Antiochus divorcmg Laodice his lormer

wife, should marry Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy, and

make her his queen, instead of the other, and entail his

g Arrian in Parthicis apudPhotiumj cod. 58. Svncellus, p. 284 Justin,
lib. 41, c. 4. Strabo, lib. 11, p. 615.

h Strabo &. Ju4in, ibid. i Lib. 4J, c.4.

k Joseph, Antiq. lib. 12, c. 3

3V^ I'ON.NKXioy OP Viit: HlaldJJY OF [PABT I"..

eiown upon the male issue of that marriage.^ And this
agreement being ratified on both sides, for the full perform-
ance of it, Antiociius put away Laodice, though she were
his sister by the same father, and he had two sons born to
him by her ; and Ptolemy, carrying his daugher to Pelusiam,
there put her on board his fleet, and sailed with her to Seleu-
cia, a sea-port town near the mouth of the river Orontes in
Syria; where having met Antiochus, he delivered his daughter
to him, and the marriage was celebrated with great solem-
nity.™ And thus " the king's daughter of the South came,
and was married to the king of the North •," and by virtue
of that marriage, " an agreement was made between those
two kings,*' according to the prophecy of the prophet Daniel,
xi. 5, 6. For, in that place, by the king of the South, is
meant the king of Egypt, and, by the king of the North, the
king of Syria : and both are there so called in respect of
Judea, which lying between these tAvo countries, hath Egypt
on the South, and Syria on the North. For the fuller under-
standing of this prophecy, it is to be observed, that the holy
prophet after having spoken of Alexander the Great, (ver.
3,) and of the four kings among whom his empire was di-
vided, (ver. 4,) confines the rest of his prophecy in that
chapter to two of them only, that is, to the king of Egypt,
and the king of Syria ; and first he begins with that king of
Egypt who first reigned in that country after Alexander, that
is, Ptolemy Soter, whom he calls king of the South, and
saith of him that he should be strong. And that he was so,
all that write of him do sufficiently testify, for he had under
him Egypt, Libya, Cyrene, Arabia, Palestine, Ccelo-Syria,
most of the maritime provinces of Lesser Asia, the island of
Cyprus, several of the isles of the Egean Sea, now called
the Archipelago, and some cities also in Greece, as Sicyon,
Corinth, and others. And then the prophet proceedeth to
speak of another of the four successors (or princes, as he
calls them) of Alexander, and he was SeleucnsNicator, king
of the North, of whom he saith, that he should he strong above
the king of the Sovth^ and have great dominion also above him ;
that is, greater than the king of the South. And that he had
so, appears from all the large territories he was possessed of;
for he had under him all the countries of the East from
Mount Taurus to the river Indus, and several of the pro-
vinces of Lesser Asia, also from Mount Taurus to the Egean
Sea ; and he had moreover added to them before his death,

1 Hieronymusin Danielem xi. Polyaonus Stratagem, lib. S, c. 50. Atlie^
neeus, lib. 2, c. 6.

m Polyaenus, lib. 9, c. 50, dicit earn fuisse Antiocbi oj^ovti/rfiav aSthiW', i. c,
?ororem ex jjatrft, quia priiirct Anf iorhiis Soter era! utFiusqne pater.

liOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 313

Thrace and Macedon. And then, in the next place, (ver. 6,)
he tells us of the coming of the king'f! daughter of Ihe South^
after the end of several i/ears^ to the king of the Northland the.
agreement, or treaty of peace, xokich shmdd thereon be made he-
iween those t2oo kmgf! ; which ptasiiiv points out unto us this
marriage of Bcrcri;* e, dautihlcf to PtoieRs^' PhiJadelphus
king of Egypt, with Antjoclius Theusking of Syria, and the
peace which was thereon made between them; for all this
was exactly transacted according to what was predicted by
the holy prophet in this prophecy. After this the holy pro-
phet proceeds, through the rest of the chapter, to foreshow
all the other most remarkable events that were brought to
pass in the transactions of the succeeding times of these
two races of kings, till the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, the
great persecutor of the Jewish nation : all which 1 shall take
notice of in the following series of this history, and apply
them to the prophecy for the explication of it, as they come
in my way.

Ptolemy being a curious collector of statues, drawings,
and pictures that were the works of eminent ar- ^^^ „^g
lists, as well as of books, while he was in Svria the Hoiemy
last year, saw there a statue ol Uiana, m one oi her
temples, which he was much taken with ; and therefore de-
siring it of Antiochus, carried it with him into Egypt." But
he had not been long returned thither, ere Arsinoe^, falling
sick, dreamed that Diana appeared to her, and told her, that
the cause of her sickness was, that Ptolemy had taken away
her statue from the temple where it had been consecrated
to her. Whereon the statue was sent back again into Syria,
and there replaced in the temple from whence it had been
taken, and many gifts and oblations were added to appease
the wrath of the goddess. But this did not at all help the
sick queen ; for she soon after died of the sickness she had
languished under, and left Ptolemy in great grief for her
loss : for though she were much older than he, and past
child-bearing when he married her, yet he doted on her to
the last, and after her death, did all that he could for her
honour, calling several cities, which he had built, by her
name, and erecting obelisks to her memory, and doing many
other unusual things to express the great afTection and re-
gard which he had for her; the most remarkable of which
was, his attempting to erect a temple to her at Alexandria,
in which it was projected to build a dome, whose vault being
all arched with loadstone, should cause an image of hers,
made of steel, there to hang in the air in the middle of the
dome, by virtue of the attractive quality of the loadstones/

n Libanius 0Fat. xi o Plinius, lib. 34, c. 14.

314 OONNEXIOX OF THE HISTOaV OF [PABT ir.

This design was the contrivance of Dinocrates, a famous
architect of those times ; and when il was laid before king
Ptolemy, h^ was so pleasv°d with it, that the work was forth-
with bei'un. under the direction of him that projected it.
But whether it would take or no. never came to the trial ;
for both Ptolemy and the architect soon after dying, this
did put an end lo the design ; so that no experiment was
made of what the loadstones could do in this case. It hath
long gone current among many, that the body of Mahomet,
after his death, being laid in an iron cotfin, was thus hung in
the air by virtue of loadstones in the roof of the room where
it was deposited ; but how fabulous this story is, I have already
shown in the Life of that impostor.

Ptolemy, after the death of Arsinoe, did not long survive
her : for being originally of a tender constitution,
pwiemy and having further weakened it by a luxurious indul-
phiiadei.38. g^i^j^g^ j^g could not bear the approach of age, nor
the grief of mind which he fell under on the loss of his be-
loved wife ;P but, sinking away under these burdens, died
in his great climacteric, the sixty-third year of his life,
after having reigned over Egypt thirty-eight years.'' He
left behind him two sons and a daughter, which he had by
Arsinoe the daughter of Lysimachus, his first wife. The
eldest of the two sons of Ptolemy Euergetes who reigned
after him; the other was called Lysimachus, which was the
name of his maternal grandfather. He was put to death by
his brother for some insurrection which he had made against
him. The daughter was Berenice, who was lately married
to Antiouchs Theus, king of Syria.

Ptolemy Philadelphus having been a very learned prince,
and a great patron of learning, as well as a great collector of
books, many of those, v/ho were eminent for any part of
literature, resorted to him from all parts, and partook of his
favour and bounty.'" Seven celebrated poets of that age are
especially said to have lived in his court ; four of which,
Theocritus, Cailimachus, Lycophron, and Aratus, have of
their works still remaining, and among these, the first of them
hath an idyllium, and the second a hymn written in his
praise.® Manetho, the Egyptian historian, dedicated his
history to him, of which we h|ve already spoken.* And
Zoilus, the snarling critic," came also to his court; he had
written against Homer/ whom all besides highly valued and

p Athentsus, lib. 12, c. 10. q Canon Ptolemaei Astronomi.

r Athengeui, lib. 12, c. 10. Strabo, lib. 17, p. 789.

s Vide Vossium de Historicis Graecis, lib. 1, c. 12.

t Part 1, book 7, under the year 350.

11 Vitruvius in Praefatione ad librum 7. Architecturse sua;.

!f J)e en viHe Vos'ium de Hi?toncis Greocis, lib. 1, c 15.

BOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAAiEN x... 315

admired ; and he had also criticised upon the works of other
eminent writers in a very biting and detracting st\ le ; and
from hence his name grew so infamous, that it was afterward
given by way of reproach to all detractors ; and carping
Zoilus became a proverbial expression of intamy upo:i all
such. Although his eminency this way was so remarkable,
that he excelled all men in it, yet this could not recommend
him to king Ptolemy. How great soever his wit were, he
hated him for the bitterness and ill-nature of it, and therefore
would give him nothing; and, for the same reason, having
drawn on him the odium and aversion of all men, he at
length died miserably ; some say he was stoned, others, that
he was crucified by king Ptolemy for a crime he had commit
ted deserving of that punishment.

This king had also been a great builder of new cities, and
many old ones he repaired, and gave new names to them ;
and particularly two of this last sort were in Palestine ; for
there he rebuilt, on the west side of that country. Ace, a
famous port on that coast ; and, on the eastern side, that
ancient city which is so often mentioned in Scripture by the
name of Rabbah of the children of Ammon. Ace he called,
from one of his names, Ptolemais, and Rabbah, from the
other of his names, Philadelphia. ^ The former of these is
still in being, and, having recovered its old name, is called
Aeon ; by which it is often mentioned, and is of very famous
note in the histories of the holy war. The Turks at present
name it Acre.^ And he left so many other monuments of
his magnificence behind him, in cities, in temples, and other
public edifices built by him, that it afterward grew into a pro-
verb, when any work was erected with more than ordinary
sumptuousness, to call it Philadelphian.

But, notwithstanding the great expense he must have been
at in all this, he died possessed of vast riches ; for although
he had two great fleet?, one in the Mediterranean, and the
other in the Red Sea, and maintained constantly in pay aiy
army of two hundred thousand foot, and forty-thousand horse,
and had also three hundred elephants, and two thousand
armed chariots, besides arms in his magazines for three hun-
dred thousand men moie,and all other necessary implements
and engines for war; yet he left in his treasury seven hun-
dred and forty-thousand Egyptian talents in ready money,
which, being reduced to our money, make a prodigious sum:^

y Vide Relandi Palestinam Illustratam.
z See Sandys, Thevenot, and other iravellers.

a Appianus in Praefatione. Hieronymus in Comment, in Danielem, xj.
Atheneens, lib. 5, p, 2U3.

316 COIvNUXlON OP THE HISTORY OF [pART lU

for every Egyptian talent contained seven thousand five
hundred Attic drachms, which is fifteen hundred drachms
more than an Attic talent.^ This shows how vast his reve-
nues must have been, which he had the art to make the most
of: for it is Appian's character of him, that as he was the
most splendid and magnificent of all the kings of his time in
the laying out of his money, so was he of all the most intent
and skilful in the gathering of it in.*^

Antiochus Theus, as soon a* he heard of the death of king
Ptolemy Philadelphus, his father-in-law, removed
ptoi. Euer- Berenice from his bed, and again recalled unto him
^"®'*^' Laodice and her children.*^ But she knowing the
unsteady and fickle humour of Antiochus, and therefore
fearing that he might, upon as light change of mind, again
recal Berenice, as he had her, resolved to make use of the
present opportunity to secure the succession to her son*
For, by the late treaty with Ptolemy, her children were to
be disinherited, and the crown to be settled on the children
which Berenice should bear unto him ; and she already had
one son by him. For the effecting of this design, she pro-
cured Antiochus to be poisoned by his servants,*^ and then,
on his death, did put one Artemon, ihat was very much like
him, into his bed, to personate him as sick, till she should
have brought her matters to bear; who, acting his part well,
the death of the king was not known, till, by orders forged
in his name, her eldest son by him, Seleucus Callinicus, was
secured of the succession ; and then, the death of the king
being publicly declared, Seleucus ascended the throne with-
out any opposition, and sat in it twenty years. But Loadice
not thinking him safe in the possession which he had thus
taken of it, as long as Berenice and her son lived, designs
were laid to cut them both off;'^ which Berenice being in-
formed of, she fled with her son to Daphne, and there shut
herself up in the asylum which was built in that place by
Seleucus Nicator. But she being circumvented by the fraud
of those, who, by the appointment of Laodice, did there
besiege her, first her son, and afterward she herself, were
villainously slain, with all the Egyptian attendants that came
with her. And hereby was exactly fulfilled what was fore-
told by the prophet Daniel concerning this marriage, (xi. 6;)
that is, that Neither he (that is, Antiochus king of the North)

b Vide Bernardum de Mensurisfc Ponderibus Antiquorum, p. 186.

c In Prffifatione ad Opera Historica.

d Hieronymi. Comment, in Danielem xi.

e Hieronymus, ibid. Plinius, lib. 7, c. 12. Valerius Maximus, lib. 9, c.
Id. Solinus, c. 1.

f Hieronymus, ibid. Appianus in Cyriacis. Justin, lib, 27, c 1. Poly-
snus Stratagem, lib. 8, c &0

KOOK II. j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 317

nor she (that is, Berenice daughter of Ptolemy king of the
South) should continue in their power : but that he, (that is,
king Antiochus) should fall, and that she (that is, Berenice.)
being deprived of him that strengthened her, (that is, of her
father, who died a Httle before,) should be given up with those
that brought her, that is, that came with her out of Egypt,
and her son whom she brought forth,^ to be cut off and de-
stroyed. And so it happened to them all, in the manner as
I have related.

While Berenice continued shut up and besieged in Daphne,
the cities of Lesser Asia, hearing of her distress, commise-
rated her case, and immediately, by a joint association, sent
an army towards Antioch for her relief;'' and Ptolemy Euer-
getes, her brother, hastened thither with a greater force out
of Egypt for the same purpose.' But both Berenice and
her son were cut off before either of them could arrive for
their help : whereon both armies turning their desire of
saving the queen and her son into a rage for the revenging of
their death, the Asian forces joined the Egyptian for the ef-
fecting of it, and Ptolemy, at the head of both, carried all
before him; for he not only slew Laodice, but also made
himself master of all Syria and Cilicia, and then, passing the
Euphrates, brought all under him as far as Babylon and the
river Tigris, and would have subjugated to him all the other
provinces of the Syrian empire,"^ but that a sedition arising
in Egypt during his absence, called him back to suppress it.'
And therefore, having appointed Antiochus and Xantippus,
two of his generals, the former of them to command the
provinces he had taken on the west side of Mount Taurus,
and the other to command the provinces he had taken on
the east side of it, he marched hack into Egypt, carrying
with him vast treasures, which he had gotten together in the
plunder of the conquered provinces ;°° for he brought from
thence with him forty thousand talents of silver, a vast number
of precious vessels of silver and gold, and images also to the
number of two thousand five hundred, among which were
many of the Egyptian idols, which Cambyses, on his con-
quering Egypt, carried thence into Persia." These Ptolemy
having restored to their former temples, on his return from
this expedition, he thereby much endeared himself to his

g So it is in the margin of our English Bible, and this is the truer version-

h Justin, lib. 27, c. 1.

i Justin, ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. Hieronymus in Danielem si.
Polyaenus, lib. S, c. 50.

k Justin. Appian. Si Hieronymus, ibid. Polybius, lib. 5. Polyaenus, lib
3, c. 50.

1 Justin, lib. 27, c. I. m Hieronymus in Dan. X!=

n Hieronymus in Dan. si. Monumentnm Arduletanun?
Vol, !L 41

318 Connexion of the history op [paet ii.

people : for the Egyptians being then of all nations the most
bigoted to their idolatrous worship, they highly valued this
action of their king in thus bringing back their gods again to
them. And, in acknowledgment hereof it was, that he had the
name of Euergetes, (that is, the Benefactor^) given unto him
by them. And all this happened exactly as it was foretold
by the prophet Daniel, (xi. 7, 8, 9.) For in that prophecy
he tells us, that after the king's daughter of the South should,
with her son and her attendants, be cutoff", and he that strength-
ened her in those times (that is, her father, who was her chief
support,) should be 6vd.d, there should one arise out of a branch
of her roots in his estate, that is, Ptolemy Euergetes, who,
springing from the same root with her, as being her brother,
did stand up in the estate of Ptolemy Philadelphus his fa(her,
whom he succeeded in his kingdom ; and that he should come
with an army, and enter into the fortress of the king of the
North, and prevail against him, and should carry captive into
Egypt the gods of the Syrians, with their princes, and with their
precious vessels of silver and gold ; and so should come and re-
turn again into his own kingdom. And how exactly all this
was fulfilled, what is above related doth sufficiently show.
It is said also in the same prophecy, (ver. 8,) That the king
of the South, on his return into his kingdom, should continue
more years than the king of the North : and so it happened ;
for Ptolemy Euergetes outlived Seleucus Callinicus four
years, as will be hereafter shown.

When Ptolemy Euergetes went on this expedition into
Syria, Berenice his queen, out of the tender love she had
for him, being much concerned, because of the danger which
she feared he might be exposed to in this war, made a vow
of consecrating her hair (in the fineness of which, it seems,
the chief of her beauty consisted,) in case he returned
again safe and unhurt ;" and therefore on his coming back
again with safety and full success, for the fulfilling of her
vow, she cut off her hair, and offered it up in the temple
which Ptolemy Philadelphus had built to his beloved wife
Arsinoe, on the promotory of Zephyriuin in Cyprus, by the
name of the Zephyrian Venus. But there, a little after, the
consecrated hair being lost, or perchance contemptuously
flung away by the priests, and Ptolemy being much offend-
ed at it, Conon of Samos, a flattering mathematician then
at Alexandria, to salve up the matter, and also to ingratiate
himself with the king, gave out, that this hair was catched
up into heaven : and he there showed seven stars near the
tail of the lion, not till then taken within any constellation,

o Hygini Poetica Astronomica. Wouiius in Historiarum Syaagoga.

lOOK II.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT^. 319

which he said were the queen's consecrated hair ; which
conceit of his, other flattering astronomers following with
the same view, or perchance not daring to say otherwise
hence Coma Berenices, (that is, the hair of Berenice,) became
one of the constellations, and is so to this day. Calhma-
chus the poet, who, as I have afore shown, lived in these
times, made an hymn upon this hair of queen Berenice, a
translation of which being made by Catullus, is still extant
among his poetical works.

On King Ptolemy Euergetes's return from this expedition,
he took Jerusalem in his way, and there, by many sacrifices
to the God of Israel, paid his acknowledgments for the vic-
tories he had obtained over the king of Syria, choosing ra-
ther to offer up his thanks to Him, than to the gods of Egypt,
for them ; the reason of which very probably might be, that,
being shown the prophecies of Daniel concerning them, he
inferred from thence, that he owed them only to that God,
whose prophet had so fully predicted them.P

As soon as Ptolemy was returned into Egypt, Seleucus
prepared a great fleet on the coasts of Syria, for ^^ ^45
the reducing the revolted cities of Asia."i But rtoi. Euer-
he was no sooner put to sea, but, meeting with ^"^"^^
a very violent storcn, he lost all his ships in it, scarce any
thing remaining of so great a preparation, besides himself,
and some few of his followers, that escaped naked with him
to land from this calamitous wreck. But this blow, how ter-
rible soever it might seem at first to appear, by a strange
turn of affairs, did all in the result prove to his advantage :
for the revolted cities of Asia (who, out of the abhorrence
they had of him for the murder of Berenice and her son,
had gone over to Ptolemy,) on their hearing of this great
loss, thinking that murder to be sufficiently revenged by it,
took compassion of him, and returned again to him.

By which fortunate revolution being again restored to the
hest part of his dominions, he prepared a great ar- ^^^ ^44
my against Ptolemy for the recovering of the rest/ ftoi. tuer.
But in this attempt he had no better success than ^^'^^
in the former: for, being overthrown in battle by Ptolemy,
he lost the greatest part of his army, and escaped to Antioch
from this misadventure with as (ew of his followers as from
the former; whereon, for the restoration of his broken af-
fairs, he invited Antiochus his brother to join him with his
forces, promising him all the provinces in the Lesser Asia
that belonged to the Syrian empire on this condition. He

p Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2.

q Justin, lib. 27, c. 3. Trogi Prologus, 27. P«lybiiis, lib 5

r Justin, lib. S7, c. 2.

320 rjONNEXIOK OF THE HISTORY Ol' [PART 11.

was then at the head of an army in those provinces ; and
although then he was bat fourteen years old, yet being of a
forward and very aspiring spirit, or else (as is most probable)
being conducted by others who were of this temper, he
readily accepted of the proposal, and accordingly prepared
for the accomplishing of it ; but not so much out of a design
of saving any part of the empire to his brother, as to gain
it all to himself; for he was of a very rapacious and greedy
disposition, laying his hands on all that he could get, right
or wrong •, whereon they called him Hierax, that is, the hawk,
because that bird flies at all that comes in his way, and takes
every thing for good prey that it can lay its talons upon.

After th^s second blow received by Seleucus, the cities
of Smyrna and Magnesia in Lesser Asia, out of the affec-
tion which they bore unto him, entered into a league to join
all their power and strength ibr the support of his interest
and royal majesty ; which they caused to be engraven on a
large column of marble.^ This very marble column
is now standing in th^ theatre yard at Oxford, with
the said league engraven on it in Greek capital letters,
still very legible ; from whence it was published by me
among the Marmora Oxoniensia about forty years since. It
was brought out of Asia by Thomas earl of Arundel, in the
beginning of the reign of king Charles I. and was given,
with other marbles, to the university of Oxford, by Henry
duke of Norfolkh\'& grandson, in the reign of king Charles II.
Ptolemy, on his hearing that Antiochus was preparing to
join Seleucus against him, that he might not have
ptoi. Euer- to do With both at the same time, came to an agree-
^^'^* ■ ment with Seleucus 5*^ and a peace was concluded

between them for ten years.

However, Antiochus desisted not from his preparations,
«n 242 which Seleucus, nov/ understanding to be made

'iuA. Eucr- against himself, marched over Mount Taurus to
s'^'es ^- suppress him." The pretence for the war on Anti-

ochus-s part was the promise that Seleucus had made him
of all his provinces in Lesser Asia for his assistance against
Ptolemy. But Seleucus, being delivered from that war
without his assistance, thought himself not obliged to any
thing by tliat promise. But Antiochus persisting in his de-
mand, and the other in his refusal, this brought the contro-
versy to the decision of a battle between them. It was
fought near Ancyra in Lesser Asia, in which Seleucus be-
ing o\ erihrown, hardly escaped with his life ; and it fared
very little better with Antiochus : for having won this vic-

t Justin, lib. 27, c. 2. s Marmora Oxoniensia, p. 5, 6, Sic

II Trogus in Vrologo, £7. Strri^o, lit.. Ifi, p. 7nO. Juslin, lib- 27. r- 2.

BOOK II.} THE OLD AfrO NEW TESTAMENTS. 321

tory chiefly by the assistance of the Galatiatis, or Gauls of
Asia, whom he had hired into his service, these barbarians,
on a runnour spread that Seleucus was slain in the battle,
plotted the death of the other brother also, reckoning that,
in case both were cut off, all Asia would be thc^ii- ; «vhereon
Antiochus, having no other way to save himsell", rcdeetned
his life, by giving them all the treasury he had forihe ran-
som of it.*

Eurnenes king of Pergamus, making his advantage of
these divisions, marched against Antiochus anrl the Gauls
with all his forces, purposing to suppress them both at o;jce.'^
This forced Antiochus to a new treaty with the Gauls ;
whereon he was content, instead of being their master, to
become their confederate, for the mutual defence of both ;
but Eurnenes falling on them before they could recruit them-
selves after the losses sustained in the late battle at Ancyra,
had an easy victory over both, and thereon overran the Les-
ser Asia.

Eumenes, after this victory, giving himself up to much
drinking, died in the excess of it, after he had j^^^ 241
reigned twenty-two years.^ He having no chil- Pi<>i- Euer-
dren of his own, was succeeded in his kingdom by ^"'^^
his cousin-german Attalus, the son of Attalus, his father's
younger brother ; who, being a wise and valiant prince,
maintained himself in the acquisitions of his family ; and,
having wholly subdued the Gauls, he found himself so firmly
established in his dominions by it, that he thenceforth openly
assumed the title of king ; for his predecessors, though they
had the thing, yet abstained from the name. Attalus was
the first of that family that took it, upon the occasion that I
have mentioned ; and it was enjoyed by his posterity, with
the dominions belonging to it, to the third generation after
him.*

While Eurnenes, and Attalus after him, thus curtailed the
Syrian empire on the west side, Theodotus and At-^aces did
the same on the east.'' For it being reported, that Seleu-
cus had been slain in the battle of Vncyra, Arsaces, thinking
this an opportunity lor him to enlarge himself, seized on
Hyrcania, and, adding that to Parthia, ej-tablished his king-

X Polysenus, lib 8, c. 61. Justin, lib. 27, c. 2. Atbenseus, lib. 13. Plu-
tarchus, Tnpi ^iKaj'iK<pi!t;.

y Justin, lib 27, c. 3. He there calls him king of Bithynia by mistake,
for there was no king of Bithynia of that namf; a' this time, as appears
from Memnon in the Excerptions of Photius, cod. 234.

?! Athenaeus, lib. 10, c. 16.

a Livius, lib. 33. Strabo. lib. 13, p. 624 Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio,
lib. 18. Suidas in voce K'rla.Kdi. Polynaeus, lib. 4, c. 19,

b Justin, lib. ^l. c. 4.

322 CONNEXION OP THE HISTOBY OF [PART TI.

dom over both : and, a little after Theodotus dying, he made
a league with his son of the same name, who succeeded
him in Baclria. for fheir mutual defence, and thereby they
botli j^trengtlif ned themselves in the possession of what they
had gotten. But, notwithstanding all this, the two brothers
still went on with their wars against each other, without
regarding that, while they were thus contending between
themselves for ihcir father's empire, they lost it by piece-
meals to others, who were enemies to both."

This war in the course of it was at length carried into
Mesopotamia, and then most likely happened the battle in
Babylonia, which Judas Maccabaeus makes mention of in
his speech to his army, (2 Maccab. viii. 20,) in which he
saith, eight thousand of the Babylonish Jews, joined with
four thousand Macedonians, vanquished the Galatians, and
slew of their army one hundred and twenty thousand men.
For Babylonia, or the province of Babylon, was a part of
Mesopotamia. And Antiochus Hierax had the Galatians in
co!ifp«ierai,v with iiim ; and at this time they are said to have
come in such great swarms into the East, as to fill all Asia
with their numbers ; and that they did usually let themselves
to hire in all wars, which in those times the eastern kings
had one with another, these princes thinking themselves
best strengthened for victory when they had the most of
them in their armies ; and that this Antiochus was assisted
by them in this war, hath been already said.®-

But whether it were by this, or some other victory, Se-
. ,,„ leucus had at length the advantage in this war :

An. 240. . ° . . ® '

ptoi. Euer- SO that Antiochus, being vanquished and bro-
^'" ■ ken. was forced to shift from place to place with

the few remams of his baffled party, till at last being driven
out of Viesopotamia, and finding no other place where he
could be safe within the Syrian empire, he fled to Ariarathes
king of Cappadocia, whose daughter he had married. But
that king, notwithstanding the alliance and affinity he had
contracted with him, soon growing weary of maintaining an
exile, who could bring no advantage to him, ordered him to
be cut off. But, while measures were taking for the execu-
ting hereof, Antiochus, getting notice of the design, esca-
ped from thence into Egypt, choosing rather to put himself
into the hands of Ptolemy, the professed enemy of his

c Justin, lib 27, c. 3.

d iro^us in Prologo 27. Polyacnus Stratagem, lib. 4, c. 17.

e Justin, spealtin^of the Gauls, or Galatians, hath these words : Gallorum
ea ternpestHte taatae ffficunditati juventas fuit, ut Asiam omnetn velut exa-
mine aliquo implerent. Denique ncque reges Orientis pine roercenario Gallo-
rum exercitu ulla beJla sesseruatj lib. 25, c. 2

HOOK 11.] TfiE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 323

family, than trust himself upon any terms with his brother,
whom he was conscious he had so much offended : and he
fared not at all the better for it ; for, as soosi <is he arrived
in Egypt, Ptolemy caused him to be clapped up ir; ?aie cus-
tody, in which he kept him contined seveia! years, ti,i at
length having broken out of prison, by the assista.'ice of a
courtezan, whom he was famihar with, as he was making his
escape out of Egypt, he fell among thieves, and was slain by
them.^

In the interim, king Ptolemy Euergetes enjoying full
peace, applied himself to the cultivating of learn- 239

ing in his kingdom, and the enlarging of his fa- pi-i- i^uer-
ther's library at Alexandria with all manner of ^*'"
books for the service of this design. The method which he
took for collecting of them hath been already mentioned;'
and the care of an able library-keeper being very necessary,
both for the making of a good choice of books in the col-
lection, and also for the preserving of them for the use in-
tended, on the death of Zenodotus, who, from the time of
Ptolemy Soter, the grandfather of the present king, had the
keeping of the royal library at Alexandria,'^ Euergetes invi-
ted Eratosthenes from Athens (where he was in great repu-
tation for his learning) to take this charge upon him.* He
was, by his birth, a Cyrenian, and had been scholar to Calli-
machus his countryman, and was a person of universal know-
ledge,and is often quoted as such by Pliny, Strabo, and others.
And therefore the) are mistaken, who, finding him called
Beta, (i. e. the second) think he had that name to denote
him a second-rate man among the learned. By ihat appella-
tion was meant no more, than that he was the second library-
keeper of the royal library at Alexandria after the first
founding of it.^ As to his skill in all manner of learning, he
was second to none of his time, as the many books he wrote
did then sufficiently make appear, though now not extant.'
That which at present we are most beholden to hini for is a
catalogue which he hath given us of all the kings that reign-
ed at Thebes in Egypt, with the years of their reigns from
Menes, who first planted Egypt after the flood, down to the
time of the Trojan war. It couialus a series of thirty-eight

f Justin, lib. 27, c. 3. Polyaenus, ibid. ^

g Part 2. book 1, under the year 284.

h Suidas in ZevsJorof. i Suidas in 'ATrox^awo? Si 'Eja^Tcs-Sp/of.

k Marcianus Hiracliotes, who tells us of tliis name given to Eratostlienes,
saith, he was called the president of the museum at Alexandria, which is a
manifest argument, that he was called so only in respect ol the office which
he bore in that museum, in being the second library-keeper of the library
belonging to it in succession after Zenodotus, who was the first.

1 De Libris ab eo scriptis, vide Vossium de Historicis Graecis, lib. 1,
c. 17.

324 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORT OP [PART II.

kings reigning in a direct line of succession one after the
other ; and it is still extant in Syncellus." Our learned
countrynrian. sir John Marsham," hath made good use of it
in setting ihe Egyptian chronology. It is one of the noblest
and must venerable nnonuments of antiquity that is now ex-
tant; for it was extracted out of the ancientest records of
that country at the command of Ptolemy Euergetes ; and
there is noihing in the profane history that begins higher."
It is probable this extract was made to supply the defect of
Manetho, wh >se catalogue of the Theban kings in Egypt
doth not begin but where (his of Eratosthenes ends.

Seleucus being delivered from the troubles created him by
An. 236. '^'^ brother, and having repaired the disorders at
ptoi. Euer- home which that war had occasioned, marched
^^" ' eastward to reduce those that had revolted from
him in those parts. p But he had very lame success in this
undertaking ; for Ai;<aces, having now had a long time allow-
ed li in lo settle himself in his usurpations, had made him-
self too strong in rh.-'m to be again easily dispossessed ; and
therefore Seleucus, tiaving in vain attempted it in this expe-
dition, vvas forced to return with baffle and disappointment.
Perchance a ionger stay in those parts might have opened him
a way to bi'ttcr success ; but. some commotions arising at
home during his absence, he was forced to return to suppress
them.*i In ihe interim Arsaces made use of the farther res-
pite hereby given him so to strengthen and establish himself
in his usurped dominions, that he became superior to all
attempts that were afterward made to disturb him.

However, Seieurus, as soon as he had leisure from his
An 230 other affairs, made a second expedition against him ;
Ptoi. Euer- but with much worse success than he had in thefor-
^^" ' mer; for his usual ill fortune here pursuing him, he
was not only overthrown by Arsaces in a great battle, but
was also him&elf taken prisoner in it.' The day on which
Arsaces gained this victory, was long after annually observed
by the Parthians wiih great solemnity, as being in their
opinion, the first day of their freedom ; whereas in truth it
was the first of their slavery; for there was never any
greater tyranny in the world, than that of the Parthian kings,
under which they thenceforth fell.^ The Macedonian yoke

ra A pagina 91, ad paginam 147. n In Canone Chronico.

o Syncellus, p. 91, 147. p Justin lib 41, c. 4.

q Justin, lib. 41. c 5.

r Athenajus, lib. 4, c. 13. That it was in a second expedition that Se-
leucus was taken prisoner by Arsaces, appears from this, that Justin tells
us, he returned from the first expedition to quell insurrections at home,
raised there against him in his absence, lib. 41, c 5.

s Justin, lib. 41, c. 4.

t Justin, lib. 41, c. 5. u .losephus Antiii. Tib. l-^

X Josephus Antiq. lib. 13, c. 4.

Vol, TT. ' ;-

liOOK II. J IHE OLD AND KEW TESTAMENTS. 325

would have been much easier to them, had they still con-
tinued under it. From this time Arsaces took on him the
title of king, and founded that empire in the East, which
afterward grew up to be so great and powerful, as to become
:■}. terror even to the Romans, who were a terror to all else.
From him all that reigned after him in that empire, in honour
of him, took the name af Arsaces, in the same manner as all
the kings of Egypt after Ptolemy Soter took the name of
Ptolemy, as long as those of his race continued to reign in
that country.*^

Onias the high-priest of the Jews at Jerusalem, growing very
old, and increasing in covetousness with his age, and
being also a very weak and inconsiderate man, ne- Ptoi. Euerl
glected to pay to king Ptolemy Euergetes the usual ^"^**'
tribute of twenty talents, which had constantly been paid by
the former high-priests his predecessors, as the stated tribute
annually due to the kings of Egypt from them." And the
arrears now growing high, the king sent Athenion, one of his
court, to Jerusalem to demand of the Jews the money, and
to require full payment of it forthwith to be made ; threat-
ening that, in case this were not immediately complied
with, he would send his soldiers to dispossess them of their
country, and divide it among them. On the arrival of Athe-
nion at Jerusalem with this message, the whole city was put
into a great fright, as not knowing what course to take for
the appeasing of the king's v/rath, and the delivering of
themselves from the danger that was threatened. At this
time there was a young man of great reputation among the
Jews for his prudence, justice, and sanctity of life, called
Joseph, who was nearly related to Onias ; for he was the son
of Tobias, a prime man of that nation, by a sister of his.
Joseph being absent at his seat in the country, when this
messenger came to Jerusalem, his mother took care to send
him an account of what bad happened ; whereon coming im-
mediately to Jerusalem, he very severely upbraided his uncle
with his ill managemeat of the public interest of the people.
as thus, for the saving of his money, to expose them to such
danger ; (for in those times the high-priest was the chief go-
vernor in all the temporal affairs, as well as the ecclesiasti-
cal of that nation :) and he further told him, that, things being
brought to this pass by his ill conduct, there was no other
way to be taken for the remedy, but for him to go to the
Egyptian court, and there endeavour, by his application to
the king to make up the matter.^ But Onias, by the dulnesf^

t Justin, lib. 41, c. o. u .losepbus Antiq^. Vib. 1'^

X Josephus Antlq. lib. 13, c. 4

Vol, IT, ' ;?

32B CONNBXIOK OF THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

of his temper, as well as by his age, wanting vigour for such
an undertaking, utterly declined it, tolling his nephew, that
he would quit his station both in church and state, rather
than put himself upon that journey : whereon Joseph de-
sired, that the matter might be committed to him, and he
would go to the king in his stead ; which Onias readily con-
senting to, Joseph went up unto the temple, and there called
together the people (for the outer court of the temple was
the usual place for the assembling of the people on all oc-
casions,) and acquainted them of his having undertaken,
by the appointment of Onias, to go ambassador from them
to the king on their behalf; and, if they thought fit to approve
hereof, he desired them no longer to disturb themselves with
fears ; for he doubled not, but that, on his access to the king,
he should be able to set all right again with him. At which
the people much rejoicing, gave him great thanks for what
he had proposed to do for them, and earnestly desired him
to proceed in it. Hereon be immediately went to find out
Athenion, and having gotten him to his house, and there en-
tertained him, as long as he tarried at Jerusalem, with a
very kind and splendid hospitality, and having also, at his
departure, presented him with several valuable gifts, he sent
him away fully engaged to make as fair a representation to
the king as the case would bear, and at the same time as-
sured him, that he would forthwith follow after him to the
Egyptian court, there to give the king full satisfaction as to
the matter which he had sent him about. Athenion return-
ed to Alexandria exceedingly well pleased with the kind and
obliging entertainment which he had from Joseph, and so
much taken with the prudent behaviour and noble deport-
ment which he observed in him, that, on his making his re-
port to the king of his embassy, and his telling him of the
intentions of Joseph, the high-priest's nephew, speedily to
attend him, for the giving of him full satisfaction, he took oc-
casion to set forth his character with so great advantage, as
made the king very desirous of seeing him, and fully pre-
pared to receive him with all manner of favour and respects.
As soon as the ambassador was gone from Jerusalem, Joseph,
having taken up of the bankers of Samaria twenty thousand
drachms, which amounted to about seven hundred pounds
sterling, and thereby provided himself with an equipage to
a'ppear at the Egyptian court, he set out for Alexandria, and
having, on the way thither, chanced on the road to fall in
with several of the chief nobility of Coelo-Syria and Phoeni-
cia, who were travelling to the same place, he joined com-
pany with them in the remaining part of the journey. Their
business thither was to farm of the king his revenues of

KOOK II.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. S27

those provinces, and, having provided themselves with very
splendid equipages, to make the better appearance at Pto-
lemy's court, they laughed at Joseph for the meanness of his,
and made it the subject of their sport for the most part of
the way as they went. Joseph bore all this with patience,
but in the mean time, accurately observing the discourse
which they had with each other about their business, he got
thereby such an insight into it, as put him in a condition to
laugh at them ever after. On their arrival at Alexandria, they
found the king was gone to Memphis : Joseph alone hastened
thither after him, and had the good fortune to meet him oa
the road returning to Alexandria, while Athenion was with
him and his queen in the same chariot. As soon as Athcniou
had espied him, he pointed him out to the kinn;, telling him.
that this was the young man, Onias's nephew, of whom he
had spoken so much to him. Whereon the king called him
to him, and took him into his chariot; and, having talked to
him of the ill usage of Onias towards him, in not paying him
his tribute, Joseph excused his uncle, by reason of his age
and weakness, in so handsome a manner, as not only satisfied
the king, but also raised in him so good an opinion of the
advocate, that he took him into his particular favour, and oa
his arrival at Alexandria, ordered him to be lodged in the
palace, and to be there maintained at his own table. And
Joseph afterward did him that service, as made him suffi-
cient recompense for it : for, when the day was come where-
on the king used annually to let to farm ihe revenues of the
several provinces of his empire, and they were set up in their
order, by way of auction, to the highest bidder, and the
highest which the Syrians and PhoBnicians, who had been
Joseph's fellow-travellers into Egypt, would bid for the pro-
vinces of Ccelo-Syria, Phoenicia, Judea, and Samaria,
amounted to no more that eight thousand talents, Joseph
knowing, from the discourse which they had with each other
on the road while he travelled with them, that they were
worth more than twice as much, blamed them for beating
down the king's revenues to so low a price, and offered upon
them double as much, bidding sixteen thousand talents for
those provinces, over and above the forfeitures : for he pro-
posed to give so much for the ordinary revenues only, and to
return all the forfeitures besides into the king's treasury,
which used before to belong to the farmers. Ptolemy liked
very well the advancing of his revenues by so large an aug-
mentation ; but. doubting the ability of the bidder to make
good his proposal, asked him what security he would give
him for it ? Joseph very facetiously replied, that he would
^ive him the spcnrity of persons bevnnd all exception : and,

32? CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY ©F [PART II,

when bid to name them, he named the king and the queen
to be bound to each other for the faithful performance of
what he undertook ; the king, laughing at the pleasantness of
the answer, was so taken with it, that he trusted him upon
his own word, without any other securities. Whereon Jo-
seph, having borrowed five hundred talents at Alexandria,
and satisfied the king as to his uncle's arrears, was admitted
to the trust of being the king's receiver-general of all his re-
yenues in the provinces above mentioned; and having re-
ceived a guard of two thousand men, at his desire, for the
supporting of him in the execution of his office, he imme-
diately left Alexandria to enter on it. On his arrival ai.
Askelon, and there demanding the king's duties, they not
only refused payment, but also aflfronted him with rude and
opprobrious language ; whereon, having commanded his sol-
diers to take up twenty of the ringleaders, he executed ex-
emplary justice upon them, and sent their forfeited estates
to the king, amounting to one thousand talents ; and he
having done the like at Scythopolis. another city in Palestine,
where he was resisted in the same manner, the example
which he had made of these two places so terrified all the
rest, that, after this, every where else the gates were opened
to him, and all paid him the king's dues without any more
refusal or opposition; of which he having given the king a
full account, the prudence and steadiness of his conduct met
with such thorough approbation, that he continued in this
office under Ptolemy Euergetes, and Ptolemy Philopater, his
son, twenty-two years, till Ptolemy Epiphanes, the son of
Philopater, lost those provinces to Antiochus the Great, king
of Syria, in the first year of his reign : for there I place the
end of the twenty-two years which Josephus assigns him for
his continuance in this office, and not in the end of his life,
as most others do. For the same Josephus tells us,^' that he
was a young man when he first undertook it ; and, in another
place, that he was very old when he sent Hyrcanus his son
into Egypt, which was some time before his death.'' But
twenty-two years was too short a time from being young to
grow very old : for, supposing him to have been thirty when
he first became tax-gatherer for the king of Egypt in Syria
and Palestine, twenty two more would make him but fifty-
two ; and he could not be said to be old at that age, and
much less at any time before it. Coelo-S}ria and Palestine
had been again restored to Ptolemy Epiphanes, on his mar-

y Joscphus's words are, tliat he then was mc (xti trt rm nxmaty. Anf iq.
lib. 13, c. 4.

z Being hindered, saith Josephus, from going himself into Egypt on that
QccasioD.yTd >fj"yc, I. e. by reason of his old age. Antiq. ibid.

BOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 329

Tying Cleopatra, the daughter of Antiochus the Great ; and
after ihat it was, that Joseph, having been again restored to
his office of tax-gatherer in those provinces, sent Hyrcatius
into Eg^pt to congratulate the king on the birth of his eldest
son, he being then too old, as Josephus tells us,* to go him-
self. Allowing the twejity-two jc-ars of Joseph's office of
tax-gatherer in Ccelo-Syria and Palestine, for the king of
Egypt, to end on Antiochus's taking those provinces from Pto-
lemy Epiphanes, and that, on their being again restored to
him, Joseph was again restored to his office, and died in it,
about the beginning of the reign of Seleucus Philopater in
Syria, this will solve all difficulties in the history which Jose-
phus gives us of this matter. That his life could not end
with these twenty-two years hath been already shown, for he
was an old man before he died ; and where then can the
end of these twenty-two years of his office be better placed,
than where ended in those provinces the authority of the king
of Egypt, under which he held it ? And this ending of these
twenty -Iwo years tell us where thy did begin ; and that they
could not begin sooner than where 1 have said, the age of
Onias sufficiently proves ; for the history of Josephus tells
us,'* it was when he was grown very old, which must deter-
mine us to the latter end of his life ; and it was but eight
years before his death where I place it. They who put the
beginning of these twenty-two years higher up, or end them
with the end of Joseph's life (as most chronologers do both,)
can never make Josephus consistent with himself in that re-
lation which he hath given us of this whole matter.

Seleucus, having continued a prisoner in Parthia till this
time, there died of a fall from his horse, as he was riding
abroad.*^ Athenasus tells us,*^ that Arsaces maintained him
royally during his captivity ; but that he released him (as
some will have it) doth not any where appear. Justin tells
us that he died in the manner as I have related, being then
in banishment, and having lost his kingdom;* which can be
understood no otherwise than of the banishment and loss of
reigning which he sustained, by being held in captivity by
this Parthian king, till he died in it. His wife was Laodice,
the sister of Andromachus, one of the generals of his armies.
By her he had tv/o sons and a daughter : the sons were
Seleucus and Antiochus ; the daughter he married to Mith-

a Antiq. lib. 13, c. 4. c Justin, lib. 27, c. 3.

d Lib. 4, c. 13

e Seleucus, amisso regno, equo praecipitatus finitur. Sic fratres quasi
a;ermanis casibus exules ambo post regna scelerum suorura paenas luenint
,Tiii?tin. lib. 27, c. 3

<i30 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART XU

ridates king of Pontus, with whom he gave Phrygia to hiin
in a dower.

Seleucus, being the eldest of the two sons, succeeded him ia
An. 225. *^^ throne, and took the name of Ceraunus, that is,
^'f'- Kuer- the Thunderer, a title which very little became
him ; for he was a very weak prince, in body, mind,
and purse, and never did any thing worthy of that name/
His reign was very short, and his authority low, both in the
army and the provinces ; and that he was supported in either
was owing to his kinsman Achaeus, the son of Andromachus,°
!'.is mother's brother, who being a wise and valiant man,
regulated and guided his atTairs as well as the shattered state
his father left them in would admit. As to Andromachus, ho
having been taken prisoner by Ptolemy in the wars which he
had with Callinicus, was detained a prisoner at Alexandria
<Iuring all this reign and some part of the next ; till at length
^hc Rhodians, to gain favour with Achaius, got him released,
and sent him to him, while he reigned in Lesser Asia.

Attalus, king of Pergamus, having possessed himself of ail
^^ 224 Lesser A&ia, from Mount Taurus to the Hellespont,
ptoi. Euer- Sclcucus marchcd v/ith an army against him, leaving
^^ * ■ Hermias, a Carian, his lieutenant in Syria during
his absence. Acljajus his kinsman accompanied him in this
expedition, and served him in it, as well as the circumstances
of his affairs v/ould admit.**

But money being wauling to pay the army, and the weak-
An.223. "6^^ °^ ^^^ k'lu^ rendering him contemptible to the
-^168 24"^"^ soldiers, Nicanor and Apaturius, two of his chief
commanders, conspired against him while he lay in
Phrygia, and, by poison, put an end to his life.' But Achaeus,
being then in the army, revenged his death, by cutting ofl'
the traitorous authors of it, with all that were concerned with
them in the treason ; and afterward managed the army with
that prudence and resolution, that he not only kept all there
in order, but also prevented Attalus from reaping any advan-
tage from this accident, which otherwise might have ruined
the whole interest of the Syrian empire in those parts. Se-
leucus dying without children, the army offered Achaeus the
crown; and several of the provinces concurred with them
herein.'"^ But he then generously refused it, though he was
afterward, in a less favourable juncture, forced to assume it
in his own defence, having then no other way left to secure
himself against the designs which the ministers at court had

f Polybius, lib. 4, p. 315, &i lib. 5, p. 380. Appiari. in Syriacis.
g Polybius, lib. 4. p. 317. h Polybius, lib. 4 p. 315.

i Polybius, ibid. Appian. in Syriacis. Ju&tin. lib. 29, c. 5. Hict'onymir;;
ill Cap. xi. Paniplis. k Polybius. ibirf,

liOOK H.] I'HE OLD ANL* JNiEW TEtiTAMKiV'f S. 3^1

there contrived for his ruin. At present, instead of taking it
to hinDself, he carefully preserved it for the next lawful suc-
cessor, Antiochus, the brother of the late deceased king, who
was then a minor, not exceeding thefifteenth vearof his ao^e.
When Seleucus marched into the Lesfcr Asia, he sent him to
Babylonia to be there educated ;' and there he was at the
time of Seleucus's death : from whence being sent for to An-
tioch, he there ascended the throne after his brother, and sait
on it thirty-six years.™ By reason of the many great actions
done by him, he had the surname of Magnus (that is, the Great.)
AchaBUS, the better to secure him in the succession, sent part
of the army which followed Seleucus to him into Syria, un-
der the command of Epigenes,' one of the most experienced
commanders of the late king ; the rest he retained with him
in the Lesser Asia, for the support of the Syrian interest in
those parts.

Antiochus, on the first settling of his kingdom, sent Molou
and Alexander, two brothers, into the East, making ^,, ^^^
the former governor of Media, and the other governor Pto'i. euct-
of Persia." All the provinces of Lesser Asia he^"'"'
committed to the charge of Achasus. Epigenes he made ge-
neral of the forces which he kept about him, and retained
Hermias the Carian to be his chief minister of state, in the
same station which he held under his brother. Achajus soon
recovered all that Attalus had wrested from the Syrian em-
pire, and reduced him within the narrow limits of his own
kingdom of Pergamus." But Alexander and Molon, despisin<^
the youth of the king, as soon as they -were settled in the pro-
vinces which they were sent to govern, rebelled against him
and set up for themselves, each declaring himself sovereign
of the country he had taken possession of.^

While these things were doing, there happened a very
violent earthquake in the East, which made great devasta-
tions in those parts, especially m Caria and the island of
Rhodes. In the latter it threw down not only the walls of
the city of Rhodes, and their houses, but also tiie great colos-
sus there erected in the mouth of their harbour, which was
one of the seven wonders of the world. ^ It was a prodioious
statue of brass, there erected to the sun, of seventy cubits?
or one hundred and five (eet in height, and every thin« else

I At Seleucia, which stood in the province of Babylonia, and was then
the metropolis of all the eastern parts, instead of Babylon, which was now
desolated.

m Polybius, ibid. lib. 5, p.386. Hieronymiisin cap. xi. Danieljs. Appian.
in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 29, c. 1. n Polybius, lib. 5, p. 386.

o Polybius, lib. 5, p. 315. p Polybius, lib. 5, p. 386.

q Eusebii Chronicon. Orosius, lib. 4, c. 13. Polybiii?, lib, 5, p. 423, 4Jy

OO- CONNEXION OF THE Hlb'fOUY OF [booK II.

of it wns in proportion hereto/ Demetrius Poliorcetus,
having for a whole year besieged the city of Rhodes, without
being able to take it, at length, being wearied out with so
long lying there, was content to make peace with them, as I
have already related ia the eighth book of the first part of
this history. On his departure thence, he left the Rhodians
all his engines and other preparations of war, which he had
there provided for the carrying on of that siege. These the
Rhodians afterward sold for three hundred talents, with which
money, adding other sums thereto, they erected this colossus.
The artificer that made it was Chares of Lindus,* who was
twelve years in completing the work ; and, sixty-six years
after, it was thrown down by this earthquake. It was begun,
therefore, to be made in the year before Christ 300 ; it was
finished in the year 288, and overthrown in the year 222. On
this accident the Rhodians sent abroad ambassadors a beg-
ging to all the princes and states of the Grecian name or ori-
ginal, who, exaggerating their losses, procured vast sums for
the repairing of them, especially from the kings of Egypt,
Macedon, Syria, Pontus, and Bithynia, which above five times
exceeded the value of their damages.* And, when they had
got the money, instead of setting up the colossus again (for
which most of it was given,)" they pretended that an oracle
from Delphos forbid it, and put the whole suminto their own
pockets-, whereby they very much enriched themselves.
So this colossus lay where it fell, without being any more
erected, and there was let lie eight hundred and ninety-four
years ; till at length, in the year of our Lord 672,^ Moawias,
the sixth caliph or emperor of the Saracens, having taken
Rhodes, sold the brass to a Jewish merchant, who loaded
with it nine hundred camels ; and therefore, allowing eight
hundred pounds weight to every camel's burden, the brass of
this colossus, after the waste of so many years by the rust and
wear of the brass itself, and the purloinings and embezzle-
ments of men, amounted to seven hundred and twenty thou-
sand pounds weight.

Toward the end of this year died Ptolemy Euergetes, king
of Egypt, after he had reigned over that kingdom twenty-five
years. y He was the last king of that race that governed him-
self with any temper or virtue, all that after succeeded being

r Plinius, lib. 34, c. 7. Strabo, lib. 14, p. 652 ; vide etiam Scaligeri Ani-
inadversiones in Eusebii Chronicon, iNo. 1794, p. 137.

s Plinius, ibid. t Polybius, p. 428, 429.

u Idem. ibid. Strabo, lib. 14, p. 650.

X Zonaras sub regno Constanlis Imperatoris Heraclii Nepotis, & Cedrc-
Hus. Vide etiam Scaligerum loco modo citato.

y Polybius, lib. 2, p. 155. .Tustin. lib. 29, c, 1. Plutarch, in Cluomene,
*'!o1emaeus Astronoixius in ('Hnoric,

BOOK II.] THE OLD AMD NEW TESTAMENTS. 333

monsters of luxury and vice.^ After having made peace with
Syria, he mostly applied himself to the enlarging of his domi-
nions southward ; and he extended them a great way down
the Red Sea, making himself master of all the coasts of it,
both on the Arabian as well as on the Ethiopian side, even
down to the straits through which it dischargeth itself into the
Southern ocean.*

On his death, he was succeeded by Ptolemy Philopaterhis
son,** a most profligate and vicious young prince/ An. 221.
He was supposed to have made away with his father Ptoi. piiiio-
by poison f and he had not been long on the throne ^
ere he added to th.it parricide the murder of his mother, and
of Magas his brother ; and a little after followed the death of
Cleomenes king of Sparta, occasioned by the same measures
of wickedness and barbarity.* He having been vanquished
and driven out of Greece by Antigonus, king of Macedon,
fled to Ptolemy Euergetes, and was kindly received by him :
but that king a little after dying, he had not that favour from
his successor. However, being looked upon as a person of
great wisdom and sagacity, Sosibius, who was Philopater's
chief minister of state, thought fit to communicate to him
his master's design of cutting off* Magas his brother, and to
ask his advice about it; which Cleomenes having dissuaded
him from, and given some reasons for it, which much dis-
pleased Sosibius, occasion was taken, from another matter,
to cast him into prison : from whence having gotten loose,
and gathered his friends and followers together, who came
with him from Sparta, he took the advantage of Ptolemy's
being absent from Alexandria, to call and excite the people
to assume their liberty, and free themselves from the
tyranny which they were then under: but, not succeed-
ing in this attempt, he slew himself in the streets of the
city, as did also all the rest that were with him.^ Plu-
tarch, in his life of Cleomenes, hath given us a full narrative
of this matter ; and so also hath Polybius in the fifth book of
his history.

Antiochus taking the advantage of Euergetes's death, and
the succession of so voluptuous and profligate a prince after
him, thought it a proper time for him to attempt the reco-
very of Syria ; and Hermias his prime minister pressed hard

z Strabo, lib. 17, p. 796.
a Monumentum Adulitanum.

b Ptolemaeus Astronomus in Canone. Kusebius in Chronico.
c Plutarchus in Cleomf-ne. Strabo, ibid. Polybius, lib. 5, p. 380, 381.
d Justin, lib. 29, c. 1.

e Plutarchus in Cleomene. Polybius, lib. 5, p. 380? 382-
f Plutarchus in Cleomene. Polybius, lib. 5
Vol, TI. 4."

334 C^ONNEXlOif OF THE HISTORV Off [PAUT H,

for his going in person to this war, contrary to the opinion of
Epigenes his general ; who thought it chiefly concerned him
to suppress the rebellion of Alexander and Melon in the
East; and therefore advised him to march immediately in
person with the main of his army for the subduing of those
rebels, before they should gather greater strength in the
revolted provinces against him. But the opinion of Hermias
taking place, Antiochus marched toward? Coelo-S^ria with
one part of his army, and sent Zeno and Theodotus Hermi-
olius, two of his generals, with the other to suppress the
rebels. s While he was on his march towards Coelo-Ssria,
being arrived at Seleucia near Z -D-j^ma. there was brought
thitherto him Laodice, the daughter of Mithridates king of
Pontus, to be his wife, which caused his ?tay for some time
in that place to celebrate the nuptials.'^ But the joy of his
marriage was soon interrupted by ill news from the East ; for
his generals being there overpowered by the joint forces of
Alexander and Molon, were forced to retire and leave them
masters of the field.' Hereon Antiochus, inclining to the advice
given by Epigenes, resolved to desist from his expedition in
Coelo-Syria, and march directly with all his forces into the East
for the suppressing of this rebellion, before it should grow to
any greaterhead. But Hermias persistingin hisformer opinion,
for the sake of some private views of his own which he had
therein, overbore all opposition to it, and prevailed with the
king to send another general with more forces into the East,
and proceed himself in his former intended expedition into
Coelo-Syria.^ The general sent into the East, was Xinsetas an
Achaean, whose commission was to joiu the forces which
were there before under the two former generals, and take
upon him the chief command of the whole army. But he
came off with worse success than those whom he succeeded :
for passing the Tigris, he was there drawn into a snare, and
circumvented by a stratagem of the enemy, and he, and all
the foices that passed with him, were cut oflTand destroyed ;
whereon the rebels made themselves masters of the province
of Babylonia, and almost all Mesopotamia, without any op-
position.^ In the interim Antiochus, proceeding in his expe-
dition in Coelo-Syria, penetrated as far as the valley which
lieth between two ridges of the mountains called Libanus
and Anti-Libanus ; but there he found the passes of those
mountains so well fortified, and such resistance made ia
them by Theodotus an ^tolian, who was there governor for

g Polybius, lib. 5, p. 387. Justin, lib. 30, c 1.

b Polybius. lib 5, p. 388. i Idem. lib. 5, p. 389.

k Polybius, lib. 5, p. 3P0, I Jdem, p. 391—393

BOOK ir.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 336

Ptolemy, that he was forced to retreat without making any
further progress that way :"" and the ill news which he had
by this time received of the loss of Xinaetas and his army in
the Ea?«t hastened his return ; for now being fully convinced
that lie h;\d nothing else to do but to follow the advice which
Epi^enes had at first given him, and march in person against
the rebels, and all else about him being of the same opinion,
he fully resolved on it; and Hermias durst not say any more
against it.° But to be revenged on Epigenes for thwarting
his designs herein, he did, by forged letters, fix a plot of trea-
son upon him, and caused him to be cut off for it. In the
interim Antiochus, though the year was now far spent, pass-
ed the Euphrates, and having there joined his other forces,
that he might be the nearer at hand for action the next spring,
he put his army into winter quarters in those parts, and there
waited the proper season for the beginning of the war.

And, as soon as that approached, he marched directly to
the Tigris, and having passed that river, forced Molon . 220
to a battle, wherein he got such an entire victory Ptoi. pwio-
overhim, that the rebel, finding his cause absolutely ^"
lost, out of despair, slew himself." Alexander was then
absent in Persia : but Nicolas, another brother, escaping
from the battle, brought him the ill news thither; whereon
they slew first their mother, then their wives and children,
and lastly themselves, that so they might avoid falling into
the hands of the conqueror. And thus ended this rebellion
(as it is to be wished all rebellions might end) in a most
calamitous destruction of all that were concerned in it.

After this victory the remains of the conquered army sub-
mitted to the king, who, after a severe reprimand upon them
for their rebellion, received ttiem to pardon, and ordered them
into Media, under the command of those whom he sent to
regulate the affairs of that province ;P and then returning to
Seleucia on the Tigris, there continued for some time, to give
his orders for the re?etlling of his authority in the revolted
provinces,and the reducing of all things again in them to their
former order; which having effected by such proper instru-
ments as he thought fit to employ herein, he marched against
the Atropatiaiis, a people inhabiting on the west of Media,
in a oountr) now called Georgia : Artabazes theirking. being
then a very old man, and grown decrepit with age, was so
terrified on the approach of Antiochus with his victorious
army, that he sent ambassadors to make his submission, and
agreed to peace with him on his own terms.*^

m Polybius, lib. 5, p. 890. n Idem, p. 393, 894.

P Polybius, lib. &. p. 395- 396. fee. p Idpni; p. ?98. 39!».

'33G t'OJjTNBXIOS OF THE KISTOEY ©F [VART 11.

By this time Hermias, through his insolence and haughty
conduct, growing intolerable to his master, as well as to all
else, Apollophanes the king's physician, who had at all times
his ear on the occasions of his health, took the advantage of
it to represent unto him the danger he was in from this minis-
ter, telling him, that it was time for him to look to himself,
and take care that he did not meet with the same fate as his
brother did in Phrygia, and be cut olf by those he most con-
fided in ; that it was manifest Hermias was lading designs for
himself; and that no time was any longer to be lost for the
preventing of them/ Antiochus, who had the same sentiments
with his physician, but had hitherto suppressed them, out of
diffidence to whom to communicate them, very gladly recei-
ved the proposal, and immediately entered on measures for
the ridding himself of this odious and dangerous minister;
and accordingly, as it had been concerted, having drawn
him off from the army to accompany him on a walk abroad
to take the air, as was pretended, for his health, as soon as
he had thus decoyed him to a convenient distance from all
that might give him any assistance, he ordered him to be cut
off by those that attended him ; which was much to tl^e
satisfactionof all the provinces of the Syrian empire : for he
being a man of great cruelty, pride, and insolence, mana-
ged all things with severity and violence, bearing no con-
tradiction to his sentiments, or opposition to any thing he
would have done, or suffering any person or thing to stand in
his way to what he intended; which drew on him a general
odium every where. But nowhere was there a more signal
instance of it, than at Apamea in S)r«a ; for there they no
sooner heard of his death, but they fell on his wife and chil-
dren, whom he had left in that city, and stoned them all to
death.

After this Antiochus having thus successfully managed his
affairs in the East, and settled all the provinces there under
such governors as he thought he might best contide in, he
marched back into Syria, and there put his army into winter
quarters;' and at Antioch spent the remaining part of the
year in consulting with his ministers, and the officers of his
army, about the operations of the next year's war.

For he had still two dangerous enterprises to' undertake
for the restoring of the Syrian empire ; the first against Pto-
lemy, for the recovery of Syria, and the other against Achaeus,
who had made himself master of all the Lesser Asia. For Pto-
lemy Euergctes having, in the beginning of the reign of Seleu-

»1 Folybius, f. A^. v Mem, lib . 6, p. 40O. 41 II .

•i T'l-m* lib. *,

iiOOK II. j THE OLD AND NEW TE3TAlfENTS. 337

cus Callinicus, seized all Syria, as hath been above related, a
great partof it was still held b) his successor the present Egyp-
tian king; and Antiochus had reason to be very uneasy in
having him so near a neighbour. And as to Achasus, it hath
been already related how he refused the crown, when otTered
him, on the dcaih of Seleucus Ceraunus; and instead of put-
ting it on his own head, faithfully preserved it for Antiochus,
the next rightful heir. Hereon Antiochus committed to him
the government of all his provinces in Lesser Asia; which
charge he having managed with that valour and wisdom of
conduct, as to recover them all out of the hands of Attains,
king of Pergamus, who had in a manner made himself abso-
lute master of them, this success made him envied by the
chief minister, and others who had the king's ear at court;
and therefore, resolutions being taken to suppress him,
forged letters were produced to prove him to have entertain-
ed traitorous designs for the usurping of the crown, and to
hold correspondence with Ptolemy, and to be in league with
him for this purpose; which Achaeus having notice of, found
he had no other way to secure himself against the mischie-
vous machinations of those men, than by doing what he was
charged with.* And therefore, being necessitated for his own
defence to set up for himself, he assumed the crown, which
he had before refused, and declared himself king of Asia.
So that Antiochus having these two dangerous wars upon his
hands, which of these two he should first undertake, either
that against Ptolemy for the recovery of Syria, or that against
Achaeus for the recovery of I^esser Asia, was the matter which
was under debate in the king's council.

But at length, upon full consideration, it being resolved,
first to reduce all that belonged to the Syrian empire ^^ ^^^
on that side Mount Taurus, before they marched rtoi. phi.
over it against Achasus, the operations of the ensu- "^^^ "'
ing campaign were concerted and ordered accordingly." For
the garrisons which the Egyptians had in Syria being the
deepest thorn in their side, and which they were most sen-
sible of, it was thought the best course to remove this first;
and therefore at present only threatening letters were sent to
Achaeus, and the whole army rendezvoused at Apamea to
carry the Vvar into Coelo-Syria. But, in a council there held
before the march of the army from thence, Apollophanes the
king's physician, having represented how preposterous a thing
it was for him t_ pass into Ccelo-Syria, and leave Seleucia, a
place so near his capital, in the enemy's hands behind him, he
drew all over to him by the reason of the thing : for this city

t Polybius, lib. 5, p. 401 . u Hem, lib. 5, p. 402

338 CdUKBXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

stood upon the same river with Antioch, at the distance only
of fifteen miles below it, near the mouth of that river. On
Ptolemy Euergetes's having invaded Syria in the cause of
Berenice his sister, which hath been abo\ e related, he seized
this city ; and a garrison of Egyptians having been then placed
in it, the} had held the place ever since, now full twenty-
seven years ; which was not only a constant annoyance to the
Antiochians, but also intercepted their communication with
the sea, and spoiled all their trade that way ; for Seleucia,
lying near the mouth of the river Orontes, was the seaport
to Antioch ; and they suffered much by being deprived of it.
All which being set forth by Apollophanes in his representa-
tion of this matter, it fully determined the king and all his
council to follow the measures he proposed, and begin the
campaign with the siege of Seleucia ; and accordingly the
whole army marched thither, and invested that place, and,
having carried it by a general assault, drove the Egyptians
thence.^

After this Antiochus hastened into Coelo-Syria,^ being
called thither by Theodotus the iEtolian, Ptolemy's governor
of that province, with offer of putting the whole country into
his hands. It hath been already related, how valiantly he
repulsed Antiochus in his last eruption into that country.
But this was not enough to please those who governed at
court; they expected more from him, which they imagined
was in his power to have done, and therefore called him to
Alexandria to answer for it at the peril of his head. And al-
though he were acquitted, on the hearing of his cause, and
sent back to his government, yet he did not acquit them of
the wrong they did him by this injurious accusation, but re-
turned into Coelo-Syria with such resentment and indignation
for this ill-usage and affront, that he resolved to be revenged
for it. And, while he attended his cause at court, having ob-
served in how vile and dissolute a manner all lived there,
this augmented his indignation, he not being able to bear
"with any patience his being made obnoxious to so despica-
ble a set of men ; for nothing could be more lewd and abo-
minable than the conduct ol Philopater during all the time
of his reign; and his whole court was formed after his ex-
ample. He is said to have poisoned his father; and
he made this the more believed, that, after his decease,
he openly and avowedly put to death Berenice his mother,
and Magas his only brother; and then thinking himself
free from all control and fear of danger, he gave himself

s Polybius, p. 404, 405
y Idem, p.4<l'i 406.

BOOK 11.] TKB OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 339

up to the vilest entertainments of lust, luxury, and bestiality,
minding little else than the glutting of himself in all the
pleasures which these most detestable vices could afford him.
Hts chief minister was Sosibius, a man bad enough to suit the
service of such a master, and crafty enough to know and use
all the means whereby best to secure his interest under him."'
But those that most governed him were Agatiiocies, Agatho-
clea his sister, and Ocnanthe their mother.* The first was
his paihic, the second his concubine, and the last his bawd to
serve him in providing for the worst of his lusts. Agatho-
clea was at first a public wojnan and a common strumpet ; but,
having engaged Philopater's affection, she had an absolute
ascendant over him all his life after, and his love to her was
the foundation on which was built his favour to the other two.
Theodotus, on his being at Alexandria, having observed all
this, could not but abhor so vile a conduct, and, being a gal-
lant man, scorned to be any longer imder it ; and this, with
his resentments for his ill usage, put him upon a resolution
of seeking for a new master, that might be more worthy of
his service. And therefore, on his return to his province,
having seized Tyre and Ptolemais, he declared for king An-
tiochus, and sent him the message I have mentioned to call
him into those parts, and on his arrival, delivered to him these
two cities; whereby he put him in a fair way of becoming
master of all the rest of that country. Nicolas, one of Pto-
lemy's generals in those part?, made some opposition to him
on this invasion, although not sufficient to obstruct his pro-
gress ; for although he were a countryman of Theodotus's, as
being an ^Etolian, yet he would not join with him in this de-
fection, but still adhered to the interest of king Ptolemy,
according to his first engagements to him ; and therefore as
soon as Tneodotus had seized Ptolemais, he besieged him in
it ; and. oi Autiochus's marching thither to raise the siege,
he seized the parses of Mount Libanus against hiin, and de-
fended them to the utmost; but, being overborne by the su-
perior power of Antiochus, he was forctd to recede, and An-
tiochus had thereon Tyre and Ptolemais put into his hands
by Theodotus; where having found great magazines of war
which Ptolemy' had in these two places prepared and laid
up for his army, and also a fleet of forty sail of ships, he sei-
zed both for his service. The ships he delivered to Diog-
netius, his admiral, with orders to sail to Pelusium, purpo-
sing, at the same time, to march thither by land with all his
army, and invade Egypt. But being informed, that at that

z Plutarch, in Cleomene. Valesii Excerpta ex Folybia, p. 64.
-•» Plutarch, ibid. Athen. lib. 13, p. 577. Justin, lib. .30, c. 1, e

o40 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

time of the year the banks of the Nile used to be cut, and all
the country laid under water, and that therefore the invading
of that reahn was then inripracticable, he altered his purpose,
and turned all his force for the reducing of the rest of Coelo-
Syria ; and, having taken some places iit it b} surrender, and
others by force, he at length made himself master of Damas-
cus, the chief city of the province, having taken it by a stra-
tagem, with which he overreached Dinon, who had the com-
mand of it for king Ptolemy.'' His last attempt in this cam-
paign was upon Dora,*^ a maritime town near Mount Carmel,
called Dor in the holy Scriptures:*^ but the place being
strongly situated, and well fortified and provided for by the
care of Nicolas, he could make no impression upon it ; and
therefore was glad to accept of a proposal, which was
there otTered him, of making a truce with Ptolemy for four
months; and thereon, drawing off under the credit of it, he
marched back to Seleucia on the Orontes, and there put his
army into winter quarters, leaving those places which he had
taken in this year's war under the care and government of
Theodotus the ^tolian.

During this truce, a treaty was set on foot between the two
contending princes, but without any other design on either
side than to gain time.^ Ptolemy lacked it to make prepa-
ration for the ensuing war, and Antiochus to look after
Achaeus ; for he having now manifest designs of usurping Sy-
ria from him, as well as Lesser Asia, he wanted to be at home
to provide against them. In this treaty, the chief point in
debate was, to whom Coelo-Syria, Phoenicia, Samaria, and
Judea, did belong, by virtue of the partition that was made
of Alexander's empire between Ptolemy. Seleucus, Cassan-
der, and Lysimachus, after the death of Antigonus, slain in
the battle of Ipsus. Ptolemy claimed these provinces, as
having been by that treaty assigned, as he said, to Ptolemy
Soter, his great grandfather. On the other side, Antiochus
alleged, that they had in that partition been assigned to Se-
leucus Nicator, and therefore he claimed them to belong to
him as the heir and successor of that king in the Syrian em-
pire.

While these pretences were alleged on both sides, and
neither yielded to the other, the time of the truce
wore out ; and, nothing being effected by the treaty rto'i. pwio,
both parties again provided for the war,^ Nicolas' ^*'" ^'

b Polyaenus, lib. 4, c. 15. c Polybius, lib. 6, p. 409.

d Joshua xi.2; xvii. 11. Judges i. 27. 1 Kings iv. 11. 1 Chron. vii. 29

e Polybius, lib. 5, p. 409, 410, 411.

f Idem, lib. 5, p. 411, 412, fc*-

'/;UOK II.J Tilt; OLD ANir-MiW TKSrAME^.-TS. 'S^l

the iEtolian, having given prool'of his valour and lidoliiv in
his last year's service for king Ptolemy, was this year mad'.-
his generalissimo for this war, and had tlie whole care of his
interest in the contested provinces committed to Jiis charge ;
and Perigenes, his admiral, was sent with a fleet to carry on
the war by sea. Nicolas, having rendezvoused his forces at
Gaza, and being there furnished tVom Egypt with all neces-
sary accoutrements and provisions for the war, marched di-
rectly from thence for mount Libanus, and seized the straits
which lay between that ridge of mountains and the sea,
through which it was necessary for Antiochus to pass, re-
solving to expect him there, and, by the advantage of the
place, obstruct his further progress that way. In ihe inte-
rim Antiochus was not idle ; but having made all due pre-
parations for the war, both by sea and land, committed his
tleet to the command of Diognetus, his admiral, and then
marched himself with his army by land. The fleets on both
sides coasting the armies, as (hey marched by land, they ail
met at those straits where Nicolas had posted himself; and,
while Antioclius there assaulted Nicolas by land, the fleets
encountered at sea, and the battle was begun on both sides
both by sea and land at the same lime, and in sight of each
other. At sea the fight ended upon equal terms on both
sides, neither party getting the better of the other. But at
land, Antiochus having gotten the advantage, Nicolas was
forced to retire to Sidon, with the loss of four thousand of
his men slain and taken ; and thither also Perigenes follow-
ed him with the Egyptian fleet, Antiochus pursued them
thither both by sea and land, with intention to besiege the
place : but tinding it too strongly provided with men, and
all other necessaries, to be easily taken, he thought nat fit
to sit down before it; but, having sent his fleet to Tyre, he
marched with his army into Galilee, and, having taken Phi-
loteria, on the north end of the sea of Tiberias, and Scytho-
polis or Bethsan, on the south end, he marched to Attaby-
rium, a city situated on Mount Tabor, the mountain afterward
made famous by the transfiguration of our Saviour on it,
and by a stratagem, soon made himself master of the place;
and, by taking these cities, having brought all Galilee under
him, he marched over the river Jordan into the land of
Gilead, and took possession of all that country, which for-
merly had been the inheritance of the tribes of Reuben and
Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh, on that side of the rirer.
After that he took Rabbah of the children of Ammon. Po-
iybius calls it Rabbatamana (i. e. Rabbath-Amraon.s) I have

g So Rabbah of Ammon is written iu the Hebrew language ;. see the He-
iirew text, Deut.iii. 11. 3 Sara. xii. 26. Jer. slix,2.
voii. II. 44

.'J4'2 < OXiSEXIUN OF THE HlSiOUV uF [fARI If.

shown before, how Ptolemy Philadelphus, having rebuilt this
city, called it Philadelphia. It being strong and populous,
it made a vigorous resistance against Antiochus and all his
army; but at length he brought them to a surrender, by
stopping tlseir water-course. On his making himself master
of this place, he forced all the neighbouring Arabs to submit
to him. But, by this time the year being far spent, he re-
passed the river Jordan, and, having placed Hippolochus and
Kerjeas (who lately revolted to him from King Ptolemy) in
the government of Samaria, with five thousand men, to keep
that part of the country in quiet, he led back all the rest of
his forces to Ptolemais, and there put them into winter
quarters.

As soon as the spring began, both parties again took the
field.'' Ptolemy, having gotten together an army of
Pwi. Fhi- seventy thousand foot, five thousand horse, and
lopater 5. ggyg^^y.^j^j-ee clophants, ordered them to rendez-
vous atPelusium; where, putting himself at the head of
them, as soon as all was got ready for the march, he led
them over the deserts that parted F>gypt and Palestine, and
encamped at Raphia, a town lying between Rhinocoruraand
Gaza; and there Antiochus met him with an army little in-
ferior to his ; for he had sixty-two thousand foot, six thou-
sand horse, and one hundred and two elephants; and there
he encamped, first within ten furlongs, and afterward within
five of the enemy. While they lay Uius near to each other,
many bickerings happened between parties, as they went out
on each side, either for watering or forage, and many bold
adventures were made by particular persons from both
armies. But that of Theodotus the iEtolian was the most re-
markable ; for, being well acquainted with the Egyptian
usages, as having long served Ptolemy, till he revolted from
him to Antiochus, betook the advantage of a dusky evening,
when his face could not be well discerned, to enter into the
enemy's camp with two companions, and, being there taken
for one of them, went into Ptolemy's tent with design to
have killed him, and with that one stroke to have put an end
to the war. But, not finding him there, he slew his chief
physician instead of him, wounded two others, and then,
amidst the hurry and tumult raised hereon, escaped safe back
again into his own camp.' At length both kings drew out all
their forces for a decisive battle, and both rode before the
front of their respective armies, to excite and encourage
their men for the fight. Arsinoe, who was sister and wife to
king Ptolemy, accompanied him in this action, and not onlv

Ti Polybius, lib. &, p. 421,422, i.c. liieroiivmiip in cap. xi. Danieli*.
} Idem; lib. 5, p. 423. 3 Macca^. '• 1

KOOK II.J THE OLD A^'D ShW TESTAilESTJi. -343

exerted herself in the encouraging of the soldiers before the
fight, but also continued with her husband in the battle
throughout all the heat and dangers of it.'' The event of the
battle was, Antiochus, commanding the right wing, routed
the opposite wing of the enemy; but, pursuing them too far,
in the ioterim, the other wing of the enemy, having beaten
his left wing, fell upon the main body then left naked, and
utterly broke them, before he could return to their assist-
ance. An old officer of Antiochus's army, observing which
way the cloud of dust went, concluded from thence, that the
main body was routed, and showed it to the king. But, al-
though he immediately returned, he came too late to recover
this fault, finding all the rest of his army put to flight on his
coming back to them. Hereon he was forced to retreat,
first to Raphia, and next to Gaza, with the loss often thou-
sand of his men slain, and four thousand taken prisoners :
after which, being no more able to make head against Ptole-
my in those parts, he quitted them to the conqueror, and,
having gathered together the remains of his broken forces,
he returned with them to Antioch. This battle at Raphia
was fought at the same time that Hannibal vanquished Fla-
minius, the Roman consul, at the lake of Thrasimenus in
Hetruria.

On the retreat of Antiochus, the cities of Coelo-Syria and
Palestine were at a strife which of them should first yield
themselves again to Ptolemy : for having been long under the
government of the Egyptians, they were in their affections
inclined rather to their old masters than to Antiochus. It
was only by force that they had submitted to the latter ;
and therefore, that force being now removed, they returned
again to their former bent, and Ptolemy's court was thronged
with ambassadors from them to make their submissions, and
oflfer presents unto him ; among whom were ambassadors
from the Jews, who were all kindly received.' Ptolemy,
having thus regained these provinces, made a progress through
them, and, among other cities which he visited in this peram-
bulation, Jerusalem was one that had this favour from him.*"
On his arrival thither, he took a view of the temple, and
there offered up many sacrifices to the God of Israel, and
made many oblations to the temple, and gave several very
valuable donatives to it. But, not being content to view it
only from the outer court, beyond which it was not lawful for
any Gentile to pass, he would have pressed into the sanctu-
ary itself, and into the holy of holies in the temple, where

k Polybius, lib. 5, n. 423 — 427. 3 Maccab. c. 1. Hieronymus. ibid. .Tustin
lib. 30, c. 1.
I Pulybiu!!, lib, 5, p. 42?, 42?. m 3 Maccab. 1.

344 coKxEXioN OF THE niSTORy of [vakt u,

uone but the higli-pricst only, once a year, on the great day
of expiation, was to enter. This made a great uproar all
over the city. The high-priest informed him of the sacred-
uess of Ihe place, and the law of God which forbad his en-
trance thither. And the priests and Levites gathered to-
<'ethcr to hinder it, and all ihe people to deprecate it; and
•Tcat lamentation was made every where among them on the
apprehension of the great profanation which would hereby
be offered to their holy temple, and all hands were lifted up
unto God in prayer to avert it. But the king, the more he
was opposed, growing the more intent to have his will in this
matter, pressed into the inner court; but, as he was passing
further to go into the temple itself, he was smitten from God
with such a terror and confusion of mind, that he was car-
ried out of (he place in a manner half dead. On this he de-
parted from Jerusalem, filled with great wrath against thj
whole nation of the Jews for that which happened to him in
that place, and venting many threatenings against them for tt.
Th« high-priest wlio withstood Ptolemy in this attempt
upon the temple was Simon, the son of Onias, the second of
that name :° for, his father dying towards the end of the
Ibrraer year, he succeeded him in his office ; and this was the
ilrst year of his pontificate ; and it was well that a wiser mau
was then in that ofHce when this difficulty happened : for,
during the whole time of Onias's ministration, all the affairs
of the Jews were, both in church and state, very negligently
and supinely managed ; for he being a very weak man, and
withal exceedingly covetous, minded little else but how to
heap ap money. The Samaritans, observing this, took the
advantage of it to be very vexatious to the Jews, and, out of
their old enmity to (hem, did (hem many and great damages,
plundering and ravaging their country, and carrying many of
the inhabi(ants into captivity, and selling ttiem for slaves ;
and this they had in some measure practised ever since the
contention arose between Antiochusand Ptolemy Philopatcr
about (he provinces of Coclo-Syria and Palestine, screening
themselves sometimes under the one side, and sometimes
under the o(hcr. according as they found they might be the
most vexatious to (he Jews ; and, during all the time that (his
war lasted, the Jews suffered very much by it from both par-
lies, as did al! the rest of the inhabitants of I*alestine : for
Palestine, of which Judea was a part, being one of the coun-
tries in contest, while these two potent princes thus sfrovc
tor it, it happened to (hose that dv.elt in it (as usually it do(h
to all others in (his case.) (hat they were grinded between

It 3 Maccal). c. 2. .lo?eph. Antiii lib. 12, c. 4. Enst>}>iiis in Chronirr..
Ghion'icon Alexaiidritiiini.

BOOK n.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAJIENTS* 345

both ; for, as sometimes the one side, and sometimes the
other, were masters of the country, they were sure to be ha-
rassed by each in their turns : and this continued to be their
case as long as that contest lasted, and they suffered exceed-
ingly by it.°

Antiochus, as soon as he was returned to Antioch, sent am-
bassadors to Ptolem) to move for peace.P That which in-
duced him to this was, he mistrusted the fidelity of his own
people, finding, on his return, both his interest and his autho-
rity much sunk by his late misfortune at Raphia ; and another
reason for it was, it was time for him, to look after Achaeus :
for he having, by his victories over Attains, made himself
absolute master of all the Lesser Asia, should he be let alone
to settle his authority there, Antiochus well saw it would not
be long ere he must expect him in Syria, there to push for
the whole empire; to prevent this, he thought it his best
course to make peace with Ptolemy, lest, having two such
powerful enemies, one on each hand of him, to deal with at
the same time, he should be crushed between them : and
therefore he empowered his ambassadors to yield to Ptolemy
all those provinces which were in contest between them, that
is, all Ccelo-Syria and Palestine. 1 have afore shown, that
Coelo-Syria contained that part of Syria that lay between the
mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus ; and Palestine, all that
country which was formerly the inheritance of the children
of Israel, and that the maritime parts of both were what the
Greeks called Phoenicia. All this Antiochus was willing to
part with to the king of Egypt, for the obtaining of peace
with him in the present juncture, choosing rather to quit his
claim to all these countries, than for the sake of them to run
the risk of losing all the rest. And accordingly a truce being
agreed on for a year, before that was expired, a peace was
made upon the terms proposed : and hereby Antiochus was
left wholly at leisure to attend to the recovery of Lesser
Asia, and the suppressing of Achaeus, which was a matter of
much greater moment unto him at this time ; and Ptolemy,
that he might be again fully at liberty to follow his voluptu-
ous enjoyments, was as fond of being rid of this war as the
other. And therefore, as soon as the truce was concluded,
after having tarried three months in those provinces to settle
his affairs in them, he committed the chief command over
them to Andromachus of Aspendus, and returned again to
Alexandria ; and, on his arrival thither immersed himself
again deeper than ever in all the beastly pleasures of his

o Joseph. Anliq. lib. 12, c. 3.

p Polybins, lib. ;>, p. 428. Jusliii, lib.>30, c. 1. Hieronymus in cap. xi.

Dnniflis.

34C CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART 11.

former life ; and, that he might not be interrupted in his en-
joyment of them, he sent Sosibius, his chief minister, to
Antioch, to turn the truce into a peace, which was according-
ly done on the terms 1 have mentioned. And thus Ptolemy,
for the sake of his lusts, contenting himself with the recovery
of the provinces of Coelo- Syria and Palestine, made no other
advantage of his victory at Raphia ; but this did not content
his people, who expected much more from it. It is certain,
had he pursued that blow, he might have deprived Antiochus,
not only of Palestine and Coelo-Syria, but of all the rest of
his empire ; and this was what the Egyptians would have had
done, and were very angry when they found themselves
disappointed of it by so disadvantageous a peace. The dis-
content which followed herefrom gave rise to those disorders
in Egypt, which, the next year after, broke out into a rebel-
lion ; and thus Ptolemy, by avoiding a war abroad, caused one
at home in his own kingdom.

Ptolemy, on his return to Alexandria, carrying thither with
216 '^'"™ ^'^ anger against the Jews, for their obstructing
ptoi.pbi- his entrance into their temple at Jerusalem, resolved
opater . ^^ ^^ revenged for it on all of that nation who were
then at Alexandria. And therefore he published a decree,
and caused it to be engraven on a pillar erected at the gates
of his palace, whereby he forbad all to enter thither that did
not sacrifice to the gods which he worshipped ; whereby he
excluded the Jews from all access to him, either for the suing
to him for justice, or the obtaining of his protection, in what
case soever they should stand in need of it.i And whereas
the inhabitants of Alexandria were of three ranks,"^ 1st. The
Macedonians, who were the original founders of the city, and
had the first right in it ; 2dly. The mercenary soldiers, who
came thither to serve in the army ; and, 3dly. The native
Egyptians ; and, by the favour of Alexander the Great and
Ptolemy Soter, the Jews were enrolled among the first rank,*
and had all the privileges of original Macedonians conferred
on them, Philopater resolved to deprive them of this right :
and therefore, by another decree, ordered that all the Jewish
nation that lived in Alexandria should be degraded from the
first rank, of which they had hitherto always been from the
first founding of that city, and be enrolled in the third rank,
among the common people of Egypt •,* and that all of them
should come thus to be enrolled, and, at the time of their en-
rolment, have the mark of an ivy leaf, the badge of his god
Bacchus, by an hot iron impressed upon them ;" and that all

q 3 Maccab. c. 2. r Strabo, lib. 17, p. 797.

a Josephus Antiq. lib. 12. c. 1, ii contra Apionein, lib. 2.
I S Maccab. c. 2. u 2 Maccab. vi. 7.

eOOK n.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMLXTS. 347

(hose vvho should refuse to be thus enrolled, and stigmatized
with the said mark, should be made slaves ; and thai, if anv
of them should stand out against this decree, he should he put
to death. He would have them marked with the badge of
his god Bacchus, not only in that, by his drunkenness, he had
made himself a great devotee of his, but most especially in
that the Ptolemies of Egypt pretended to derive their pedi-
gree from him, and therefore he himself was marked with
this badge ;^ for which reason they gave him the nickname
of Gallus,'' because the priests called Galli were so marked.
So saith the author of the Greek Etymologicon : his words
are,*^ " Ptolemy Philopater was called Gallus, because he was
stigmatized or marked with the leaf of an ivy, in the same
manner as the priests called Galli ; for in all the bacchanal
solemnities they were crowned with ivy." But that he
might not seem an enemy to all of that nation, he ordained,
that as many of them as would be initiated into the heathen
religion, and sacrifice unto his gods, should retain their former
privileges, and remain still in the same rank which they were
of before. But, of the many thousands of the Jewish race
which then dwelt at Alexandria, there were found only three
hundred who accepted of this condition, and forsook their
God to gain the favour of their king. Tlie rest stood all tirm
to their religion, rather choosing to suffer any thing than de-
part in the least from it ; and those of them that had riches
freely parted with them to the king's officers, to get themselves
excused from being thus enrolled and stigmatized ; but others
were forced to submit hereto. But all of them so abhorred
those that apostatized from their God, to please the king on
this occasion, that they thenceforth excluded them from all
manner of communication with them, none of them vouchsa-
fing after that to converse, or, on any occasion whatsoever,
to have any more to do with such impiosi? vv retches ^ which
being interpreted as done by them in opposition to the king's
authority, this so enraged him against them, that he took a
resolution of destroying them all, that is, not only those Jews
that were of Alexandria, but all the other of that nation,
wheresoever they lived, within his dominions, proposing first
to begin with those of Egypt, and then to proceed, in the
next place, against the inhabitants of Judea and Jerusalem,
and extirpate the whole nation.* And therefore, in the first
place, he sent out his orders to command that all the Jews,
who lived any where in Egypt, should be brought in chains to

X Theophilus Antiochenus ex Salyri Historia.

y Ev iTTilofAv f(fovuf, a Scaligero edita, p. 254. Chron. Alexandrin.

z In\M: i <J>t\Q7txTiif Ilro?Mttlo; i)ta. to ^uhK* Ktms lutra^-i^^'ju itf ct TtthMi, &:c .

a 3 Maccabees c. 3.

o48 <:u.Ni\K.\|t>\ OF THE HISTORY OF [I'AUT li.

Alexandria ; and having Ihcm accordingly thus brought
thither, he shut them up in the Hippodrome (a large place
without the city, where the people used to assemble to see
horse-races, and other shows.) purposing there to expose them
for a spectacle to be destroyed by his elephants.'' But, when
they were all met, at the day appointed to see the sight, and
the elephants were brought forth ready prepared for the exe-
cution, they were disappointed of the shou- for that day by
the king's absence ; for, being late up the night before at a
drunken carousal, he slept so long the next day, that the time
for the show was over before he awoke ; whereon it was put
off to the next day following ; and then the same cause made
another disappointment : for another such lit of drunkenness
had so drowned his thoughts, that, when called up the next
morning then to see the show, he remembered nothing of it,
but thought those out of their wits who spoke to him of it ;
which caused that the show was put off again to the third day.
All this while the Jews continuing shut up in the Hippodrome,
ceased not, with lifted-up hands and voices, to pray unto God
for their deliverance ; which he accordingly vouchsafed unto
them ; for, on the third day, when the king was present, and
the elephants were brought forth, and made drunk with wine
mingled with frankincense (as they had been the two days
before,) that they might with the more rage execute what
was intended upon those people, and were accordingly let
loose upon them, instead of falling upon the Jews, they turned
their rage all upon those who came to see the show, and de-
stroyed great numbers of them ; and besides, several appear-
ances were seen in the air, which much frighted the king and
all the spectators. All which manifesting the interposal of
a divine power in the protection of those people, Philopater
durst not any longer prosecute his rage against them, but or-
dered them to be all again set free ; and fearing the divine
vengeance upon him in their behalf, for the appeasing and
diverting of it, he restored them to all their privileges,
rescinding and revoking all his decrees which he had publish-
ed against them : and he added over and above many gifts
and favours unto them ; among which one was, that he gave
them liberty to put to death all those Jews who had apostati-
zed from their religion ; which they accordingly executed,
not sparing a man of them.*^ Josephus gives us no account,
in his Antiquities, of all this matter ; but there is mention of
it in his second book against Apion. But it is to be observed,
that we have this only in the Latin edition of Ruffinus : for
the Greek text is there wanting; and also there this whole

b 3 Maccabees c. 5. r! 3 Maccabees c. 4.

BOOK ir.j THE OLU Ai\U i\E\% TESTAMENTS. 349

matter is said to be transacted in the reign of Ptolemy Phys-
con, many years after the time where 1 have here placed it
according to the third book of the Maccabees ; for there the
whole history of this persecution, and the deliverance of the
Jews from it, is at large related, it being the whole subject of
that book; and therein it is said to have been all transacted in
the reign of Ptolemy Philopater, immediately on his return
from Syria, after the victory obtained by him at the battle of
Raphia ; and when that battle was fought, Polybius and other
authors have told us.

The name of Maccabees was first given to Judas and his
brethren, for the reason which will be hereafter mentioned ;
and therefore the first book and the second book, which give
us an account of their actions, are called the first book and
the second book of the Maccabees. But, because they were
sufferers in the cause of their religion, hence others who were
like sufferers in the same cause, and by their sufferings bore
witness to the truth, were in after times called also Macca-
bees by the Jews. And for this reason it is that Josephus,
having written apart by itself the history of those who suffer-
ed martyrdom under the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes,
gives it the title of the Maccabees ; and, for the same reason,
this history of the persecution of Ptolemy Philopater against
the Jews in Egypt, and their suffering under it, is called the
third book of the Maccabees, although, as to the subject
matter of it, it ought to be called the first book ; for the things
which it relates were first in order of time, as being transact-
ed before ever those Maccabees, of whom we have the histo-
ry in the first and second book of the Maccabees, were at all
in being. But this book being of less authority and repute
than the other two, it hath, for this reason, been reckoned
after them, according to the order of dignity, though it is be-
fore them in the order of time. It seems to have been writ-
ten by some Alexandrian Jew, in the Greek language, not
long after the time of Saracides. It is extant in Syriac ; but
the author of that version seems not well to have understood
the Greek original ; for in some places he varies from it
through manifest ignorance of the Greek language. It is in
most of the ancient manuscript copies of the Greek
Septuagint; as particularly it is in the Alexandrian manu-
script in the king's library at St. James, and in the Vatican
manuscript at Rome, which are two of the ancientest manu-
scripts of the Septuagint now in being ; but was never insert-
ed into the vulgar Latin version of the Bible, nor is it to be
found in any manuscript of it. And that version being only
in use through the whole western church till the reformation,
the first translations which we have of the Bible into English

vor, TT, 45

3o0 OONNEXIOX OF XilE HISTORY OF [PART If.

were made from thence ; and for that reason none of those
having the third book of Maccabees among the apocryphal
books, it hath never since been added, though it deserves a
place there much better than some parts of the second book
of Maccabees ; for though it comes to us in a romantic dress,
with some enlargements and embeUishments of a Jewish in-
vention, yet it is not to be doubted but the groundwork of it
is true, and that there really was such a persecution raised
against the Jews of Alexandria by Ptolemy Philopateras that
book relates \ there are accounts of other persecutions they
there underwent altogether as bad, which no one doubts of.**
The first authentic mention we have of this book is in Euse-
bius's Chronicon.'' It is also named with the two other books
of the Maccabees in the eighty-fifth of the apostolic canons.
But when that canon was added is uncertain. Some manu-
script Greek Bibles have not only this third book of ihe
Maccabees, but also Josephus's history of the martyrs that
suffered under Antiochus Epiphanes inserted after it by the
name of the fourth book of the Maccabees.^

In the interim, Antiochus, after the peace made with
Ptolemy, turning all his thoughts to the making war against
Achseus, and having made great preparations for it, marched
over Mount Taurus into Lesser Asia for the suppressing of
him ; where, having joined himself in league with Attains king
of Pergamus, by virtue of this conjunction, he so distressed
Achaeus, that he drove him out of the field, and shut him up
in Sardis, and thereon, sitting down before that place, be-
sieged him in it with his whole army.s

Achaeus there held out above a year against him.'* In the
interim many sallies were made, and many skirmishes
pioi.*Phi- were fought under the walls; till at length, in the
lapater .- ggj.Qjjjj yg^f of the sicge, by the craft of Ligoras, one
of Antiochus''s commanders, the city was taken ; whereon
Achasus retreated into the castle, and there defended himself
for so.me time, til! at last he was, by the treacherous contri-
vance of two crafty Cretans, delivered into the hands of Antio-
chus. The manner of it was thus : Ptolemy Philopater,
having entered into a strict alliance with Acha;us, was much
concerned on his hearing of his being so closely shut up in
the castle of Sardis, and therefore committed it to the care
of his chief minister Sosibius, by any means possible, to get
him out of this danger.' There being at that time in Ptole-

d See Philo's book against Tlaccus, and the history of his embassy to
Caligula. e Page 185.

f Vide Hoddium de Bibliorum Textibus Originalibus, 649.

g Polybius, lib. 5, p. 444, 44t). h Idem, lib. 7, p. 506. 507.

i Idem^Iib. 8, p. 522,523, &;(!.

BOOK ir.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENT.^. 351

my's court a crafty Cretan called Bolis, who had long resided
there, Sosibius consulted with him about this matter, and
asked his advice for the finding out of proper means for the
accomplishing of what his master desired. Bolis asking time
to consider of it, at the next conference undertook the matter,
and communicated to him the way which he thought of where-
by to accomplish it; for he told him that he had an intimate
friend, who was also a near relation of his, called Cambylus,
that was captain of the Cretan mercenaries in Antiochus's
array, and had then the keeping of a fortress behind the cas-
tle of Sardis : that him he would deal with to permit Achae-
us to make his escape that way. Sosibius, approving of the
project, forthwith sent Bolis to Sardis to put it in execution,
and gave him ten talents to bear him through in it. Bolis
having communicated the matter to Cambylus, they, like two
crafty knaves, consulted together how to make the most of it,
agreed to discover the whole to Antiochus ; and, on his pro-
mise of a suitable reward, to turn the plot for the betraying of
Achaeus into his hands, and then divide that reward, and also
the ten talents which Bolis had from Sosibius, between them-'^
Antiochus, on his receiving of this proposal, was much plea-
sed with it, and promised rewards large enough to encourage
the undertakers to go on with the plot. Bolis, by the means
of Cambyiiis, having got into the castle, and, by virtue of his
credentials from Sosibius and other friends, gained full credit
with the unfortunate prince ; so that he was hereby induced
to put himself into the hands of these two false Cretans ; they,
as soon as they had gotten him out of the castle, siezed his
person, and delivered him to Antiochus ; who having caused
him forthwith to be beheaded, did thereby put an end to the
Asian war : for as soon as the death of Achaeus was known,
they thai were in the castle forthwith surrendered : and, soon
after, all the other places through the Asian provinces did the
same •, and therefore Antiochus, having received them all
again under his obedience, left such governors over them as
he might best confide in, and then returned again to Antioch.
About this time the discontents of the Egyptians against
Philopater, which I have above mentioned, broke ^^_ ^is
out into a civil war. Polvbius^ tells us, that there pwi. Phi-
was such a war ; Out neitner he nor any author
gives us any account of the event of it. But Philopater still
retaining his royal dignity and power, without any diminu-
tion of cither, this sufficiently proves, that he mastered this
difficulty. Which side the Jews (who now made a consi-

k The Cretans were always infamous for falseness and knavery. Henre
St. Paul to Titus, i. 12, The Cretan^ art always liars.
I Lib.5, p. 444

352 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OJ' [PART 11-

(lerable part of the bulk of the people of Egypt) took in this
war, is not said ; but it seems most likely that they were of
that party which came by the worst : for Eusebius tells us,
that, about this time, forty thousand of them were cut off
and destroyed."

Antiochus, having settled his affairs in Lesser Asia," made
j^j^ 2,2 ^" expedition into the East for the reducing of
piJi. Phi- those provinces which had revolted from the Syrian
°^^^" ' ■ empire ; and the Parthians having lately seized
Media, his first attempt was upon that province. There
reigned at that time over the Parthians, Arsaces, the son of
that Arsaces who first founded the Parthian empire. He,
taking the advantage of Antiochus's being otherwise en-
gaged in his wars with I'tolemy and Achaeus, had entered
Media, and made himself master of that country, and added
it to his former dominions. On Antiochus's approach that
way, he endeavoured to hinder his passage, by stopping up
all the wells in the deserts through which he was to march,
no army being able there to be subsisted without them. But
Antiochus being aware of the design, sent a party of horse
before him to secure those wells ; who having driven away
the party that was sent to destroy them, Antiochus safely
passed those deserts with all his army, and, entering Media,
drove Arsaces thence ; and, having recovered all that coun-
try, spent the remainder of the year in settling of it again in
its former order under his dominion, and in providing for the
further operations of the war.

Early the next spring he marched into Parthia ; and there
. „,, bavins^ obtained the same success as in Media, Ar-

211. /• 1 IT • 1

vw\. rai- saces was forced to retreat mto Hyrcania, where,
opate. 11. thinking to secure himself behind the mountains
which parted that country from Parthia, he placed guards in
all the passes through which the Syrian army was to march,
hoping thereby to obstruct their further progress that way."
But Antiochus, as soon as the season would admit, took
Ka 210. ^^^ ^^''^ ^^ drive them thence ; and, by dividing his
koi. Phi- army into several parties, and assaulting those guards
opaer . ^jj ^^ ^^^ same time in their several stations, he soon
made himself master of all those passes, and therefore,
marching securely through them over those mountains, he
descended from them with all his army into the country of
Hyrcania, and there laid siege to Syringis the capital of the
province ; and after some time having, by undermining the
walls, made a great breach in them, he took the place by

m In Clironico, p. 185.

n Polybius, lib. 10, p. 598—602. Appian. in Svriacif,

o Polvblus, lib. 10, p. 609,

«00K n.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 353

storm, and all the inhabitants surrendered themselves to his
mercy.P In the interim Arsaces was not idle ; but all the
way as he retreated, having gathered forces, af length made
up an army of one hundred tiiousand foot, and twenty thou-
sand horse, with which being strong enough to face the entmy,
he made a stand agamst him, and with great valour opposed
his further progress, which drew out the war into a great
length.*! But after man} conflicts that happened between
the two armies, no further advantage being gained on the
part of Antiochus, he found it would be no easy matter for
him to vanquish so valiant an enemy, and wholly dispos-
sess him of the provinces whicii he had so long been set-
tled in. And therefore he became inclined to hearken to
terms of accommodation for the ending of so trouble-

o ^ An, 208.

some a war : and accordingly, a treni) being set on Pioi/phil
foot, it was agreed, that Aisacf s e-houid hold Paithia '*'^'*^' '^
and Hyrcania, on the tt^rms of becoming a confederate of
Antiochus, assisting him in his wars for the recovery of the
other provinces which had revolted from him.i

Antiochus having thu:* made peace with Arsaces, carried
the war in the next place against Euthjaefiius king
of Bactria." It hath been above related how Theo- Pi»i. i-hi-
dotus tirst usurped Bactria from the empire of the '"'^''^^ *^'
Syrian kings, and left it to his son of the same name. Him
Euthydemus, having vanquished and driven out, reigned in
his stead ; and bemg a very valiant and wise prince, he
maintained a long war against Antiochus in defence ot the
country which he had made himself master of; and every
where made good his ground against him ; so that Antiochus
only wasted his army in this country without gaming any
advantage by it.

In the interim Philopater went on in his old course of
life, giving himself wholly up to his lusts and voluptuous
dehghts. Agathoclea his concubine, and Agathocles her
brother, who was his catamite, governed him absolutely.
Drinking, gaming, and lasciviousness, were the whole em-
ployments of his life. Sosibius being an old crafty minister,
who had now served in the court under three kings, did, as
far as the favourites would permit, manage the alfair.s of the
state, in which, by his long experience, he was thoroughly
versed, but was wicked enough to serve such a king, and
such his favourites, in all their vilest purposes. While things
were thus managed, Arsinoe, who was sister and wife to
Philopater, was little regarded, which she, not having pa-

p Polybius, lib. 10, p. 600, 601.

q Justin, lib. 41, c, 5. s Polybius. lib. 10, p. 620 •

354 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [tART 11.

tience enough to bear, spared neither her complaints nor
her clamours on all occasions ; which much offending the
king, and also the whore and the catamite, who governed
him, orders were given to Sosibius to put her to dealh, which
he accordingly executed by the hands of one Philammon,
whom he employed for the effecting of this cruel and bar-
barous murder/ Justin calls htr Eur)dice," and Livy, Cleo-
patra ;^ but according to Poljbius, who writeth with the
most exactness of these matters, her name was Arsinoe.

These things^ ver) much displeasing the people, they
An 206 forced Sosibius, during the liJetime of the king, to
Pi.i. riii- quit his oflice of cliief tiiiiiister, and called to it Tle-
°^''"^' ■ polesnu?, a }oung nobleman of threat note in the army
for his valour and military prowess and skill ; and, by a
general vote in the grand council, appointed him to succeed
therein. And accordingly 8(jsit)ius resigned to him the
king's signet, which was the badge of his otfice ; and, by vir-
tue thereof, TU'polemus managed all the public affitirsof the
kingdom during the remainder of the king's life ; but iu that
short time he abundantly shuwcd, that he was noway equal
to the charge he undertook, iiaving neither the experience,
craft, nor application of his predecessor to qualify him for it,
Iu the meanwhile Antiochus carried on the war against
Euthjdemus in Bactria ;^ but, after his utmost efforts for
the dispossessinj>; him of that country, finding that he made
but little progress herein, by r.iason of the valour and vigi-
lancy of those he had to deal with, he i^rew weary of the
war, and therefore admitted ambassadors from Euth)demus
to treat of an accommodation. B) them Euth>demus com-
plained of the injustice of the war waich Antiochus had
made ;«gainst him, teiling him he was not of those who had
revolted from him, and that therefore he had not on this ac-
count any ri. ht of war against him ; that the revolt of the
Bactrians from the Syrian empire had been made under the
leading of others before his time ; that he was possessed of
that country, by having vanquished and driven out the de-
scendants of those revolters, and held it as a just price of his
victory over them. He further ordered it to be suj^gested
to Antiochus, that th(? Scythians, taking the advantage of
the war in which (hey were now wasting each other, were pn -
paring a great arm}^ to invade Bactria; and that therefore, if
they continued any longer their contention about it, a tjiir op-
portunity would be given those barbarians, to take it from both.

t Polybius, lib. 13, p. 719. Valesii Excerpta, p 65. Justin. lib. 30, c. 1

u Justin, lib. 30, c. 1. x Idem, lib. 27.

y VfiloVii Excerpta ex Polybio, lib. 16. y, Polybius. lib. 11, p, 651.

BOOK II.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. SoO

This consideration, added to the desire which Antiochus afore
had to get rid of this tedious and troublesonne war, brought him
to agree to such terms as produced a peace ; for the confirming
and ratifying of which, Euth)dcmus sent his son to \ntiochus,
who took such hking to the young man, that he gave him
one of his daughters in marriage, and for his sake allowed
the father to take the title and st^le of king of Bactria.
And then, having received from him all his elephants (which
was one of the terms of the peace,) he marched over Mount
Caucasus into India ; where, having renewed his league with
Sophagasenus, the king of that country, and received so many
elephants from him, as, when added to those w'hich he had
from Euthydeipu?, made up their number to one hundred
and fifty, he marched from thence into Arachosia, and from
that country mto Drangiana, and thence into Carmania,
settling, as he went, all those countries in due order under
his obedience.

After having wintered in Carmania, he returned through
Persia, Babylonia, and Mesopotamia, again unto ^^
Antioch, after having been seven years absent from ^m- I'ti-
thence on this expedition.^ By the boldness of his ''^'^'^'■"■
attempts, and the wisdom of his conduct through this whole
war, he gained the reputation of a very wise and valiant
prince ; which made his name terrible through all Europe
as well as Asia •, and thereby he kept all the provinces of
his empire in thorough subjection to him ; and thus far his
actions might well have deserved the name of the Great,
whi( h was given unto him, and he might have carried it with
full glory and honour to his grave, but that he unfortunately
engaged in a war with the Romans. Being blown up with
vanity and conceit on the reputation he had gained, he
thought none could now stand before him, and this made him
project the conquest of Greece and Italy : but, failing in the
attempt, he fell low by the ill success of it, and afterward
concluded his reign in a very unfortunate death, as will be
hereafter related.

He had not been long returned to Antioch, ere he had
an account of the death of Ptoleni) Philopater, king ^_^ ^04
of Egypt. This prince, having worn out a very Ptoi. Kpi-
strong body by his intemperance and debaucheries, ^''^"*^
ended his life, as it usually happens to others in this case,
before he had lived out half its course.^ He was very little
above twenty when he first came to the throne, and he sat
on it only seventeen years. After him succeeded Ptolemy
Epiphanes, his son, a child of five years old.*^ None but

a Polybius, ibid. b Justin, lib. 30, c, 1,2;

c ?to1. in Canone, Euseb. Hieronymus, alique.

356 CONNEXION OF THK HISTORY OF [PART lU

Agathocles, Agathoclea, and their creatures, being about him
at the time of his death, they concealed it as Joiig as they
could, and, in the interim, plundered the palace of all the
treasure and riches there left by the deceased king, that they
could lay their hands upon ; and, at the same time, were
framing projects for their continuing in the same power which
the) had under the deceased king, by usurping the regency
during the minority of his successor : and, vainly imagining
that they could carry this point, if TIepolemus were out of
the way, they laid a plot to have him cut off; and tti*'refore,
when the king's death was known,® they called together the
Macedonians to a general council ; and, when they were met,
Agathocles and Agathoclea came out to them : and Agatho-
cles, having the young king in his arms, after much weeping,
spoke to them.^ The effect of his speech was to implore
their protection for the young king, whom, he said, his father
at his death had delivered, (pointing at Agathoclea) into her
hands : and that, at the same time, he had recommended
him lo the fidelity of his Macedonian subjects ; and therefore
he implored their aid and assistance against TIepolemus, of
whom, he told them, he had certain information, that he was
preparing to seize the crown : and then he would have pro-
duced several witnesses, whom he had then present, to prove
this charge. He foolishly hoped, by this weak artiBce,
to have stirred up the Macedonians to cut him off, and then,
to have established himself, upon his death, in the regency.
But the folly of this contrivance being easily seen through,
it at first provoked the laughter, and afterward the rage, of
all that heard it ; and the ru ;u of him and his sister, and ail
their creatuies, followed immediately after. For, on this
occasion, all their misdemeanors being called to remein-
bramce, all the people of Alexandria aro^e in a general up-
roar against them. And therefore, having first taken from
them the young king, and placed him on the throoe in the
public Hippodrome, they there brouiiht before him, first Aga-
thocles, and next Agathoclea, and Oenanihe their mother,
and caused them there, as by the king's order, to be all put
to death in his presence ; and then proceeded in the same
manner against the sisters and kindred of Agathocles and
Agathoclea, and all their other creatures, till they had cut
them all off. And such reckonings wicked favourites are
often brought to, when deprived of that power whereby they
have abused the people. The power alone in this case is

d Justin. Mb. 30, c. 1, 2. e Polybius, lib. 15, p. 712, 713.

f That is, those Alexandrians who were of the Macedonian race, and the
descendants of those who were the first founders of Alexandria^ or such a^
had been admitted to their privileges

BOOK 11.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 357

apt enough to create envy, but is much more so when em-
ployed for unjust and wicked purposes ; the only method to
make any one safe in such stations, is to do nothing else in
them but what shall be in all times justifiable.

About three days before this uproar happened, Phiiam-
mon, who had been employed in the murdering of Arsinoe,
being come from Cyrene to Alexandria, the ladies who had
been of her attendance, hearing of it, took the advantage of
this disorder to revenge on him the death of their mistress ;
for, breakmg into his house, they fell upon him with stones
and clubs, till they had beaten him to death ; a punishment
which he well deserved, by becoming the instrument of so
wicked an act.^ After this, the guardianship of the young
king was for the present committed to the charge of Sosibius
the son of that Sosibius who had been the ruling minister of
the court during the last three reigns. Whether he were
then living or not is not said ; it is certain he lived to a very
great age ; his continuance for above sixty years in the mi-
nistry is a sufficient instance of it ; and for this reason he was
called ne/.v}(^^ovie{,i. e. the Ung liver. ^^ And no doubt, by the
Sosibius who is said, in the history of Aristeas, to be one of
the chief promoters of the Greek version of the Hebrew
Scriptures, called the Septuagint, is meant none other than
this Sosibius by the writer of that apocryphal book. But
whether he were brought so early upon the stage, the dis-
tance of the time gives us reason to doubt. For we have
placed the making of that version in the year 277, which
was seventy-one years before the time that he left the minis-
try. He was as crafty and wicked a minister as ever go-
verned the public affairs of any kingdom, not caring how
wicked and vile any means were, so that they conduced to
the effecting of the ends he proposed," which is exactly that
scheme of politics which Machiavel hath since, with a bare
face, recommended to the world, and so many in our time
have practised after htm. But that which is most remark-
able in this old Egyptian politician is, that he continued so
long in prosperity, and was permitted at last so easily to retire,
which hath scarce ever happened to any other that have
acted by his principles.

Antiochus king of Syria, and Philip king of Macedon, think-
ing to serve themselves of the advantage they had ^^ „^^
by the death of Philopater, and the succession of an rwi. Epu
infant king after him, entered into a league to divide ^ """
his dominions between them, agreeing that Philip should have

g Polybius, ibid. h Valesii Excerpta ex Polybio, p. 65-

i Valesii Excerpta. ibid. Plutarch, in Cleomene.

VOL. ir. 46

SUB t;ox;\EXiox or THE history op [part nt

Caria, Libya, Cyrenc, and Egypt, and Antiochus all the
rest.'' And accordingly Antiochus forthwith nnarched into
Ccelo-Syria and Palestine, and partly this year, and partly in
the next, made himself master of those provinces, and all the
several districts and cities in them.

Scipio having beaten Hannibal in Africa, and thereby put an
end to the second punic war with victory and honour,
I'toi.Kpi- the name of the Romans began to be every where
phanes 3. ^^ great note ; and therefore, the Eg\ ptian court tind-
jno- themselves much distressed by the league made between
Philip and Antiochus against their infant king, and the usurpa-
tions which had thereon been made by them on his provin-
ces, sent an embassy to Rome to pray their protection, offer-
ing them the guardianship of their king, and the regency of
his dominions during his minority; and to induce them to
accept hereof, alleged that the deceased king had recom-
mended both to them at his death.' The Romans, thinking
this would enlarge their fiime, complied with what was de-
sired, and took on them the tuition of the young king.

This year being the 35G0th year of the Jewish era of the
creation, the writers of that nation tell us, that Joshua, the
son of Perachia, was admitted president of the sanhedrim,
and Nathan the Arbciite his vice-president, and that both
together had the charge of being rectors of the divinity
school at Jerusalem. "" They tell us nothing in particular of
the latter; neither is what they say of the other consistent
•with the time in which they place him, or of any truth as to
the matters related. For they tell us o( him. that, when
Alexander, the Asmonean king of Judea, slew the doctors of
the law at Jerusalem, for telling him that he ought to be con-
tented with the crown, and not hold that and the high priest-
hood together, Joshua, then escaping from his wrath, fled
into Egypt, and that Jesus Christ, being his scholar, accom-
panied him thither. But the year of the Jewish era above
meijtioned, under which they place the first entering of this
Joshua on his presidentship was two hundred years before
Christ's birth, and many years also before the reign of Alexan-
der the Asmonean in Judea; but to be out two hundred or
three hundred years in their chronology is nothing with the
Jews. They are certainly the worst historians, and the worst
accounters of times, that ever pretended to be either.

The Romans, having complied with the request of the

k Polybius,lib. 3,p. ]o9,fc lil). 15, p. 707. Livius, lib, 31. .Tustin. lib. 30,
c. 3. Hieronymiis in cap. xi. Danieli?.

IJustin.lib. 30, r. 2.

in R. Abraham Zacutus in Jurliafia. David Gantz in Zemach Davi»1.
?halshe!cth Ilaocgbbjilah

iJOOK ir.] UHE 0L1> A>ii> NEW TESTAMEiV'i'S. 359

Egyptian embassy to them, which I have mentioned, ,
• sent three ambassadors to Philip king of Macedon, i^wUEpi-
and Antiochus king of Syria, to let them know that ^^^"^^ '*"
they had taken on them the tuition of Ptolemy king of Egypt
during his nonage ; and to require them, that they therefore
desist from invading the dominions of their pupil, and that
otherwise they should be obliged to make war upon them for
his protection." After they had delivered this embassy to
, both kings," M. Emilius Lepidus, who was oneof them, accord-
ing to the instructions he had received from the senate at his
first setting out, went to Alexandria, to take on him, in their
name, the tuition of the young king ; where, having regula-
ted his affairs as well as the then circumstances of them
would admit, he appointed Aristomenes, an Acarnanian, to be
his guardian and chief minister, and then returned again to
Rome.P This Aristomenes was an old experienced minister
of that court, who had long been conversant in all the affairs
of it ; and. having undertaken this charge, he managed it with
great prudence and fidelity.

The first thing that he did was to provide against the inva-
sions of the two confederated kings : in order whereto . „„.

. » . An. 200.

he took care to recruit the arm\ with the best soldiers P'oI- i^pj.-
he could; for which purpose he sent Scopas into *" ^°^^ ^'
jEtolia with vast sums of money, to raise as many men there
as he could, they being then reputed the best soldiers of the
age. This Scopas had formerly been the chief governor of
that country, and was^ a person of great note in his time for
his military skill and prowess : when the time of his ministry
was expired, and he missed of being continued in it as he desi-
red, he left jEtolia, and went into the service of the king of
Egypt; and, being employed to make this levy, he brought to
him from ^Etclia six thousand stout men, which was a very
considerable reinforcement to the army.*^

At this time Antiochus having passed into Lesser Asia, and
there engaged himself in a war with Attalus king of ^d. 199.
Pereamus, the ministry at Alexandria took the advan- Ptoi- £?*-
tajie hereof to send bcopas with an army mto rales-
tine and Coelo-Syria for the recovery of those provinces ;
where he managed the war with that success, that he took ,
several cities, and reduced all Judea by force, and put a gar-
rison into the castle at Jerusalem : and, on the approach of
winter, returned to Alexandria with full honour for the victo-
ries he had obtained, and with as great riches, which he had

n Livius, lib. 31. Justin, lib. 30, c. S.

o Justin, ibid. Valerius MaximuS) Hb. 1^, c. 6.

i) Polybius, lib 15, p. 717 q LiviUs, lib. 31.

3GU CONNEXION OK THE HiSTOKV OV [PART tl.

j^alhcictl Irojn the plunder of the country/ But it soon ap-
peared, that his successes this campaign were nnostly owing
to the absence of Antiochus, and the want of that opposition
thereon which otherwise would have been mride against him.

For, after Antiochus had. on the interposition of the Romans,
/n 19E desisted from his war against Attalus, and was come in
pio'i.Epi- person into Ccelo-Syria, this soon turned the scales,
pianes . ^^^ brought the victory absolutely over on the other
side. For, although Scopas came again with a great army
into those parts, yet, being encountered by Antiochusat Paneas,
near the fountains of the river Jordan, he was there over-
thrown with a great slaughter, and forced to flee to Sidon ;
where being shut up with ten thousand of his men, be was
there besieged by Antiochus, till at length he was forced by-
famine to surrender on terms of life only ; and he and his men
were sent thence stripped and naked.* 1 he regency at Alex-
andria were not wanting to do the utmost for his relief; for,
on their hearing of his being besieged in Sidon, tbey sent
three of their best generals with the best of their forces to
raise the siege. But Antiochus having disposed all matters
so that they could find no way to effect it, Scopas and his
men were forced to submit to the dishonourable conditions I
have mentioned, and to return to Alexandria, to be there
provided with new clothes and new arms for future service.

After this Antiochus marched to Gaza ;" and finding there
a resistance that provoked his anger, he gave up the place,
when taken, to be plundered and ravaged by his soldiers ; and
then, having secured the passes there against the march of
any new forces out of Egypt to disturb him in his conquests,
lie marched back, and took in Betania, Samaria, Abila, Ga~
dera, and all the other remaining parts of Palestine and
Coelo-Syria,^ and made himself wholly master of both the
countries and afl the cities in them.^

The Jews were at this time very much alienated in their
alTections from the Egyptian king ; whether it were by
reason of the former ill treatment of their nation by his father,
or for some fresher ill usage they had received, is not said.
It is most likely it was because of the ravages and robberies
of Scopas, on his taking Jerusalem the former year ; for he
was a very covetous and rapacious man, laying his hands
every where on all that he could get ;^ and therefore, on An-

r Hieronvmus in cap. xi. Danielis. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 3.
p Livius.'lib. 32

t v'alesii Excerpta ex Polybio, p. 77, 78, &c. Ilieronymus in cap, xl. Da-
nielis. Josef)h. Antiq. lib. 12, c.3.

II Valesii Kxceipta ex Polybio, p. ST. x Josephus, ibid.

V .Tiislin. lib.31, c. 1. Livius, lib. 33. Polyb. Legat. 72, p. 893
z Polybiiis.lib 17, p. 773

BOOK n.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 36 i

tiochus's marching that way, they willingly surrendered all
places unto him, and, on his coming to Jerusalem, the priests
and elders went out in a solemn procession to meet him, and
received him with gladness, and entertained him and all his
army in their cit}, provided for his horses and elephants, and
assisted him with their arms (or the reducing of the castle,
where Scopas had left a garrison.'' In acknowledgment hereof,
Antiochus, in a decree directed to Ptolemy, one of his lieu-
tenants, granted them many privileges and favours ;* and, in
another decree published in their favour, he particularly
ordained, that no stranger* should enter within the sept of
the temple f which seems to have been provided agamst with
respect to the attempt which Pilopater made to put a force
upon them as to this matter, and which, I doubt not, was no
small part of the reason that made them so disaffected to the
Egyptian cause, contrary to their former inclinations towards
it. And it is to be remarked, that Antiochus, by former fa-
vours granted by him to their brethren who were settled in
Babylonia and Mesopotamia, had declared himself a friend
to their nation, in such a manner as had made them much
more desirous of having him for their sovereign, than the
Egyptian king, who had used (hem ill ; and ihercfore they
gladly laid hold of this opportunity to revolt from him. For
Antiochus, in his eastern expeditions, having found the Jews
of Bab> Ionia and Mesopotamia very serviceable to him, and
very steady to his interest, entertained a great opinion of their
fidelity to him; and therefore, on some commotions that hap-
pened in Phrygia and Lydia, by a decree directed to Zeuxis,
an old commander of his, and then his lieutenant in those
provinces, he ordered two thousand families of the Jews of
Babylonia and Mesopotamia to be sent thither for the sup-
pressing of those seditions, and the keeping of those parts in
quiet, commanding, that they and all that they had should be
transported thither at the king's charges ; and that, on their
arrival thither,they should be placed in the strongest fortresses,
for guards of the country, and have lands and possessions there
divided out unto them for a plentiful subsistence ; and that,
till they should receive the fruits of those lands, they should
be maintained out of the king's stores.*^ All which was a great
argument of the opinion he had of their fidelity, and of the
confidence which, on the account hereof, he placed in them.
And from those Jews, who were on this occasion transplanted
from Babylonia into those parts, were descended most of the

a Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 3.

c That is, within the sept called the Ciiel, within which no uncircumcisefJ
rierson was to pass. See Lightfoot of the Temple^ c. xvii.
•\ Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c, ?

362 CONNEXION or the wistorv oi- [part a,

Jews whom we find afterward scattered in great numbers ali
over the Lesser Asia, especially in the times of thefirst preach-
ing of the gospel.

Antiochus, having thus brought all Coelo-Syria and Pales-
tine in subjection to him, projected the duiiig of the same in
Lesser Asia, his grand aim beirig to restore the Syrian em-
pire to the full extent in which it had been held by an* of
his ancestors, especially by Seleucus Nicator, the founder of
it. But, to quiet the Egyptians, that they might not renew
the war in Palestine and Coelo-Syria in his absence, he sent
Eucles of Rhodes to Alexandria with proposals of a mar-
riage between Cleopatra his daughter and king Ptolemy, to
be consummated as soon as they should be of an age fit for it,
promising the restoration of those provmces on the day of
the nuptials, by way of dowry vith the young princess;^
which offer being accepted of, and the contract fully agreed
to on these terms, the Egyptians acquiesced in Antiochus's
engagements for the perlormance of them, and no more re-
newed the war upon him, but left him wholly free to pursue
his other designs. This, Jerome tells us,*' v/as done in the
seventh year of the reign of Epiphanes.

Antiochus, therefore, having thus secured all in peace bc-
^^ jg, hind him, early the next spring did set forward with
pioi. Epi- a great fleet for the carrying on of his designs upon
pianes . Lgggg,. \sia ;*^ and, at the same time, sent thither
Ardyes and Mithridates, two of his sons, with a great army by
land, ordering them to march to Sardis, and there tarry his
coming to them. At this time, T. Quintius Flaminius, the
Roman general, was in Greece, with a great army, making
war with Philip king of Macedon. Attains, king of Perga-
mus, and the Rhodians, were confederates with the Romans
in this war ; and Antiochus, having been in league with
king Philip ever since the death of Ptolemy Philopater, was
well understood to have come into those parts to give him
all the assistance he was able. Thus stood the state of aflfairs
in those parts when Antiochus first set out on this expedi-
tion ; but, he had not proceeded far in it, before they re-
ceived a considerable change in two particulars, that is, in
the death of Attains king of Pergamus, and the overthrow
of Philip king of Macedon by the Romans.

For Attalus, having at Thebes made an oration to the
Boeotians, to persuade them to join with the Romans against
Philip, spoke it with that vehemence, that his soul in a man-
ner expiring with his voice, he swooned away, and fell down
as dead in the middle of it ]" after this, having lain sick a

e Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis. f Livius, lib 33.

^ Livius, lib. 33. Polyb. Legat- 35, p. 820, Plutarcfi. in T. Quinto Flarainic

BOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS.

36-J

while at Thebes, he was carried to Pergamus, and there died,
after having hved seventy-two years, and reigned forty-tour.''
He having left behind him four sons, Eumenes, Attains, Phila3-
terus,and Athenaeus ; Eumenes, the eldest of them, succeeded
him in his throne, and was the founder of the famous libra-
ry that was at Pergamus.' His three brothers carried it with
that fidehty to him, and he with that affection to them, that
they seemed all of them to have one ai.'d the same mterest ;
and coatinuing in this concord and unanimity all their life
after, they became a rare example of brotherly love to each
other.''

As to Philip king of Macedon, he having come to a bat-
tle with the Romans at a place called Cynocephalus in
Thessaly, was there overthrown with the loss of eight thou-
sand men slain, and hve thousand taken prisoners ;• whereon,
being brought to distress, he sued for peace, which was
graiited him barely on this consideration, that the Romans
understanding that Antiochus was coming into those parts
with great forces, both by sea and land, they might not have
to do with two such potent and warlike princes at the same
time."'

In the interim, Antiochus, having with his fleet sailed along
the coasts of Cilicia, Pamphylia, Lycia, and Caria, took in a
great many of the maritime cities of those provinces and the
islands adjoining ; and at length coming round to Ephesus,
seized that city, and there set up for his winter quarters,
spending the remainder of the year in projecting and con-
certing those measures which might be most proper tor the
accomplishing of the designs that brought him into those
parts." But Smyrna, Lampsacns, and other Greek cities in
Asia, which then enjoyed their liberties, finding his scheme
was to reduce them all to be in the same subjection to him
as they had formerly been to his ancestors, resolved to stand
out against him, and sent to the Romans for their protection ;
which they readily undertook in their behalf. For, they
being resolved to put a stop to Antiochus's further progress
westward, as fearing to what the power of so great a king
might grow, should he establish hims(!lf in those parts of Asia,
according to his designs, gladly laid hold of this opportunity
to oppose themselves against him ; and therefore forthwith

h Polybius in Excerptis Valesii, p. 102. Livtus, lib. 33. Suidas in voce

i Pliniu^, lib. 13. c. 11.

k Plutarch, mpt >ttKotSik(fitct;. Excerpta Valesii ex Polybio, p. 168. Suida*.
in voce 'AT7iAoc.

i Plutarch, in T. Quintio Flaminio. Livius, lib. 33. .

m Polyb. Legat. 6, p 792.

'> Liviijs. lih, 33. Hieronymn? in cap. 11, Danieli?.

364 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART il.

sent ambassadors to him, to require of him that he should
restore to king Ptolemy all the cities of the Lesser Asia that
he had taken from him ; that he should quit those that had
been king Philip's; and, that he should permit all the Grecian
cities in those parts to enjoy their liberties, and not pass into
Europe ; and to declare, that, m case they had not satisfac-
tion m all these particulars, they would make waragainst him."
But, before these ambassadors came to him, he had caused
^^ jgg one part of his forces to lay siege to Smyrna, and
ptoi. Epi- another to Lampsacus, and with the rest he passed
p ^'"^^ • over the Hellespont, andseizedailtheThracianCher-
sonesus; where, finding the city Lysimachia (which lay in
the neck of the isthmus leading into that chersonesus or pe-
ninsula) lying in its ruins, (it having a few years before been
reduced to this condition by the Thracians,) he set himself
to rebuild it, designing there to lay the foundation of a king-
dom for Seleucus his second son, and subject the neighbouring
country to him, and make this the prime seat for his resi-
dence.p While he was busying himself in these projects,
the ambassabors sent to him from Rome came into Thrace,
and finding him at Selymbria, a city of that country, they
there had audience of him, and communicated ther commis-
sion to him. On their debating with him the particulars of
it, which are above mentioned, the Romans argued, how un-
reasonable a thing it was, that, when they had vanquished king
Philip, Antiochus should reap the fruits of their victory by
seizing his cities in Asia ; that, they having undertaken the
guardianship of king Ptolemy during his minority, it was in-
cumbent on them to demand restitution of all those cities
that were taken from him ; and that, they having decreed the
restoration of all the Greek cities to their liberties, it became
them to see that what they had decreed should be made good ;
that they required his not passing into Europe, because they
could not see with what intent he should make that passage,
and now build Lysimachia on that side, as they found him then
doing, than to be as a step to a further war which must light
upon them. To this Antiochus answered, that, as to Ptolemy,
full satisfaction would be given him, on that king's marrying
his daughter, which was then agreed on ; that, as to the Greek
cities, he intended them their freedom, but that they should
owe it to hirn, and not to the Romans ; that, as to Lysima-
chia, he built it to be a residence for his son Seleucus; that
Thrace, and the Chersonesus, as a part of it, belonged all to
him, as having been conquered by Seleucus Nicator his ances-
tor, on his vanquishing of Lysimachus, and therefore he

o Livius, ibid. Appianus in Syriacts.
p Livius fc Apriianus, ibM.

KOOK II.] TKK OLI> AM) JNiKVV TKii AMKNTS. 365

passed over into it as his just inheritance. As to Asia, and the
cities in it, he told them, that they had no naore to do there
than he had in Italy, and that, since he meddled not with
any atFairs of the latter, he wondered that they concerned
themselves with what was done in the former. Hereon the
Romans, having desired that the ambassadors from Smyrna
and Lampsachiis might be called in, and they, on their being
admitted, having spoken very freely as to their cause, Antio-
chus could not bear it, but fell into a passion, and cried out,
that the Romans were not to be his judges in these matters ;
whereon the assembly broke up in confusion, and no satis-
faction was given on either side, but all things tended towards
a breach between them.i

While these matters were thus treating of, there came a
rumour that Ptoiemy Epiph.ines was dead in Egypt ; whereon
Antiochus, reckoning Egypt to be his own, made haste on
board his tleet to sail thither to take possession of it, and,
having left Seleucus his son with his army at Lysimachia, to
finish what was there intended, he first called in at Ephesus,
and, having joined to his fleet such other ships as he had in
that port, from thence made all the sail he could for Egypt :
but, on his arrival at Paterae in Lycia, finding the report of
Ptolemy's death to be there, upon good evidence, contradict-
ed, instead of steering for Egypt, he shaped his course di-
rectly for Cyprus, purposing to seize that island ; but, in his
way thither, meeting with a violent storm, in which he lost
a great many of his ships and men, he was glad, after having
gathered up the remainder of his ruinous wreck, to put in at
Seleucia to repair his shattered ships, and then wintered at
Antioch, without doing any thing more (his year."^

That which occasioned the rumourof Ptolemy'sdeath was
a treasonable plot then laid against his life ; which, being
first supposed, was afterward reported to have taken effect.
Scopas the iEtolian was the author of this conspiracy, who
being general of the mercenaries, most of which were iEto-
lians, and, by virtue of that command, having under him a
numerous and strong band of veteran soldiers, thought he
had hereby an advantage now in the infancy of the king to
make himself master of Eg}pt, and usurp the sovereignty
over it.* And accordingly he had formed his scheme for the
attempt, and no doubt he would have succeeded iu it, had he
executed his treason with the same boldness and resolution
as he first contrived it. But, although he were a very
vahant man, yet, when it came to the point of execution, his

q Polybius, lib. 17, p. 769, &:. Legat. 10, p. SOO. Livius & Appi;\nns. i!^i'

r Appiaiius in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 33.

s Polybius, lib. 17, p. 771, 772. Valesii Excerpfa. p. «1 .

366 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OV [pART II.

heart tailing him, and, instead of immediately falling on, as
such a desperate case required, he sat at honle consulting and
debating with his friend? and partisans how best to manage
the matter; and, while he was thus doubting and delaying,
the opportunity was lost. For Aristomenes, the chief minis-
ter, having, in the interim, gotten information of the whole
matter, took such care to prevent it, that Stopas was seized,
and, being brought before the council, was there convicted
of the treason, and thereon he and all his accomplices were
put to death for it ; and, as to the rest of his ^iolians, they
having, on this occasion, forfeited the confidence which the
government had before'in them, were most of them hereon
cashiered out of the king's service, and sent home into their
own country. Thus ended the treason of Scopas : and he is
not the only villain that, having with great resolution entered
on wicked designs, hath failed of courage at the time of exe-
cution, and defeated his own treason for want of it: for few
men are so entirely wicked, as to be thorough proof against
that horror and confusion of mind which very wicked ac-
tions usually create whenever they come to be executed.
At his heath, he was found to be possessed of vast riches,
which he had gotten in the king's service by plundering those
countries where he commanded as general ; and he having,
while he was victorious in Palestine, recovered Judea and
Jerusalem to the king of Egypt, no doubt, a great part of
his plunder was gotten from thence. One of the chiefestof
his accomplices in this treason was Dicasarchus, who had
formerly been admiral under Philip, king of Macedon; and
beiiig sent by him to make war upon the Cyclades, on a very-
unjust and wicked account, to show how little he regarded
either piety or justice, before he sailed out of the port on
that expedition, he erected two altars, one to Iniquity, and
the other to Impiety, and sacrificed on them both.' And do
not all else do the same, who engage in such horrid designs
of assassination and treason as that was in which this man
perished ? He having so signally distinguished himself by his
wickedness, Aristomenes very justly distinguished him from
all the rest of the conspirators in his punishment ; for all the
others he poisoned, but him he tormented to death.

When this conspiracy was fully mastered, the king being
now fourteen years old, was, according to the usage of that
country, declared to be out of his minority, and his enthro-
nization (which the Alexandrians called his Anaclateria) was
celebrated with great pomp and solemnity ; and hereby the
government was put into his hands, and he actually admitted

f PoWbiu?, lib. 17, p. 773

BOOK II.] THE OLD A^-Ji NEW 'iiT2STAMr.:ST;s„ ..ifiv

to the administration of it." And, as long as he managed it
by Aristomenes, his former minister, ali things went well ;
but, when he grew weary of that able and faithful servant^
and put him to death to get rid of him, the remainder of his
reign was all turned into disorder and confusion, and his king-
dom sulfered the same, or rather more by it than in the worst
times of his father.

Early the next spring, Antiochus set out from Antioch to
An 195 I'^turn to Ephesus. He was no sooner gone, but
iioi. Kpi- Hannibal came thither to put himself under his pro-
P »"«» • tertion.^ He had lived six years quietly at Carthage
since the late peace with the Romans; but being now under
a suspicion of holding secret correspondence v.ith Antiochus,
and plotting with him for the bringing of a new war upon
Italy, and some that maligned him at home having sent to
Rome clandestine informations to this elTect, the Romans
sent ambassadors to Carthage to make inquiry into the matter,
and to demand Hannibal to be delivered to them, if they
found reason for it. Hannibal, hearing of their arrival, sus-
pected their business; and therefore, before they had time
to deliver their message, got privately av/ay to the sea-shore,
and, putting himself on board a ship which he had there ready
provided, escaped to Tyre, and from thence went to Anti-
och, hoping to find Antiochus there; but, he being gone for
Ephesus before his arrival, he made thither after him. An-
tiochus was there at that time, in debate with himself on the
point of making war with the Romans, being very doubtful
and fluctuating in his mind whether he should enter on it or
not. But Hannibal's coming to him soon determined his
resolutions for the war, he being hereon excited to it, not
only by the arguments which this great adversary of the Ro-
mans pressed upon him for it, but especially becaif&e of the
opmion he had of the man. For he having often vanquished
the Romans, and thereby justly acquired the reputation of
having exceeded all other generals in military skill, this cre-
ated in Antiochus a confidence of being able to do all things
with him on his side. And, therefore, thinking of nothing
thenceforth but of victories and conquests, he became fixed
for the war; and all this year and the next were spent in
making preparations for it. In the mean time, however,
ambassadors were sent from both sides, on pretence of ac-
commodating matters, but, in reality, only to spy out and
discover what each other was doing.

This year Simon, the high-priest of the Jews, being dead,

u Polybius, lib. 17, p. 7'73,

X Coin.Nepos in Hannibale. 7>ivius,li'). 33. Appianus in Pvv^acis. Ju=,-
dn. lib. 31,c. 2.3

3SB CONXEXION OV THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

his eldest son Onias, the third of that name, succeeded in his
stead, and lield that oflicp, reckoning it to the time of his
death, twenty-four jears.^ He had the character of a very
"ivorthy p;ood man, hut, falling into ill times, he perished in
them, in the manner as will be hereafter related.

About this time died Eratosthenes, the second library
keeper at Alexandria, being eighty-two years old at
pio'i. Epi- the time of his death,^ and was succeeded in his office
phanee. 11. ^^ AppoUonius Rhodius, the author of the Argonau-
tics.^ This Apolloiiius had been a scholar of Callimachus;
but, having afterward very much offended him, Callimachus
wrote a very bitter invective against him, which he called
Ibis, from the name of a bird in Egypt, which used to foul his
bill by cleansing his breech, intimating thereby, as if the of-
fence given him by his scholar was by foul words against him,
and that he therefore gave liim this name, to express thereby
that he was a foul-mouthed person.^ Hence Ovia, writing an
invective against one that had in a like manner offended him,
calls him, in imitation of Callimachus, by the same name of
Ibis. Although this Apollonius was called Rhodius,*^ it was
only for that he had long lived at Rhodes, not that he was
born there ; for he was a native of Alexandria, and there at
length he ended his days, being called thither from Rhodes
to Take upon him this office in the king's library.

Antiochus being eagerly set in his mind for a war with the
,g3 Romans, after having made the preparations I have
ptoi. Kpi- mentioned, he endeavoured further to strengthen
phanes 12. j^j^^ggjf^ ]^y making alliances with the neighbouring
princes. To this intent he went to Raphia, the place in the
confines of Palestine and Egypt which bath been above men-
tioned, and there married his daughter Cleopatra to king Pto-
lemy Epiphanes,'' agreeing to give with her, by way of dowry,
the provinces of Coelo-Syria and Palestine,^ upon the terms
of sharing the revenues equally between them, according as
had been before promised. And, on his return from thence
to Antioch,he married Antiochis, another of his daughters, to
Ariarathes, king of Cappadocia ',^ and would have given a
third to Eumenes, king of Pergamus.^ But that king refused
his alliance, contrary to the opinion of his three brothers ;
for they thought it would be a great strengthening of his in-
terest to be son-in-law to so great a king, and therefore ad-

y Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c.4. Euseb. in Cliron. Chron. Aleiandrin.

■/: Lut;iariiis in ftlacrobiis. a Suidas in ATroKKmio^.

h Suidas ill Kttf.Ai/uiayo;. c Anonymiis Vitoe Apollonii Rhodii Scriptor.

d Hieronymns in ca|). xi. Danielis. Livitis, lib. 35. .Appian. in Syriacis.

c Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 3. f Appianus in Syriacis,

c; Appianns, ibid. Polyb. Lcsrat. 25. p. 820. Liviitp. lib. .^T.

BOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 369

vised him to it. But Eumenes soon convinced them, by the
reasons which he gave for the refusal, that he had much
better considered the matter ; for he told them, that, if he
married Antiochus's daughter, he shojild be obliged thereby
to engage with him in his war against the Romans, which he
saw he was at that time entering on; and thtn, if (he Ro-
mans were conquerors, as he had reason to think they would,
he must partake of the misfortunes of the conquered, and be
undone by it : and, on the other hand, if Antiochus should
have the better, he should have no other advanta;j;e by it, but
under the notion of being his son-in-law the easier to become
his siave ; for, wlienever he should gain the upper haiid in the
war, all Asia must truckle to him, and every prince therein
become his homager : that much better terms were to be ex-
pected from the Romans, and that therefore he would stick
to them; and the event sufficiently proved the wisdom of his
choice.

After these marriages were over, Antiochus hastened again
into Lesser Asia, and came to Ephesus in the depth . ^^
of winter.*" From thence, in the beginning of the P'oI. Epu
spring, he marched against the Pisidians, who stood ^ *""
out against him. But he had not long been engaged in this
war, ere he had the news of the death of Antiochus his eldest
son.' This brought him back again to Ephesus, there to
mourn for this loss ; and a great show of sorrow was there
made by him on this account. But it was commonly said,
that it was all show onl) ; that, in reality, he himself procu-
red his son's death, and made him fall a sacrifice to his jea-
lousy : for he was a prince of great hopes, and had given such
proofs of his wisdom, goodness, and ofher royal virtues, that
he became the idol of all that knew him.'' This, they say,
made the old king jealous of him ; and therefore, on his last
arrival at Ephesus. having sent him back into Syria, on pre-
tence that he might here take care of the eastern provinces,
caused poison to be there given him by some of the eunuchs
of the court, and so did rid himself of him. But scarce any
prince hath died an untimely death, whose life was desirable,
but suspicions have been raised, and rumours spread about of
poison, or some other violence, for the cause of it; and per-
chance such a bare suspicion was all that was in this case.

As soon as the solemnity of this mourning was somewhat
over, and Antiochus be^^an again to betake himself to business,
great consultation was had between him and those of his coun-
cil about his passing into Greece, and there beginning the war

h Livius, lib. 35. 5 Liviu.s, ibid. Appianus in Syriacij

\ Liviiis.lih. So.

370 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OV [PART 11.

which he had resolved on with the Romans.' Hannibal, who
was for making Italy, and not Greece, the seat of the war, was
not called to any of these councils : for, being then under
suspicion with Antiochus, he had no more of his contidence.
This was ffiecled by th<' craft of Publius Vilius, who thereby
ovlsfrreached the craftiest and the most cautious of men: for
this Villiiis, being ambassador from the Romans to Antiochus,
took all opportunities to converse with Haimibal.'" This had
the effect he intended, which was to bring him into suspicion
with Antiochus; and hereon his counsel being no more re-
garded, Greece was made the seat of the war, and not Italy,
as he advised. This saved Italy from having Hannibal a^ain
with another war in its bowels, which might have been as
dangerous to the Roman slate as when he was there in the
former war.

But that which pinned down his resolution for the beginning
of the war in Greece, was an embassy from the iEtolians to
invite him thither. The iEtolians, from being late confede-
rates of the Romans, being now, on some disgust, become
their enemies, s<'nt this embassy to Antiochus, to draw him
into Greece against them ; not only promising him the assist-
ance of all their forces, but also giving him assurances, that
he might depend on the joining of Pljili|) king of Macedonia,
Nabas, king of Lacedemonia, and other of the Grecian prin-
cipalities and states with him ; who hnvinu conceived, as they
told him, great enmity against the Romans, waited onl} his
coming to declare against them." Thoas, who was at the
head of this embassy, pressed all this upon him with great
earnestness, telling him, that the Romans, being got home
with their army, had left Greece empty ; that now was the
time for him to take possession of it ; that, if he laid hold of
this opportunity, he would tiud all things, as il were, prepared
for the putting of the whole coxintry into his hands ; and that
he had nothing more to do, but to come over thither, to make
hin)self master of it. Which representation prevailed so far
with him. that he immediately passed over into Greece, and
thereby rashly precipitated himself into a war with the Ro-
mans, without duly concerting the measures proper for such
an undertaking, or carrying a suffici«mt number of men with
him to support it. For he left Lampsacus, Troas, and
Smyrna, three powerful cities in Asia, behind him unreduced ;
and his forces that were coming to him from Syria and the

1 Livius, ibid. Appianus in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 31, c. 4.

m Julii Fronlini Stratagem, lib 1, c, 8. Livius, lib. 34, 36. Justin Si Ap-
pianus, ibid.

n Justin. lib. 30, c. 4, &.lib.32, c. 1. Appianus in Syriacis. Polybius, lib.
3, p. 169. Livius, lib. 36.

MOOK n.] THE OLD AND KEW TESTAMENTS}* 371

eastern countries having not yet reached him, he passed
over, with no more than ten thousand loot, and tive hundred
horse, which were scarce enouj^h to take possession of the
country, were it wholl) naked, and he to have no war w»th
the Romans in it. With these forces he arrived uj the island
of Euboea aoout the erjd of the summer, and from tiience
passed to Demetrias, a town in ihessaly, where he called all
his otfict rs and chief coin.nanders of Ins army together, to
consult withthetn aboui the future operations of th-; war : and
Hannibal, being agani r<^stored to the kiiig's favour and confi-
dence, had his place amon^ them: and being asKcd his opi-
nion, in the tirst place, he insisted on what he had often
declared, that the Romans were not to be overcome but in
Italy ; and that therefore it had been his constant advice to
begm the war there. But, since other measures had been
taken, and the king was then in Greece, there to begin the
war, his advice in the present state of affairs was, that the
king should immediately send for all his other forces out of
Asia, without depending an} longer either on the .(Etolians or
other Grecian confederates, who, he foresaw, would deceive
him ; and that, as pooh as they were arrived, he should march
with them towards those coasts of Greece that were over
against Italy, and there have his fleet with him on the same
coasts ; cne half of which, he advised, «hould be employed to
ravage and aiarm tne coasts of Italy, and the other half kept
in some port near him, to make a show oi his passing over,
and accordingly to be ready to pass over for the taking of all
such advantages as occasions might offer. This, he said,
would keep the Romans at home to delend their own coasts,
and would be the properest method which could then be taken
of carrying the war into Italy, where alone (he persisted) the
Romans could be conquered." \nd this was th best which
could then be given Aniiorhus. But he followed it only
in that particular which related to the fetching over his force
out of isia : for he immediately sent to Polyxenidas, his ad-
miral, to transport them into Grt'ece. But as to all other
particulars, hi- courtiers and flatterers diverted him from
hearkening to them. They blew him up into a conceit, that
victory was certain on his side ; that, if he made his way to
it by the methods which Hannibal had advised, then he, as
the adviser and director, would have the glory of it, which the
king ought to reserve wholly to himself; and therefore they
advised him to follow his own counsels, without hearkening
any more to that Carthaginian. After this the king went to
Lamia ; and there being invested with the chief command of

» o Livius, lib. 36. Appianus in Syriacia. Justin. lib. 31; c. 5. 6.

372 CONNEXION OF THE KISTORV OP [pART 11.

the ^tolians, and having received thereon the applause and
acclamations of that people, he returned to Euboea, and,
having made himself master of Chalcis in that island, there
took up his winter quarters for the ensuing wint<M.P In the
interim Eumenes, king of Pergamus, sent Attalus his brother
to Rome, to acquaint the senate of Antiochus's passage into
Greece; whereon they immediately prepared for the war,
and sent Acilius Glabrio, their consul, into Greece, with an
army for the managing of it.

Antiochus, while he lay in his winter quarters, fell in love
An 191 ^^'^^^ ^^^ daughter of his host, in whose house he
ptoi. Epi- lodged; and, although now past .fifty, was so des-
perately enamoured 01 tnia young girl, who was under
twenty, that nothing could satisfy him, but he must marry her :
and thereon he spent the remaining part of the winter in
nuptial feastings and in love dalliances with his new bride,
instead of making those preparations which were necessary
for the carrying on of that dangerous war he was then en-
gaged in ;*! which created a great loose and thorough relax-
ation of discipline in all else about him, till at length he was
roused up by the news, that Acilius the Roman consul was on
a full niarch into Thessaly against him/ All that he could
do, on this alarm,"" was to seize the straits of Thermopylae,
and send to the iEtolians for more forces ;' for Polyxenidas
having not been able to transport his Asian forces, by reason
of contrary winds and ill weather, he had no other forces
then with him but those whom he tirst brought over. But,
before any of the ^Etolians could come to him, Caio,"" one
of the Roman generals then with the consul, having with a
strong detarhment gotten over the mountains, by the same
path in which Xerxes, and after him Brcnus, had formerly
forced a passage over them, his men, seeing themselves here-
by ready to be encompassed, threw down their arms and fled ;
whereon, being pursued by the Romans, they were all cut
in pieces, excepting only five hundred, with whom Antiochus
made his escape to Clialsis. On his arrival thither, he made
all the haste he could from thence to his fleet, and, having
gotten on board it with this poor remainder of hi«. forces, pass-
ed over to Kphesus, carrying with him his new married wife ;
and there thinking himself safe from the Romans, neglected
everj thing that might make him so, and ai:ain relapsed into
his former dotage on that woman, indulging himself in it to a

p Livius, lib. 35,

q Livius, lib. 36. Appianus in Syriacis. Athenaeus. iib. 10, c. 12. Ei-
cerpta Valusii, p. 197, 009. Plutarcbus in Pijilopojuiene.

r Piutarcb. in i\I. Caionc. Appianus in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 3(>. Athe-
tja>i!5, lib. 10, c. 12. Frontin. Stratagem, lib. 2, r..4. Jullius dc Sfnectute

BOOK II.J THE OLD AXD NEW TESTAMENTS. 573

total neglect of all his affairs, till at length Hannibal roused
him out of it, by laying before him his danger, and repre-
senting to him what was necessary for him forthwith to do
for the securing of himself from it/ Hereon he sent to hasten
the march of those forces from the eastern provinces which
were not yet arrived ; and, having fitted out his fleet, sailed
with it to the Thracian Chersonesus; and, having there rein-
forced Lysimachia, and further fortified and strengthened
Sestus and Abydus, and all other places thereabout, for the
hindering of the Romans from passing the Hellespont into
Asia, he returned again to Ephesus, where, in a grand council,
it being resolved to tr) their fortune by sea, Polyxenidas.
Antiochus's admiral, was ordered out with the fleet to ficrht
C. Livius, the Roman admiral, then newly come into the
^gean Sea/ Near mount Corycus, in Ionia, both fleets
meeting, a sharp fight ensued between them, wherein Po-
lyxenidas being beaten, with the loss of ten ships sunk and
thirteen taken, was forced to retire with the remainder to
Ephesus ; and the Romans, putting in at Canaj, a port in
JEioVis, did there set up their fleet for the ensuing winter, for-
tifying the place where they drew it to land with a ditch and
rampart.

In the interim Antiochus was at Magnesia, busying himself
in drawing together his land army. On his hearing of this
defeat of his fleet at Corycus, he hastened to the sea-coasts,
and applied himself with his utmost care to repair the loss,
and set out a new fleet that might keep the mastery of those
seas. In order whereto, he refitted those ships that had
escaped from ihe late defeat, added others to them, and sent
Hannibal into Syria, to bring from thence the Syrian and
Phoenician fleets for their reinforcement; and then having
ordered Seleucus his son, with one part of the army, into
iEolis, to watch the Roman fleet, and keep all there in sub-
jection to him, he with the rest took up his quarters in Phry-
gia for the ensning winter."

The next year the Romans sent Lucius Scipio, j^„,jso
their consul, and Scipio Africanus, his brother, as Pioi.Epi-
his lieutenant, to carry on the war against Antiochus *"*""*
by land, in the place of Acilius Glabrio, and L. Emilius Rhe-
gellus to command theirfleet at sea, in the place of C. Livius.^

In the beginning of the year, Polyxenidas, Antiochus's
admiral, having by a stratagem overreached Pausistratus,

r Plutarch, in M. Catone. Appianus in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 36, Athe-
nseus, lib. 10, c. 12. Frontin. Stratagem, lib. 2, c. 4. Tullius de Senectufe.
3 Appianus in Syriacis. Livius, lib. 36. t Livius & Appianus, ibirJ.
u Livius, lib. 36, 37. Appianus in Syriaci?
X Livius, lib, 37. Appianus in Syriacis.
VOTi. II, 4J? I

374 roNNEXioN of the history of [part n-

who commanded the Rhodian lleet that was sent to the as-
sistance of the llomans, surprised him in the port of Samos,
and there destroyed twenty-nine of his ships, and him with
them.^ But the llhodians, instead of being discouraged by
this loss, were enraged for the revenging of it ; and imme-
diately sent out another fleet more powerful than the former;
with which, in conjunction with Emihus the Roman ad-
miral, they sailed to Elea, and there relieved Eumenes king
of Pergamus, when almost swallowed up by Antiochus f and
afterward, being sent to meet Hannibal, on his coming with
the Syrian and Phosnician fleet to the king, they alone en-
countered him on the coasts of Pamphylia, and, by the
goodness of their sliips, and the skilfulness of their mariners,
overthrew that great warrior, and, having driven him into
port, there pent him up, so that he could stir no further for
the assistance of the king.^

Antiochus hearing of this defeat, and, at the same time,
having received an account that the Roman consul was with
a great army on his full march through MacfSdonia. in order
to pass the Hellespont into Asia, he could think of no better
course for the hindering of his passage, and the keeping of
the war out of Asia, tlvui to recover again the mastery of the
seas, which he had in a great measure lost by the two late
defeats ; for then he might have his fleets at leisure, and in
full power, to cut off all possibility of passing an army into
Asia, either by the Hellespont or any other way.'' And there-
fore, resolving to attempt this at the hazard of another battle,
he came to Ephesus, where his fleet lay, and having there, on
a review, put it into the best posture he was able, and fur-
nibhed his marines with all things necessary for another en-
counter, he sent them forth under the command of Polyxe-
nidas his admiral to fight the enemy. And they having met
Emilius, with the Roman fleet, near Myonnesus, a maritime
town in Ionia, they there fell upon him, but with no better
success than in the former engagements ; for Emilius having
gained an entire victory, Polyxenidas was forced to flee back
again to Ephesus, with the loss of twenty-nine of his ships
sunk, and thirteen taken.'^ This did put Antiochus into such
a consternation, that, being frighted as it were out of his
wits, he very absurdly sent to recall all his forces out of
Lysimachia, and the other towns on the Hellespont, for fear
lest they should fall into the enemy's hands, who were ap-

y Livius Si A[ipianus, ibid.

z Elea was tlie sea-port to Pergamus, and but at a short distance from it.

a Livius, lib. 37. Aypian. in Syriacis. Corn. iNepos in Hannibale.

b Polyb. Legat. 22, p. 812. Livius, lib. .37

•^ Livius, ib»H Apianusin Syriariy.

BOOK II. J THK OLD ASU ^KVV 'n:;s i A.M EM 5. i) o

proaching lliose parts to pass into Asia ; whereas ihe onlj
•way left him to have hindered that passage was to have con-
tinued thenn there. But he did not only thus absurdly with-
draw them from thence, when he most needed them there,
but did it with such precipitation, that he left all the provisions
which he had laid up there for the war behind him ; so that,
when the Romans came thither, they found all necessaries
for their army in such plenty stored up in those places, as if
they had been of purpose provided for them, and the passage
of the Hellespont left so free to them, that they transported
their army over it without any opposition, where onlv, with
the best advantage, opposition could have been made'against
them. When Antiochus heard of the Romans being in" Asia,
he began to grow diffident of his cause, and^would gladly have
got rid of the war with them, which he had so rashly run
himself into ; and therefore sent ambassadors to the two Sci-
pios to desire peace ; and, to make his way the easier to it,
he restored to Scipio Africanushis son, (who had been taken
prisoner in this war,) without ransom/ But, notwithstand-
ing this, being able on no other terms to obtain peace, than
on the quitting of all Asia on this side Mount Taurus, and
paying the Romans all the expenses of the war, he thought
he could suffer nothing by the war more grievous than such
a peace, and therefore prepared to decide the matter by
battle ; and the Romans did the same.® Antiochus's army,
according to Livy, consisted of seventy thousand foot, twelve
thousand horse, and fifty-four elephants ; whereas all the Ro-
man forces amounted to no more than thirty thousand. Both
armies met near Magnesia, under mount Sipilus ; and there
it came to a decisive stroke between them ; in which Antio-
chus receiving a total overthrow^ lost fifty thousand foot, and
four thousand horse, slain upon the field of battle, fourteen
hundred more taken prisoners ; and he himself difficultly-
escaped to Sardis, gathering up in his way such of his forces
as survived this terrible slaughter. From Sardis he passed
to Celaenas in Phrygia, where he heard his son Seleucus had
escaped from the battle ; and, having there joined him, made
all the haste he could over Mount Taurus mto Syria. Han-
nibal and Scipio Africanus were both absent from this battle,
the former being with the Syrian fleet pent up in Pamphylia
by the Rhodians, and the other detained by sickness at Elea,
As soon as Antiochus was arrived at Antioch, he sent from
thence Antipater his brother's son, and Zeuxis, who had been

d Polyb. Legal. 23, p. 813. Appianiis in Syriacis Jusiin. lib. 31. c. 7.
Livius, lib. 37.
e Livius &. Appian, ibid.

376 CONNEXION" OF THE HISTORV OF [PAKT If.

governor of Lydia and Phrygia under him, to desire peace ot
the Ronnans/ They found the consul at Sardis ; and there
Scipio Africanus, who was now recovered from his sickness.,
being come, they first appHed themselves to him, and he in-
troduced them to the consul his brother ; whereon a council
being held on the subject of their embassy, after a full con-
sultation therein had about it, the ambassadors were called
in, and Scipio Africanus, delivering the sense of the council,
told them, that as the Romans used not to sink low when van-
quished, so neither would they carry themselves too high when
conquerors; and that therefore they would require no other
terms of peace after the battle, than those which were de-
manded before it, that is, that Antiochus should pay the whole
expenses of the war, and quit all Asia on that side Mount
Taurus ; which being then accepted of, and the expenses of
the war estimated at fifteen thousand talents^ of Euboea, it

f Polyl). Legat. 24, p. 81S. Livius, lib. 37. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin
]ib. 31, c. 8. Diodor. Sic. Legat. 9. Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis.

g Herodotus, lib 3, speaking of a Babylonic talent, saith, that it contained
.«eventy Euboic minas. iEliaii, speaking of the same Babylonic talent, (Hist.
Var. lib. 1, c. 22,) saitii, it contained seventy two Attic minaj : from hence
it follows, that seventy-two Attic minEn are equal to seventy Euboic minae :
and sixty of each making a talent, this shows the difference that is between
an Euboic talent and an Attic. But thpre were two other sorts of Euboic
talents, or authors give us disagreeing accounts concerning it. Festus saith,
" Euboicuni talentum numrao Grffico septum milliiim, nostro quatuor mil-
lium denariorum (in voce Euboicum,)" i. e. an Euboic talent consists ia
Greek money of seven thousand drachms, and in our Latin money of four
thousand Roman pennies. But here is a manifest error in the copy, as all
agree, instead of four thousand, it ought to be seven thousand Roman pennies:
for, according to Festus, a drachm and a Roman penny were equal. For, in
the word talentum, he saith, that an Attic talent (which consisted of sis
thousand drachms) contained six thousand Roman pennies. According to
Festus, therefore, a Roman penny and an Attic drachm were equal ; and
seven thousand of these made Festus's Euboic talent. But the Euboic talent,
by which Antiochus was to pay this sum of fifteen thousand talents to the
Romans, was much higher. For Polybius tells us, (Legwt. 24, p. 817,) and
so also doth Livy, (lib. 37, 38,) that they were to contain each eighty librae
or Roman pounds. But every librae, or Roman pound, containing ninety-
six Roman pennies, eighty of those librae must contain seven thousand six
hundred and eighty Roman pennies, i. e. two hundred and forty pounds ster-
ling. But here it is to be observed, that, in the treaty of this peace made
with Antiochus, there is a ditierence between Polybius and Livy in the co-
pies which they give us of it. For, although Livy, as well as i'olybius, doth,
in the protocal of the treaty, (lib. 37,) say, that the fifteen thousand talents
to be paid the Romans were to be Euboic talents ; yet Livy in the treaty
itself, saith, they were to be Attic talents. But here Livy, writing from Po-
lybius, is mistaken in the version he made of this treaty from the Greek copy
of it, which he found in him. For, whereas in Polybiusthe words are, that
the money to be paid the Romans, should be 'Apyvftis At7ws npiTu, Livy, mis-
taking the meaning of the Greek phrase, rendered it of Attic talents ; whereas,
what is there said, is meant only of the Attic standard. For, as the Euboic;
talent was of the greatest weight, so the Attic money was of the finest silver
of any in Greece ; and by the treaty, the money was to be paid according to
both ; that is, the Romans having conquered Antiochus, not only obliged him
'<, pay this vjfst sum for this peace, but also made him pay it in talents of thf

BOOK II.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 377

was agreed that it should be paid in the manner foUoAving,
that is to say, five hundred talents present, two thousand
five hundred when the senate should ratify what was then
agreed, and the rest in twelve years' time, at the rate of one
thousand talents in each of those years. And L. Cotta was
sent from the consul with the ambassadors to Rome, to ac-
quaint the senate of the agreement, and there fully conclude
and ratify the same. And, a little after, the five hundred talents
were paid the consul al Ephesus, and hostages were given for
the payment of the rest, and the performance of al! other arti-
cles that were agreed on ; among whom, one was Antiochus,
one of the king's sons, who afterward reigned in Syria, by the
name of Antiochus Epiphanes. Hannibal the Carthaginian,
and Thoas the iEtolian, who were the chief incentors of this
war, were also demanded by the Romans to be delivered up
unto them on the making of the peace. But as soon as they
heard that a treaty was entered on, foreseeing what would
be the result of it, they both took care to get out of the way
before it came to a conclusion.

The next year, Cn. Manlius Vulso, who succeeded L.
Scipio in the consulship, coming into Asia to succeed
him in that province, '' Scipio delivered to him the Ptoi. Epi-
army, and with Scipio Africanus his brother returned ^^^'^^^ *^'
to Rome, where the peace which they made with Antiochus
being ratified and confirmed, and all Asia on this side Mount
Taurus delivered into the hands of the Romans, they restored
the Grecian cities to their liberties, gratified the Rhodians
with the provinces of Caria and Lycia, and gave all the rest
of it, that had before belonged to Antiochus, to Eumenes king
of Pergamus.' For Eumenes and the Rhodians having been
their confederates through this whole war, and much assisted
them in it, they had these countries given them for the reward
of their service.

Manlius, after the time of his consulship was out, being
continued still in the same province, as proconsul, he ^^ ,gg
there waged war against the Gauls who had planted pioi- Epi-
themselves in Asia; and, having subdued them in p**^"^*"'
several battles, and reduced them to live orderly within the
limits assigned them, he thereby delivered all that country
from the terror of those barbarous people, who lived mostly
hitherto by harassing and plundering their neighbours j^ and

highest weight, and in silver of the best and finest standard in all Greece. So
that, the Romans might in this case say the same to him, as formerly Brennu«
did to them ; P'm vidis, i. e. Wo be be to the conquered.

h Livius, lib. 37. Appian. in Syriacis.

i Livius, lib. 37, 38. Polyb. Legal, p. 818, 819, 845. Diodorus Sic. Lf ■
sat. 10. Appian. ibid.
" k Livius, lib. 38

378 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

SO quieted ail things in those parts, that thenceforth the em-
pire ot the Romans became thoroughly settled in all that coun-
try, as far as the river Halys on the one side, and Mount
Taurus on the other ; and the Syrian kings became thenceforth
utterly excluded from having any thing more to do in all the
Lesser vsia. Whereon Antiochus is said to have expressed
himself: That he was much beholden to the Romans, in that
they had thereby eased him of the great care and trouble
which the governing of so large a country must have cost
him.'

Antiochus being at great difficulties how to raise the money
. ,„„ which he was to pay the Romans, he marched into

An. 1 87. . » -^ III /•

ptoi Epi- the eastern provinces, to gather the tribute ot those
p anes . ^Qy^jj-jgg ^q enable him to it, leaving his son Seleucus
(whom he had declared his successor) to govern in Syria
during his absence."^ On his coming into the province of
Elymais, hearing that there was a great treasure in the temple
of Jupiter Belus in that country, he seized the temple by night,
and spoiled it of the riches that were laid up in it; whereon
the people of the country rising upon him for the revenging of
this sacrilege, slew him and all that were with him. So Dio-
dorus Siculus, Justin, Strabo, and Jerome, relate the manner
of his death; but Aurelius Victor tells us," that he was slain
by some of his own followers, whom he beat in a drunken fit
while atone of his carousals.

He was a prince of a laudable character for humanity,
clemency, and beneficence, and of great justice in the admi-
nistration of his government ; and, till the fiftieth year of his
life, managed all his affairs with that valour, prudence, and
application, as made him to prosper in all his undertakings ;
which deservedly gained him the title of the Great. But after
that age, declining in the wisdom of his conduct, as well as in
the vigour of his application, every thing that he did afterward
lessened him as fast as all his actions had aggrandized him be-
fore, till at length, being vanquished by the Romans, he was
driven out of the best part of his dominions, and forced to
submit to very hard and disgraceful terms of peace; and at
last, ending his life in a very ill and impious attempt, he went
out in a stink like the snuff of a candle.

The prophecies of Daniel (xi. 10 — 19,) refer to the actions
of this king, and were all fulfilled by them. What we find
foretold in the tenth verse, was exactly accomplished in the
war which Antiochus made upon Ptolemy Philopater, for the

I Cicero pro Deiotaro Rege. Val. Maximus, lib. 4, c. 1.
in Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 292, 298. Hieronvnius ia cap. ii-
Panielis. Justin, lib. 32, c. 2. Strabo, lib. 26, p. 744.
n De Viris Illustribus. o. 54

!^00K II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 379

conquering of Coelo-Syria and Palestine, as it is above related,
annis 221, 220, 219, and 218. In the eleventh and twelfth
verses are foretold the expedition which Philopater made into
Palestine against Antiochus. A. D. 21 7, and the victory which
he then got over him at Raphia. For there, the great multi-
tude, ihat is, the great armv which \ntiochus brooght thiiher
against him, was given into his hands ; and Ptotemj did cast
down, that is, slew, many thousanas of them, and dissipated and
put to flight all the rest ; and jet, the same prophet) tells us,
that, notwithstanding all this, he should be strengthened by it;
and so it happened. For Ptolemy, being wholly given up lo
luxury, sloth, and voluptuousness, made haste back again into
Efi} pt, there to enjo} his rill of them after this victory, without
taking the advantages which it gave him. liy which ill con-
duct he stirred up some of his people to sedition and rebellion,
and weakened himself in the affection and esteem of all the
rest, as is above related under the years 216 and 215. What
follows, to the end of the seventeenth verse, foretells the re-
newal of that war by Antiochus after certain years ; that is,
A. D. 203, fourteen years after the ending of the former war ;
when, on the death of Philopater, and the succeeding of his
infant son Ptolemy Epiphanes in his stead, Antiochus, king of
the North, returned and came again into Coelo-Syria and Pales-
tine, for the recovering of those provinces, bringing with him
« greater multitude than in the former war, that is, that ^reaf
army which he brought with him out of the East on his late
return from thence. What is said in the fourteenth verse,
that in tlwse times (that is, in the first years of the reign of
Epiphanes the king of the South) many should stand up against
him, was fully verified by the leaguing of the kings of Mace-
don and Syria together against him, to seize all his dominions,
and divide them between them ; by the sedition of Agatho-
cles, Agalhoclea, and Tlepoletnus, to invade his royal power,
and by the conspiracy of Scopas utterly to extinguish it, and
seize the kingdom for himself; all which are above related to
have happened in these tinaes. And the same prophecy tells
us, that in those same times many violators of the law among
the people of the prophet, that is, the Jews apostatizing from
the law, should exalt themselves, that is, under tht; favour of
the king of the South; for the pleasing of whom, they should
forsake their God and their holy religion ; but that they should
fall and be cutoff, i. e. b) Antiochus ; and so it came to pass ;
for Antiochus, having, A. D. 193, made himself master of
Judea and Jerusalem, did cut off or drive from thence all
those of Ptolemy's /)ar<^ who had thus far given themselves
up to him, but showed particular favour to those Jews, whoj,
persevering in the observance of their law. would not comply

380 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART U.

with any proposals of the king of Egypt to apostatize from it.
In the fifteenth verse, the holy prophet foreshows the victory,
by which Antiochus, the king of the J^orth, should make him-
self again master of Coelo-Syria and Palestine, that is, how he
should come again into those provinces, ayid cast up mounts
against the most fenced cities in them, and take them ; and this he
did in the year 198. For having then vanquished the king of
Egypt's army at Paneas, he besieged and took, tirst Sidon,
and next Gaza, and then all the other cities of those provin-
ces ; and made himself thorough master of the whole country.
For although the king of Egypt sent an army against him of
his chosen people, that is, of his choicest troops, and under the
command of his best generals, yet they could not prevail, or
have any strength to withstand him, but were vanquished and
repulsed by them ; so that, as the prophet proceeds to tell us,
(ver. 16,) he did according to his zvill in ail Coelo-Sj ria and
Palestine, and none coidd there stand before him. And, on the
subjecting of these provinces to him, the same prophetic text
goes on to tell us. That he should stand in the glorious land, and
that it should be consumed by his hand ; and so accordingly it
came to pass. For, on his subduing Palestine, he entered
into Judea, the glorious land ; which was a part of Palestine,
and there established his authority, and made it there firmly
to stand, after he had expelled out of the castle of Jerusalem
the garrison which Scopas had left there. But, that garrison
having made such resistance, that Antiochus was forced to go
thither with all his army to reduce it ; and the siege continu-
ing some time, it happened hereby, that the country was eaten
up and consumed by the foraging of the soldiers ; and Jeru-
salem suffered such damage during the siege of the castle,
both from the besieged and the besiegers, that it was nearly ru-
ined by it ; which fully appears from the decree which Antio-
chus afterward granted the Jews for repairing of their
demolished city, and the restoring of it from the ruinous con-
dition into which it was then reduced. This decree was
directed to Ptolemy, one of Antiochus's lieutenants, and who
then seems to have been his governor in that province ; and
it is still extant in Josephus.' In ver. 17, is foretold, how
that when Antiochus was ready to have entered Egypt, with the
strength of his zohole kingdom, he made an agreement with Pto-
lemy to give him his daughter in marriage, corrupting her, that
is, with ill principles, to betray her husband to him, and there-
by make him master of Egypt. For Jerome tells us,p this
match was made with this fraudulent design. But, she did
not stand on his side, neither zoasfor him, but, when married

o Anf iq. lib. 13. c. 3. p In Comment, ad cap. si. Danielis.

BOOK II.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEXT.>. 38 i

to king Ptolemy, forsook the interest of her father, and wholiv
embraced that of her husband : and therefore wc find heV
joining with him in an embassy to tlie Romans, ibr the con-
gratulating of their victory, gained by Acilius at the straits of
Thermopylae over her own father.'^ The 18th verse tells us
of Antiochus's turning of his face unto the isles, and his taking
of many of them ; and so accordingly it was done. For, after
having finished the war in Coelo-Syria and Palestine, A. D.
197, he sent two of his sons with his army by land to Sardis,
and he himself, with a great fleet, at the same time sailed into
the iEgean Sea, and there took in many of the islands in it,
and extended his power and dominion much in those parts,
till at \ex\^i\x the prince of the people to whom he had offered re-
proach by that invasion, that is, Lucius Scipio the Roman
consul, made the reproach turnupon him, by overthrowing him
in the battle at Mount Sipylus, and driving him out of all
Lesser Asia. This forced him, according to what is foretold,
(ver. 19,) to return to the fort of his own land, that is, to An-
tioch, the chief seat and fortress of his kingdom. From
whence, going into the eastern provinces to gather money to
pay the Romans, he stumbled and fell, and zoas no more found,
as the sacred text expresseth it; that is, on his attempting to
rob the temple in Elymais, he failed in his design, and was
cut off and slain in it ; so that he returned not into Syria, or
was any more found there-
in the year that Antiochus died, Cleopatra his daughter,
queen of Egypt, bore unto Ptolemy Epiphanes her husband a
son, who reigned after him in Egypt by the name of Ptolemy
Philometor.'^ Hereon all the great men and prime nobility
of Coelo-Syria and Palestine hastened to Alexandria, to con-
gratulate the king and queen, and make them those presents
which were usual on such an occasion.^ But Joseph, (who.
on the restoration of those provinces to the king of Egypt, was
again restored to his office of collecting the king's revenues in
them) being too old to take on him such a journey himself,
sent Hyrcanus his son to make his compliment in his stead. ^
This Hyrcanus was the youngest of his sons, but, being of the
quickest parts and best understanding of them all. was best

q Livius, lib. 37.

r He was six years old when his father died ; and therefore must have
been born this year.

s Joseph, lib. 12, c. 4.

t For supposing Joseph to have been thirty years old, when he first went
to the court of king Ptolemy Euergetes, and older he could not then be ac-
cording to Josephus ; for he saith he was then viag tm -rm iiKtiaav, i. e. as yet a
young man, he would now have been sixty-nine. This also proves that i+.
could not be earlier that Hyrcanus was sent on this embassy ; for then Joseph
would not have been past the age of going himself,: and all things else
prove it could not be later.

VOL. J I. 49

'.>S2 OUS.NEXK'X OF THE HISTORY OP [PART 13.

qualified tor this employment. The history of his birth is very
remarkable : it is told at large by Josephus in the twelfth book
of his Antiquities, in manner as followeth :"

Joseph, in the time of the former Ptolemy, father of Epi-
phanes, going to Alexandria on his occasions, (ashe frequently
had such there, while collector of the king's revenues in
Coelo-Syria and Palestine,)Solymius his brother accompanied
him in the journey, and carried with him a daughter of his,
>vith intent, on his coming to Alexandria, to marry herto some
Jew of that place whom he should find of quality suitable for
her. Joseph, on his arrival at Alexandria, going to court,
and there supping with the king, fell desperately in love
with a young beautiful damsel whom he saw dancing before
the king, and not being able to master his inordinate passion,
he commui»icated it to his brother, and desired him, if possi-
ble, to procure for him the enjoyment of this young woman,
and in as secret a manner as he could, because of the sin and
shame that would attend such an act ; which Solymius under-
taking, put his own daughter to bed to him. Joseph having
drunk well over night, perceived not that it was his niece;
and, having in the same secret manner, accompanied with
her several times without discovering the deceit, and being
every time more and more enamoured with her, still sup-
posing her to be the dancer, he at length made his moan to
his brother, lamenting that his love had taken such deep root
in his heart ; that, he fearing he should never be able to get
it out, and that his grief was, tliat the Jewish law would not
permit him to marry her, she being an alien ;^ and, if it would,
the king would never granther unto him.y Hereon, his brother
discovered to him the whole matter, telling him, that he might
take to wife the woman with whom he had so often accom-
panied, and was so much enamoured of, and lawfully enjoy
her as much as he pleased ; for she whom he had put to bed
to him was his own daughter ; that, he had chosen rather to do
this wrong to his own child, than suffer him to do so shame-
ful and sinful a thing, as to join himself to a strange woman,
-which their law wholly forbad. Joseph, being much sur-
prised at this discovery, and as much affected with his
brother's kindness to him, expressed himself with all the
thankfulness which so great an obligation deserved, and
forthwith took the young woman to wife ; and of her the
next year after was born Hyrcanus. For, according to the

u Cap. 4.

:ji Exod. XXXIV. 16. Deut. vii. 3. lKitigsxi.2. Ezra ix. 10, Neh. x.30;
jiii. 26.

y Perchance this dancer was that Agalhoclea which that king, that is, Pto=
'etny Philopptcr. <'o much doted upon.

BOOK II.] ' THE OLD AM> iVKW TESTAMENXS. ,jJJoi

Jewish law, an uncle might marry his niece, though an aunt
could not her nephew f for which the Jewish writers give this
reason, that the aunl being, in respect of the nephew, in the
same degree with the father or mother in the line of descent,
hath naturally a superiority above him ; and therefore, for
him to make her his wife, and thereby bring her down to be
in a degree below him (as all wives are in respect of their
husbands,) would be to disturb and invert the order of nature ;
but, that there is no such thing done where the uncle mar-
ries the niece ; for, in this case, both keep the same degree
and order which they were in before, without any muta-
tion in it.

Joseph had by another wife seven other sons, all elder than
Hyrcanus, to each of which he offered this commission of
going from him to the Egyptian court, on the occasion men-
tioned : but they having all refused, Hyrcanus undertook it,
though he was then a very young man, not being above
twenty, if so much. And, having persuaded his father not
to send his presents from Judea, but to enable him, on his
arrival at Alexandria, to buy there such curiosities for the
king and queen, as when on the spot he should find would be
most acceptable to them, he obtained from him letters of
credit to Arion his agent at Alexandria, by whose hands he
returned the king's taxes into his treasury, to furnish him
with money for this purpose, without limiting the sum,
reckoning that about ten talents would be the most he would
need. But Hyrcanus, on his arrival at Alexandria, taking
the advantage of his father's unlimited order, instead of ten
talents demanded one thousand ; and having forced Arion
(who had then three thousand talents of Joseph's money in
his hands) to pay him that whole sum, which amounted to
above two hundred thousand pounds sterling, he bought one
hundred beautiful boys for the king, and one hundred beauti-
ful young maids for the queen, at the price of a talent a head :
and when he presented them, they carried each a talent in
their hands, the boys for the king, and the young maids for
the queen ; so that this article alone cost him four hundred
talents. Some part of the rest he expended in valuable gifts
to the courtiers and great officers about the king, keeping
the remainder to his own use. By which means having pro-
cured in an high degree the favour of the king and queen,
and their whole court, he returned with a commission to be
collector of the king's revenues in all the country beyond
Jordan. For having thus overreached his father, he made
all the interest which Joseph formerly had in the Egyptian

z Lcvit. xviii, 12, 13 ; xs. 1?

oii'i. cOKNEXlOxN- OF THE HISTORY OF [PART lis

court, to devolve from him upon himself, and got into his
hands also the best of his estate ; which exceedinf2;ly angering
his brothers, who were before ill-afTected towards him, they
conspired to waylay him, and cut him off as he returned,
having their father's connivance, if not his consent, for the
same ; so much was he angered against him by what he had
done in Egypt. But Hyrcanus coming well attended with
soldiers to assist him in the execution of his office, got the
better of them in the assault which they made upon him 5
and two of his brothers were left dead upon the spot; but, on
his coming to Jerusalem, finding his father exceedingly exas-
perated against him, both for his conduct in Egypt, and the
death of his brothers on his return, and that for this reason no
one there would own him, he passed over Jordan, and there
entered on his oflice of collecting the king's revenues in
those parts. A little after this Joseph died, and thereon a
warcommenced between Hyrcanus and the surviving brothers
about their father's estate : which for some time disturbed
the peace of the Jews at Jerusalem. But the high-priest
and the generality taking part with the brothers, he was
forced again to retreat over Jordan, where he built a very
strong castle which he called Tyre ; from whence he made
war upon the neigbouring Arabs, infesting them with incur-
sions and depredations for seven years together. This was
while Seleucus Philopater, the son of Antiochus the Great,
reigned in Syria. But, when Antiochus Epiphanes succeeded
Seleucus, and had instated himself in Coelo-Syria and Pa-
lestine, as well as in the other provinces of the Syrian em-
pire, Hyrcanus being threatened by him with his wrath for
his conduct in this and other matters, for fear of him fell on
his own sword and slew himself. Some time before his
death, beseems to have recovered the favour of Onias the
high-priest, and to have had him wholly in his interest : for
he took his treasure into his charge, and laid it up in the
treasury of the temple, there to secure it for him f and, in
his answer to Heliodorus, he saith of him, that he was a man
of great dignity.^ And Onias's favouring him thus far, might
perchance be the true cause of that breach,*^ which happened
hetween him and Simon the governor of the temple ; who,
upon good reason, is supposed to have been the eldest of the
brothers of Hyrcanus, and the head of the family of the
Tobiadae (or the sons of Tobias.)*^ And, it is most likely,
this provoked him to lay that design of betraying the treasury
of the temple into the hands of the king of Syria, which we

a 2 IVlaccab. iii. 11. c 2 Maccab. iii. 4, 5, ^c.

d This Tobias was the father of Joseph;, and grandfather of Hyrcanus,

BOOK II.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 3Sii

shall by and by speak of, that so Hyrcanus might lose what
he had deposited in it.

After the death of Antiochus the Great, Seleucus Philo-
pater, his eldest son, v/hom he left at Autioch on his
departure thence into the East, succeeded him in Ptu". Epi-
the kingdom, but made a very poor figure in it, by f^^^"^^^'
reason of the low state which the Romans had reduced the
Syrian empire to, and the heavy tribute of one thousand
talents a year, which, through the whole time of his reign, he
was obliged to pay them, by the treaty of peace lately
granted by them to his father.*^

Ptolem) had hitherto managed his government with appro-
bation and applause, being till now directed in all things by
the counsel and advice of Aristomenes his chief minister
who was a father unto him.' But at length the flatteries of
his courtiers prevailing over the wise counsels of this able
minister, he began to deviate into all the vicious and evil
courses of his father: and, not being able to bear the
freedom with which Aristomenes frequently advised him to
a better conduct, he made him away by a cup of poison, and
then gave himself up with a full swing into all manner of
vicious pleasures; and this led him into as great miscarriages
in the government ; for thenceforth, instead of that clemency
and justice with which he had hitherto governed the king-
dom, he turned all into tyranny and cruelty, conducting him-
self in all things that he did, by nothing else but by corrupt
will and arbitrary pleasure.

The Egyptians, not being able to bear the grievances
which they suffered under this great mal-administra-
tion of their king, began to combine and make asso PioT.Epu
ciations against him; and, being headed by many of ^^^"^^ ^'
the greatest power in the land, formed designs for the
deposing of him from his throne, and had very nearly suc-
ceeded in it.s

For the extricating himself out of these troubles, he made
Polycrates his chief minister, who was a wise and
valiant man, and long experienced in all the affairs Pioi.Epi-
both of war and peace ;^ for he had been one of his ^'"*°^* ^''
father's generals in the battle of Raphia ; and much of that
victory which was there gained was owing unto him. After
that he had been governor of Cyprus, and coming from
thence to Alexandria, just upon the breaking out of the con-
spiracy of Scopas, he had a great hand in the suppressino-
of it.

e Appian. in Syriacis, " Qui de eo dicit, quod erat otiosus, nee admodum
potens propter cladetn quam pater acceperat."
f Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 294. g Diodor. Sic. ibid,
h Polybius, in Excerptis Vale?ii, p, 113.

38t> CONNEXION or THE HISTORY OF [PAKT 11.

By his means, Ptolemy having subdued the revolters,
183 brought many of their leaders (who were of the chief
ptoi. tpi- nobihty of his kingdom upon terms of accommoda-
^ anes .. ^|^^ to submit to him ; but, when he had gotten them
into his power, he broke his faith with them. For after
having treated them with great cruelty, caused them all to
be put to death; which base action involved him in new
difficulties, but the wisdom of Polycrates extricated him out
of all.'>

Agisipolis, who, on the death of Cleomenes, had been
in his infancy declared king of Lacedemon, being slain by
pirates in a voyage which he was making to Rome,' arch-
bishop Usher thinks that Areus, a noble Lacedemonian,
much spoken of in those times, had the title of king of Lace-
demon, after him, and that from him was sent that letter to
Onias the high-priest of the Jews,'' in which the Lacedemo-
nians claimed kindred with the Jews, and desired friendship
with them on this account. Josephus indeed saith,' that this
letter was written to Osiias the son of Simon, who was the
third of that name that was high-priest at Jerusalem ; but it
is hard in his time to find an Areus king of Lacedemon. For
archbishop Usher's conjecture will not do; that Areus, on
whom he would fix the title of king of Lacedemon, for the
fathering of this letter to Onias, is nowhere said to be so,
neither is it any way likely that he ever had that title ; for
before his time both the royal families of the kings of Lace-
demon had failed and become extinct ; and the government
there, which had for some time before been invaded hy
tyrants, was then turned into another form. And besides,
Jonathan, in his letter to the Lacedemonians, (1 Maccab.
xii. 10) wherein he makes mention of this letter of Areus,
saith. That thet-e was a long time passed since it had been sent
unto them, which could not have been said by Jonathan in
respect of the time in which Onias the third was high-priest:
since, from the death of that Onias, to the time that Jonathan
was made prince of the Jews, there had passed no more than
twelve years. It is most likely Josephus mistook the Onias
to whom this letter was directed, and ascribed that to Onias
the third, which was done only in the time of Onias the
first. For, while Onias, the first of that name, the son of
Jaddua, was high-priest of the Jews, there was an Areus king
of Lacedemon, and from him most likely it was, that this
letter was written.'" But the greatest difficulty as to this let-

h PoIyl>ius, in Excerptis Valessii, p. 113.
i Annates Veteris Testamenti, sub anno J. P. 4531.
k 1 Maccab. xii. c. 5. 1 Lib. 12, c. 4.

m Vide Scaligeri Aniraadversiones in Eusebii Chronicon, p. 139, fcCano-
num Isagog. lib. 3, p. 340

500K 11.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 38;

ter is to know on what foundation the Lacedemonians claimed
kindred with the J«^ws. Areus saith in his letter, That it was
foundin a certain writing., that the Lacedomonians and the Jews
■were brethren, and that they were both of the stock of Abraham,
But what this writing was. or how this pedigree mentioned
in it was to be made out, is not said. No doubt, it was from
some old fabulous story now lost •, learned meu having been
offering several conjectures for the making out oi this matter,
bur all so lame as not to be worth relatiug.

Ptolemy having suppressed his rebellious subjects at home,
projected a war abroad against Seleucus king of ^,^ jg^
Sjria. But," as he was laying his designs for it, one P'o'-Piiao-
of his chief commai-'deis asked him, Where he
would have money to carry it on ? To this he answered,
That his friends were his money ; from whence many of the
chief men about him inferring that he intended to take their
money from them lor the carrying on of this war; for the
preventing of it, procured poison to be given him, which
put an end to this project and his life together, after he had
reigned twenty-four years, and lived twenty-nine." Ptolemy
Philometor his son, an infant of six years old, succeeded him
in the kingdom, under the guardianship of Cleopatra his
mother.

Perseus, having succeeded his father Philip in the king-
dom of Macedon, married Laodice the daughter of ^^ ,„
Seleucus king of Syria; and the Rhodians, with Pi"' Pti-
their whole fleet, conducted her from Syria into Ma-
cedon." In their way thither, Ihey stopped at Delus, an
island in the iEg«an Sea, sacred to Apollo, where he had a
temple erected to him, which, next to that at Delphos, was
reckoned to be of the greatest note in all Greece. While
the ileet lay there, Laodice having made many offerings to
the temple, and given many gifts to the people of the place,
they, in acknowledgment hereof there erected a statue to her,
on the pedestal whereof was engraven this inscription : O
AiifMi Tuv AijXiuv '&otaiXi(s-a-etf) Aoieaixiiv BxTi^^eag 2fA£yx», yvta.'tKX B««c-/A£«5

Avf^ev Tuv l^ijxlur that is, The people of Delus erected this for
queen Laodice., the daughter of hng Seleucus, and the wife of
king Perseus, because of her virtue and of her piety to the
temple, and her beneficence to the people of Delus. The mar-
ble whereon this inscription was engraven is still extant
among the Arundel marbles at Oxford, from whence it was
published by me among the Marmora Oxoniensia, Num. 142,
p. 276.

n Hieronymus in cap. xi. Danielis.

o Polyb. Legat, 60, p. 882. Liviiis. lib, 42.

388 CONNEXIOJf OF THE HISTORY OF [PART li,

Simon, a Benjamite, being made governor and protector,
An. 176. of the temple at Jerusalem,P (which office he seems
rtoi. Phi- to have had from the death of Joseph, and was most

lometor c>. i i i c i • \ ■>■ rf

probably one ol his sons,'i) ditierences arose between
him and Onias the high-priest ; and when he found that he
could not prevail against Onias, he, with the rest of the sons
of Tobias, fled from Jerusalem, and went to Apollonius, who
was governor o( Coelo-Syria and Palestine for Seleucus king
of Syria, and told him of great treasures which, he said,
were laid up in the temple at Jerusalem; whereon Apollo-
nius informing the king, Heliodorus his treasurer was sent to
make seizure of it, and bring it to Antioch. How the hand
of God appeared in a very miraculous manner against Helio-
dorus in this sacrilegious attempt, is at large related in the
third chapter of the second book of Maccabees. However,
Simon still carrying on his malice against Onias, and murders
having been thereon committed by those of his faction, and
Apollonius encouraging him herein, Onias went to Antioch
to make complaint to the king of these violences ; but he had
not been there long ere the king died/

It hath been above related that when Antiochus the Great,
the father of Seleucus, made peace with the Romans after
the battle of Mount Sipylus, among other hostages which
were then given for the observance of that peace, one was
Antiochus the king's son, and younger brother to Seleucus.
He having been now thirteen years at Rome,^ Seleucus had
a desire to have him home ; and therefore, for the redeeming
of him, he sent Demetrius his only son, then about twelve
years old, to be there in his stead by way of exchange for
him. Whether he did this, as some moderns thmk,*^ that hi.5
son might have the benefit of a Roman education, or that he
might make use of Antiochus for the executing of some de-
signs he might then have upon Egypt, during the minority of
Philometor, as is conjectured by others," or for some other
reason ditferent from both, is not said in any authentic history
of those times. While both the next heirs of the crown
were thus absent (Demetrius being gone for Rome, and
Antiochus not yet returned from thence) Heliodorus the
king's treasurer, the same that had been sent to rob the
temple at Jerusalem, thinking this a fit opportunity for him
to usurp the crown, were Seleucus out of the way, caused
poison to be treacherously given him, of which he died.*

It appears from the third and fourth chapters of the second

p 2 Maccab. iii. 4.

q Vide Grotiura in Annolationibus adtertio cap. 2. Libri Maccab. ver. 4.

r 2 Maccab. iv. s Appian. in Syriacis.

t Sallianus sub Anni Mundi 3780. u Vaillant in Hist. Regum Syriae.

3 Appian. in Syriacis.

BOOK II.] THE OUli AND NEW TEIST AMENTA. 309

Maccabees, and also from Josephus,^ that Seleucus had been
in possession of Coelo-Syria, Phoenicia, and Judea some
time before his death. For Apollonius was governor of
those provinces for him, and HeHodorus was sent to Jerusa-
lem by his commission, when he would have there seized the
treasureof the temple for his use; andOnias, when oppressed
by Simon the Benjamite, and his faction, applied himself
to Seleucus king of Syria, and not to Ptolemy king of Egypt,
for redress of his grievances : all which plainly proves, that
Seleucus was then in possession of the sovereignty of those
provinces ; but how he came by it is nowhere said in history.
After the battle of Paneas, it is certain Antiochus the Great
made himself master of all Coelo-Syria and Palestine, and
utterly excluded Ptolemy from the sovereignty, which, till
then, the Egyptian kings had in those provinces. But when
the same Antiochus married his daughter Cleopatra to Pto-
lemy Epiphanes, he agreed to restore them by way of dowry
with her, reserving to himself one half of the revenues of
those provinces. And if they were then restored to Ptolemy,
the question ariseth herefrom, How then came Seleucus to
be possessed of them ^ By what we find in Polybius,^ it may
be inferred, that this agreement was never faithfully execu-
ted either by Antiochus, or by Seleucus his son ; but that
both of them held these provinces, notwithstanding that
article of the marriage, whereby it was agreed to surrender
them to the Egyptian king. For that author tells us,^ that
from the time of the battle of Paneas, where Antiochus
vanquished Scopas and the Egyptian army, all parts of the
above-mentioned provinces were subject to^the king of Syria.
And he also tells us that Antiochus Epiphanes (who succeeded
Sel»iucus,) in an answer which he gave to the ambassadors
that came to him from Greece to compose the differences
that were between him and Ptolemy Philometor, denied that
Antiochus his father ever agreed to surrender Ccelo-Syria to
Ptolemy Epiphanes on his marrying of his daughter to him f
which may seem to infer, that Coelo-Syria and Palestine, not-
withstanding the said agreement, were still retained in the
possession of the Syrian kings. But what Josephus'* saith
of Hyrcanus's journey to congratulate king Ptolemy Epi-
phanes, and Cleopatra his queen, on the birth of Philometor
their son. and the flocking of the nobles of Ccelo-Syria thi-
ther on the same account, is a clear proof of the contrary,
that is, that Coelo-Syria and Palestine were then in the pos-
session of the Egyptian king, by what means soever it after-

y In Libro de Maccab. c. 4. z Legat. 72, p. 893.

a Polyb. Legat 82, p. 908. b Antin. lib. 12, c. 4

'-'OL, II. ^

300 THE OI,D AND NEW TESTAMENTS CONNECTED;

ward became that he wbs put out of it. It is most likely,
that Seleucus, having just cause of war given him by the
preparations that Ptolemy Epiphanes was making againsthimat
the time of his decth, took the advantage of the minority of
Philometor his son, to prosecute this war against him which
his father hao begun, and therein seized these provinces f
for it is certain, both from the Maccabees and from Josephus,
that Seleucus was in possession of them at the time of his
death.

The whole of this king's reign is expressed in Daniel xi»
20. For in that text it is foretold, that after Antiochus the
Great, who is sopken of in the foregoing verses, there should
ftand up in his estate a raiser of taxes. And Seleucus was no
more than such all his time ; for the whole business of his
reign was to raise the one thousand talents every year, which
by the treaty of peace that his father made with the Romans,
he was obliged for twelve years together, annually to pay that
people ; and the last of those twelve years was the last of his
life. For, as the text saith, That within a few years after he
should be destroyed^ and that neither in anger^ cor in battle f
so accordingly it happened. For he reigned only eleven
years, and his death was neither in battle nor in anger, that
is, neither in war abroad, nor in sedition rebellion at home or
but by the secret treachery of one of his own friends. His
successor was Antiochus Epiphanes his brother, of whom we
shall treat in the next book.

c He was but sis years old at the time of his father's death,
d The Hebrew word Yamim, which in the English Bible is rendered days,
signifieth a!«o year? and is put as often for one as the other.

THt

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &lc.

BOOK III.

ON the' death of Seleucus Philopater,* Heliodoius, who
had been the treacherous author of his death, . ,,,

, , . , z' o • , » An 157.

endeavoured to seize the crown oi byna. An- Ptoi. Phi-
tiochus the brother of Seleucus was then on his °™^*""
return from Rome. While at Athens in his journey, he
there heard of the death of his brother, and the attempt of
Heliodorus to usurp the throne f and finding that the usurper
had a great party with him to support him in his pretensions,
and that there was another party also forming for Ptolemy,*^
(who made some claim to the succession in right of his
mother, she being sister to the deceased king,) and that both
of them were agreed not to give unto him the honour of the
kingdom, as the holy prophet Daniel foretold,*^ he applied
himself to Eumenes king of Pergamus,^ and Attalus his
brother, and by flattering speeches, and great promises of
friendship, prevailed with them to help him against Heliodo-
rus/ And by their means that usurper being suppressed, he
was quietly placed on the throne, and all submitted to him,s
and permitted him, without any further opposition, peaceably
to obtain the kingdom, as had been predicted of him in the
same prophecy. Eumenes and Attalus, at this time having
some suspicions of the Romans, were desirous of having the
king of Syria on their side, in case a war should break out
between them, and Antiochus's promises to stick by them,
whenever such a war should happen, were the inducements
that prevailed with them to do him this kindness.

a Appiao. in Syriacis c Hieronymus in Dan. li. 21.

d Daniel xi. 21. g Appian. ibid.

392 CONNEXION OF THK HISTORY OF [PART II.

On his being thus settled on the throne, he took the name
of Epiphanes, that is, The Illustrious ; but nothing could be
more alien to his true character than this title.*" The pro-
phet Daniel foretold of him, that he should be a vile person,^
so our English version hath it ; but the word nibzeh in the ori-
ginal rather signitieth despicable than vile. He was truly
both in all that both these words can express, which will fully
appear from the character given of him by Polybius,'' Phi-
larchus,' Livy,*" and Diodorus Siculus," who were all heathen
writers, and the two first of them his contemporaries. For
they tell us, that he would get often out of the palace and
ramble about the streets of Antioch, with two or three ser-
vants only accompanying him ; that he would be often con-
versing with those that graved in silver, and cast vessels of
gold, and be frequently found with them in their shops talk-
ing and nicely arguing vvith them about the mysteries of their
trades ; that he vi'ould very commonly debase himself to the
meanest company, and on his going abroad would join in with
such, as he happened to find them met together, although of
the lowest of the people, and enter into discourse with any
one of them whom he should first light on ; that he would in
his rambles frequently drink with strangers and foreigners,
and even with the meanest and vilest of them ; that, when
he heard of any young company met together to feast, drink,
or any otherwise to make merry together, he would, without
giving any notice of his coming, intrude himself among them,
and revel away the time with them in their cups and songs,
and other frolics, without any regard had to common decency,
or his own royal character ; so that several being surprised
with the strangeness of the thing, would, on his coming, get
up and run away out of the company. And he would some-
times, as the freak took him, lay aside his royal habit, and,
putting on a Roman gown, go round the city, as he had
seen done in the election of magistrates at Rome, and ask
the votes of the citizens, in the same m.anner as used to be
there practised, now taking one man by the hand, and then
embracing another, and would thus set himself up, sometimes
for the othce of aadilc, and sometimes for that of tribune ;
and, having been thus voted into the office he sued for, he
would take the curule chair, and, sitting down in it, hear
petty causes of contracts, bargains, and sales, made in the
market, and give judgment in them with that serious atten-
tion and earnestness, as if they had been matters of the

-'?i Appiati. in Syrlacis. Eusebius In Cbronicoii. Atliena;us, lib. 5, p. 193.
i Dan. xi. 21. k Apud Atbenieutii, lib. 5, p. 193

\ Ibid. lib. 10, p. 438, m Lib. 41 .

n In Excerptis Valesii, p. 304

SOOK III.] tHE OLl) AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 3^3

highest concern and importance. It is said also of him, that
he was much given to drunkenness ; and that he spent a great
part of his revenues in revelhngs and drunken carousals 5
and would often go out into the streets while in these frolics,
and there scatter his money by handfuls among the rabble,
crying out, Let him take to whom fortune gives it." Sometimes
he would go abroad with a crown of roses upon his head, and,
wearing a Roman gown, would walk the streets alone, and,
carrying stones under his arms, would throw them to those
that should follow after him. And he would often wash him-
self in the public baths among the common people, and there
expose himself by many absurd and ridiculous actions.
Which odd and extravagant sort of conduct made many doubt
how the matter stood with him ;P some thinking him a fool,
and some a madman ; the latter of these most thought to be
his truest character-, and therefore, instead of Epiphanes, or
the illustrious, they called him Epimanes,*i that is, the mad-
man. Jerome tells us also of him, that he was exceedingly
given to lasciviousness, and often by the vilest acts of it de-
based the honour of his royal dignity ;'^ that he was frequently-
found in the company of mimics, pathics, and common pros-
titutes, and that, with the latter he would commit acts of
lasciviousness, and gratify his lust on them publicly in the
sight of the people. And it is further related of him, that
having for his catamites two vile persons, called Timarchus
and Heralclides/ who were brothers, he made the first of
them governor of Babylonia, and the other his treasurer in
that province, and gave himself up to be governed and con-
ducted by them in most that he did. And, having on a very
whimsical occasion, exhibited games and shows at Daphne,
near Antioch, with vast expense, and called thither a great
multitude o( people from foreign parts as well as from his
own dominions, to be present at the solemnity ; he there
behaved himself to that degree of folly and absurdity, as to
become the ridicule and scorn of all that were present :*
which actions of his are sufficient abundantly to demonstrate
him both despicable and vile, though he had not added to
them that most unreasonable and wicked persecution of God's
people in Judea and Jerusalem ; which will be hereafter
related.

o Athenaeus, lib. 10, p. 438.

p Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 306. Atbenaeus, lib. 5, p. 193.

q Athenaeus, ibid. r In Comment, ad Dan. xi. 37.

s They are taken to be the same, who in Athenajus, p. 438, are called Aris-
lus and Themison ; though that author there seems to speak of Antiocbus
Magnus, and not of Antiochus Epiphanes.

t Polyb. apud Athanaeum. lib. 5, p. 194, &. lib. 10, p. 439, Diodor, Sic, in
IJxcerptis Valesii, p. 320.

394 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Or [pART If,

As soon as Antiochus was settled in the kingdom, Jason,
the brother of Onias, being ambitious of the high-priesthood,
by underhand means apphed to him for it ; and by an offer
of three hundred and sixty talents, besides eighty more
which he promised on anotheraccount, obtained of him, that
Onias was displaced from the office, and he advanced to it ia
his stead." And at the same time procured, that Onias was
called to Antioch, and confined to dwell there. For Onias,
by reason of his signal piety and righteousness, being ot
great esteem among the people throughout all Judea and Je-
rusalem, the intruder justly feared, that he should have but
little authority in his new acquired office, as long as this good
man, from whom he usurped it, should continue at Jerusalem;^
and therefore he procured from the king an order for his re-
moval from thence to Antioch, and his confinement to that
place ; where he accordingly continued till he was there put
to death, as will be hereafter shown in its proper place. ^ An-
tiochus coming poor to the crown, and finding the public
treasury empty, by reason of the heavy tribute paid the Ro-
mans for the twelve years last foregoing, was greedy of the
money which Jason ofTered, and therefore, for the obtaining
of it, readily granted what he desired of him, and would
have been glad to have granted more on the same terms ;
which Jason perceiving, proposed to advance one hundred
and fifty talents over and above what he had already offered,
if he might have license to erect at Jerusalem a gymnasium,
or a place of exercise, and an ephebeum, or a place for the
training up of youth, according to the usage and fashion of
the Greeks ; and, moreover, have authority of making as
many of the inhabitants of Jerusalem freemen of Antioch as
he should think fit; which proposal being as readily accepted
of as the former, all this was also granted him f and, by these
means, he doubted not he should be able to make a party
among the Jews, to overbear all that might stand for Onias ;
and, accordingly, on his return to Jerusalem with these grants
and commissions, he had all the success herein which he pro-
posed. For, at this time, there were many among the Jews
fondly inclined to the ways of the Greeks, whom he gratified,
by erecting his gymnasium for them to exercise in ; and the
freedom of the city of Antioch being a privilege of great value,
while the Syro-Macedonian kingflourished there, by his power
of granting that freedom he drew over many more to his bent ;
so that, putting down the governments that were according
to law, he brought up new customs against the law, drawing

u 2 Maccab. iv. 7. Joseph, de Maccab. c. 4.

X 2 Maccab. iii. 1 ; iv. 27. y 2 Maccab. iv. 33,34>

51 2 Maccab.vi.S, 9.

300K ni.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 395

(he chief young men of the Jewish nation into his ephebeum.
and there training them up after the manner of the Greeics;^
and, in all things else, he made as many of them as he could
apostatize from the religion and usages of their forefathers,
and conform themselves to the manners, customs, and rites
of the heathens ; whereon the service of the altar became
neglected, and the priests, despising the temple, omitted
there the public worship of God, and hastened to partake of
the games and divertisements of the gymnasium, and all other
the unlawful allowances of that place ; whereby it came to
pass, that all those privileges which, at the solicitation of
John the father of Eapolemus, were by special favour ob-
tained of king Seleucus Philopater, for the securing of the
observance of the Jewish law in Judah and Jerusalem, were
all overborne and taken away. And from hence was propa-
gated that iniquity among the Jews, which drew after it, for
its punishment, one of the greatest calamities, next the two
terrible destructions executed upon their tetnple and country
by Nebuchadnezzar and Titus, that ever befell that nation.
Of all which mischief, the ambition of this wicked man was
the original cause ; for, sacrificing to it his religion and his
country, he betrayed both to procure his own advancement.
And, to render hinnself the more acceptable to those from
whom he obtained it, he changed not only his religion, but
also his name. For his name was at first Jesus ;^ but, when
he went over to the ways of the Greeks, he took also a
Greek name, and called himself Jason : and, having thus
given himself up to the heathen superstition, he laid hold of
all opportunities to distinguish himself in expressing his zeal
for it.

And therefore, the next year being the time of the quin-
quennial'^ games that were celebrated at Tyre, in
honour of Hercules, the patron god of that country, rtoi. rbu
and Antiochus being present at them, he sent seve-
ral Jews of his party, whom he had enfranchised, and made
freemen of Aiitioch,'^ to be spectators of those games, "^ and
to offer from him a donative of thirty-three hundred drachms,*^

a 2 Maccab. iv. 10, 11, 12, &c.

b Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 6. c 2 Maccab. iv. 18, 19.

d These quinquennial games at Tyre were in imitation of the quinquennial
games in Greece, cailed the Olympics. They are called quinquennial, be-
cause they were celebrated in the beginning of the fifth year, though from
one Olympic to another no more than four years intervened.

e The original calls them Oiafss^; which word among the Greeks signifieth
such as were sent from one city to another in the name of the community, to
ie present at their sacred solemnities, and bear a part in them.

f In the English version it is three hundred drachms; and so it is also in
the common printed books of the Greek original; but in the Arundel manu-
"crjnt it is mMvytKua tftaxo^we, that is. three thousand three hundred. whicH

396 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART IT.

to be expended in sacrifices to that heathen deity. But the
bearers, being afraid of involving themselves in the guilt of
this idolatry, gave the money to the Tyrians to be employed
in the repairing of their fleet; and so the apostate was de-
feated of what he intended by this impious gift.

In Egypt, from the death of Ptolemy Epiphanes, Cleopa-
An. 174 ^""^ ^'^ queen, sister of Antiochus Epiphanes, had
ptoi. Phi- taken on her the government of the kingdom and
the tuition of her infant son, who had succeeded him
in it, and managed it with groat care and prudence ; but,
she dying this year, the management of atfairs there fell into
the hands of Lennaeus, a nobleman of that court, and Eulae-
us, an eunuch, who had the breeding up of the young king. 6
As soon as they had entered on the administration, they
made dejnand of Ccelo-Syria and Palestine from Antiochus
Epiphanes, which gave origin to the war that afterward ensu-
ed between Antiochus and Philometor."^ As long as Cleo-
patra lived, she, being mother to the one, and sister to the
other, kept this matter from making a breach between them.
But, after her death, those into whose hands the government
next fell made no longer scruple to demand of Antiochus, in
behalf of their master, what ihey thought his due. And it
must be owned, that ihose provinces were always in the pos-
session of the kings of Egypt, from the time of the tirst Ptole-
my, till Antiochus the Great wrested them out of the hands
of Ptolemy Epiphanes; and by this title only Seleucus his
son came to be in full possession of them, and, on his death,

is the truer reading. For three hundred drachms, at the highest valuation,
making no more than seventy-five Jewish shekels, that is, eleven pounds
five shillings sterling, it was lOO little to be sent on such an occasion {vide
.Annates Usserii sub anno mundi 3S3U.) But it is to be here observed, that the
Tyrian god to whom this oblation was sent, is, in the place of the s cond book
of Maccabees liere cited, called Hercules, according to the style of the
Greeks. Among the Tyrians themselves this name was not known. There
his name was Malcaitlius; which, being compounded of the two Phccnician
words Melee and Kartha, did, in that language, signify the King or Lord of
the city. The Greeks, from some similitude which they found in the wor-
ship ot this god at lyre, with that wherewith they worshipped Hercules in
Greece, thought them to be both the same ; and therefore called this Tyrian
god Hercules; and hence came the name of Hercules lyrius among them.
This god seems to be the same with the Baal of the holy Scriptures, whose
worship Jezebel brought from Tyre into the land of Israel : for Baal, with the
addition of Kartha, signifieth the same as VIelec with the same addition. For
as the latter, in the Phoeiiii ian language, is King of the city, the other, in the
pame language, is Lord of the. city. And as Baal is put alone to signify this
Tyrian god in Scripture, so do we find Melee also put alone to signify the
tame god; for Hesychius tells us, M*a«< rov 'Hp:iKKi% A^«6s3r/o/, that is Mulic
is the name of Hercules among the Amathusians. And these Ainathusians
were a colony of the Tyrians in Cyprus. Vide Sanchoniathonem apud Eu-
sebium de Praep. Evang. lib. 1. Boi harti Phaleg. part 2, lb. 1, c. 34, and lib.
2, c. 2. Seldenum de Diis Syris, synlag. I, c. 6, and Fulleri Miscellan, lib-
2, c. 17.

g Hieronymus in Dan. xi. 21. h Polybias Legat. 82, p, 908

HOOK III. J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEM';S. J^T

was succeeded in the same by Antiochus Epiphanes his bro-
ther. The Egyptians, in defence of their claim, argued,
that in the last partition of the empire of Alexander, made
after the battle of Ipsus, among those four of his successojs
who then survived, these provinces were assigned to Ptole-
my Soter ; that he and the succeeding kings of his race had
held them ever after, till Antiochus the Great wrested them
out of the hands of Ptolemy Epiphanes after the battle of
Paneas : and that the same Antiochus had agreed on the
marrying of his daughter to the same king Ptolemy, and made
it the main article of that marriage, again to restore to him
these provinces, by way of dowry with her.' But Antiochus
denied both these allegations, pleading, in answer to them,
that, by virtue of the last partition of the empire of Alexan-
der above mentioned, all Syria," including Coslo-Syria and
Palestine, was assigned to Seleucus Nicator, and therefore it
belonged to him as his rightful heir in the Syrian empire.^
And as to the article of marriage, whereby a restoration of
those provinces to king Ptolemy was claimed, he utterly de-
nied that there was any such thing. And having thus de-
clared on both sides their pretensions, they joined issue
hereon, and referred it to the sword to decide the matter.

Ptolemy Philometor being now fourteen years old, he was
declared to be out of his minority ; and thereon^ great pre-
parations were made at Alexandria for his enthronization, as
was usual there on this occasion."^ Hereon Antiochus sent
Apollonius, one of the prime nobles of his'court, in an em-
bassy thither, to be present at the solemnity, and to congratu-
late the young king thereon." This he did in outward pre-
tence, to express his respects to his nephew, and show nim
honour on this occasion ; but in reality it was only to spy out
how that court stood atiected to him, and what measures
they were proposing to take in reference to him, and the
contested provinces of Coelo-Syria and Palestine ; and, on
the return of this ambassador to him, finding by his report
that war was intended against him, he came by sea to Joppa,
to take a view of the frontiers towards Egypt, and to put
them into a thorough posture of defence against any attempts
which the Egyptians might' make upon Ihcm :" and in this

i Polvbius Legal. 72, p. 893.

k Poiybius Legat. 72, p. 693, fc Legat. 82, p. 'JOS.

I Poiybius Legat. 78, p. 902. 2 Maccab. iv. 21 .

m This the Alexandrian Greeks callei] 'Avukx-ZIuciu. c«r the soiem/tky ofsalU'
ialioji ; because they tiien first saluted him as king. This tlie author of the
scroiid book of Maccabees, calls ■s-i.rxtcy.KyiTia., iv. 21 ; for so it ought to be
read, according to tiie Alexaudrian manuscript, and r^olve/ttoithtfs-tf.. as in the
T>rintcd books.

:i 2 iMaccHbees v.'. ?!

.iijg CONNEXION UF THE HISTORY OF' [PAUi II.

progress be came to Jerusalem, where he was received willi
great pomp and solemnity by Jason and all the city, and
treated with great magnificence. But this operated nothing
for the averting of that great mischiel and calamity v^hich
he afterward brought upon that place, and the whole nation
of the Jews. From Jerusalem he marched into Phoenicia •,
and, having there settled all matters, he returned again to
Antioch.

The next year Jason sent Menelaus his brother to Antioch,
there to pay the king his tiibute money, and algo to
iMoi. Phi- treat with him about other matters which he thought
lometor 9. ^jg^essarv to be done." But, on his admission to au-
dience, instead of pursuing his commission in behalf of his
brother, he treacherously supplanted him, and got into his
place. For having tirst recommended himself to the favour
of this vain prince by a flattering speech, wherein he greatly
magnified the glorious appearance of his power, he took the
opportunity of petitioning him for the high-priesthood for
himself, offering more than Jason gave for it by three hun-
dred talents. Which offer being readily accepted, Jason was
deposed, after he had been, as high-priest, in the government
of that nation three years, and Menelaus was advanced in
his stead. P This Menelaus, the author of the second book
of Maccabees saith, was brother to Simon the Benjamite^ who
was of the house of Tobias,? but this could not be : for none
but such as were of the house of Aaron were capable of
this office : and therefore in this particular, Josephus is ra-
ther to be credited, who positively tells us, that he was the
brother of Onias and Jason, and the son of Simon the se-
con'd of that name, high-priest of the Jews, and that he was
the third of his sons that had been in that office.'^ His name
at first was Onias, the same with that of his eldest brother ;
but, running as fast as Jason into the ways of the Greeks, in
imitation of him, he took a Greek name also, and called
himself Menelaus. His father and his eldest brother were
both of them holy and good men ; but he chose rather to imi-
tate the example of wicked Jason than theirs ; for he fol-
lowed him in all his ways of fraud, wickedness, and aposta-
cy, and outdid him in each of them.^ Jason's being sup-
planted by him in the same manner as he had supplanted
Onias, was a just retaliation of Providence ; but Menelaus
was a much more wicked instrument herein than the other,
since he practised this fraud against Jason while he was in
his confidence, and had on him the character of his ambas-

o 2 Maccabees iv, 23, 24, 25.

p 3 Maccabees iv. 23. r Antiq. lib. 12, c. <J

3 2 Maccabees iv. 5. .TosepL. Ami»|. lib. 12, c, 6

BOOK m.J THK OLD AND NEW TESTAMJ-.VTS. oiid

sador. and by virtue of that character got that access to the
king whereby lie effected it. As soon as his mandate for
the office was despatched at the Syrian court, Menelaus went
with it to Jerusalem : and although, on his coming, the sons
of Tobias, wIjo then made a very potent faction in the Jew-
ish state, joined witli him : yet such a party stood for Jason,
that Menelaus was forced with his friends of the house of
Tobias, to quit the place, and return again to Antioch ; where
they having declared that they would no longer observe their
country, laws, and institutions, but would go over to the reli-
gion of the king- and the worship of the Greeks \'^ this so far
gained them the favour of Antiochus, that he sent them back,
assisted with such a power as Jason could not resist ; and
therefore, being forced to leave Jerusalem," he fled into the
land of the Ammonites, and Menelaus took possession of his
office without any further opposition ; and thereon he pro-
ceeded to make good all that he and his party had declared
at Antioch, by apostatizing from the law of Moses to the reli-
gion of the Greeks, and ail other their rites and usages, and
drawing as many others after him into the same impiety as
he was able.* For he did not desire the otlice of high-
priest at Jerusalem for the sake of the Jewish religion, or
that he intended to practise any part of (he Jewish worship
in it. That which made this office so desirable to him and
Jason, and induced them both to give so much for it, was
the temporal authority that went with the ecclesiastical.
For at that time, and for some ages past, the high-priest of
the Jews had, first under the Persian, and afterward under
the Macedonian kings, the sole temporal government of that
nation. This last most certainly was derived from the king,
and this gave him the handle to dispose of both, tiiough tlie
priesthood itself was derived only from that divine authority
under which it acted. And the case is the same in respect
of the Christian priesthood. For to instance in Episcopacy,
the first order of it, besides the ecclesiastical oflice, which is
derived from Christ alone, it hath in Christian states annexed
to it (as with us,) the temporal benefice (that is, the reve-
nues of the bishopric,) and some branches of the temporal
authority, as the probate of wills, causes of tithes, causes of
defamation, ^^c. ; all which latter most certainly is held un-
der the temporal state, but not the former. Were this dis-
tinction duly considered, it would put an end to those Eras-
tian notions which now so much prevail among us. For the
want of this is the true cause that many, observing some
branches of the Episcopal authority to be from the state.

r Joseph. Antifj. lib. 12, c. G. v Marrqhpp'= iv. l!fi.

14 .lospp^. An'-ui. Hi), 12, r 6

• 100 <;u.\.\EXIOX OP VlIK HISTORY -OP [j'ART JI.

wrongfully from hence infer, that all the rest is so too ;
whereas, would they duly examine the matter, they would
tind, that, beside the temporal power and temporal reve-
nues with which bishops are invested, there is also an eccle-
siastical or spiritual power, which is derived from none other
than Christ alone. And the same distinction may also serve
to quash another controversy, which was much agitated
among us in the reign of his late majesty king William III.
about the act which deprived the bishops who would not
take the oaths to that king. For the contest then was, that
an act of parliament could not deprive a bishop. This we
acknowledge to be true in respect of the spiritual office, but
not in respect of the benefice, and other temporal advantages
and powers annexed thereto. For these every bishop re-
ceiveth from the state, and the state can again deprive any
bishop of them upon a just cause ; and this was all that was
done by the said act. For the bishops that were then depri-
ved by it had still their episcopal office left entire to them,
they being as much bishops of the church universal after
their deprivation as they were before.

Menelaus, after he had got into the high-priesthood by
outbidding his brother, took no care to pay the
Vtoi.piii- money ;y whereon the king calling upon Sostratus, the
sometorio. ^^p^^j^ ^f j]^g castlc at Jerusalem, (who was also re-
ceiver of the king's revenues in Judea,) and he upon Mene-
laus for the mono}', they were both summoned to appear
before the king at Antioch, to give an account hereof; but,
on their arrival there, they found the king was gone from
thence, to quell an insurrection that had been made against
him at Malus and Tarsus, two cities of Cilicia. For the
revenues of these cities having been assigned to Antiochis,
one of the king's concubines, for her maintenance, the inha-
bitants, either out of indignation for this thing, or because
the concubine exacted upon them, rose up in an uproar, and
Antiochus was then hastened thither to appease it, leaving
Andronicus, one of the prime nobles of his court, to govern
Antioch during his absence. Menelaus, taking the advantage
of the time, thus gained by the absence of the king, made
the best use of it he could to raise the money he owed him
before his return ; in order whereto, having, b} the means of
Lysimachus, whom he left his deputy at Jerusalem, gotten
many of the gold vessels out of the temple, he sold them at
Tyre, and the cities round about ; and thereby raised money
enough, not only to pay the king, but also to bribe Androni-
cus and other courtiers to procure favour for him.^ Onias,

V 2 Mnccabees iv. 27, 28 z 2 Maccab. iv. 32, 39.

HOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 401

who then lived at Antioch, as being confined to that place
by the order of the king, having notice of this sacrilege,
reproved Menelaus ver} severely for it ; which the apostate
not being able to bear, for the revenging of himself upon him
for it, applied to Andronicus, and engaged him for a sum
of money to cut Onias oft; of which Onias having gained
intelHgence, fled to the asylum at Daphne, and there took
sanctuary for the safety of his life.* But Andronicus having,
by fair words and false oaths, persuaded him to come forth
out of that place, immediately put him to death, that thereby
he might earn the money which Menelaus had promised
him.* But Onias having by his laudable carriage, while he
lived at Antioch, gained much upon the affection and esteem
of the inhabitants of the place, as well Greeks as Jews, they
took this murder so ill, that they both joined in a petition to
the king, on his return, against Andronicus for it f whereon
cognizance being taken of the crime, and the wicked murderer
convicted of it, Antiochus caused him with inAimy to be
carried to the place where the murder was committed, and
there put to death for it in such manner as he deserved.'^ For
Antiochus, as wicked a tyrant as he was, had sorrow and
regret upon him for the death of so good a man ; and there-
fore, in his thus revenging of it, he executed his own resent-
ments, as well as those of the persons who had petitioned
for it.

This Onias was high-priest of the Jews twenty-four years.
Eusebius mentioneth not at all the time of his being in the
office, though he doth it of all the rest, from the time of the
Babylonish captivity. But the Chronicon Alexandrinum
doth assign him iweiity-four years, which are to be reckoned
to the time of his death.* This Chronicon, in the assigning of
the years of each pontificate from the time mentioned to the
death of this Onias, much better agreeing both with the
Scriptures and the history of Josephus, than either Africanus
or Eusebius, 1 have rather chosen to follow that author in
this matter than either of the other two, excepting only in
the pontificate of Simon the Just. For, whereas the Cijroni-
con Alexandrinum assigns to it fourteen years, and Eusebius

a 2 Maccab. iv. 33, 34. c 2 Maccab. iv. 25, 26.

d 2 Maccab. iv 27, 28.

e This Chronicon had first the name of Fasti Siculi, because first found in
an old library in Sicily, and from thence conveyed to Rome, w here Sigonius
and Onufrius made use of it, and quote it under the name of Fasti Siculi. But
Sylburgius having gotten another copy of it, presented il to Hceschelius, who
gave it to the library at Augsburg in Germany, from whence Rader the Je-
suit published it with a Latin version, A. D. 1624, under the title of Chroni-
con Alexandrinum. He gave it this title, because in the manuscript from
whence he printed it, there was a short preface premised under the name of
Peter, patriarch of Alexandria.

402 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [>ART II,

only nine, I choose rather to follow Eusebiiis in this particu-
lar, that I might not carry down the last year of the high-
priest-hood of Manasseh too far from the death of his father.
For allowing Simon the Just fourteen years to his pontificate,
h will carry down the time of the death of Manasseh to
seventy-six years after the death of Jaddua his father, and
make him to be near an hundred, if not more, at the time of
his decease ; and every year deducted from so great an age
makes the account the more probable ; and nothing can be
deducted elsewhere to lessen it by the authority of either of
those two authors, (and there is no other authority but theirs
to be recurred to in this matter.) For all the years of the
other pontificates, from the death of Jaddua to that of Ma-
nasseh, do, in both these authors, either equal or exceed the
years of the said Chronicon ; and, therefore, there is nowhere
else where they can be lessened by the authority of either
of them. And, unless they be thus lessened, another incon-
venience would happen worse than the other. For other-
wise, the last year of Onias would be carried down beyond
what is consistent either with the history of Josephus, or that
of the two books of the Maccabees. From the death of
Onias, the pontificates following will be taken from the said
books of the Maccabees as far as they go ; and from the
history of Josephus who hath them all to the end.

In the interim, there happened a great mutiny at Jeru-
salem, by reason of the vessels of gold that were carried out
of the temple by the order of Menclaus. When he went to
Antioch, he left Lysimachus, another of his brothers, as bad
as himself, to execute his office during his absence,^ and by
his means those vessels of gold were carried out of the tem-
ple, which Menelaus sold at Tyre and other places to raise
the money above mentioned.^ When this came to be known,
and the bruit hereof was spread abroad among the people,
the multitude taking great indignation hereat, gathered them-
selves together against Lysimachus ; whereon he got together
about three thousand men of his party, under the command
of one Tyrannus, an old soldier, to resist their rage, and de-
fend himself against them ; but the multitude fell on them
with that fury, that, wounding some, and killing others, they
forced the rest to flee ; and then, falling on Lysimachus the
sacrilegious robber, they slew him beside the treasury, within
the temple, and thereby, for that time, put an end to this sa-
crilege.*'

Antiochus having, ever since the return of ApoUonius

i 2 Maccab. iv. 29. g 2 Macmb. iv 27.

h 2 Macrab. iv. 40—42

«OOK III. J THE OLD AM» NEW TESTAMEM's. 403

from the Egyptian court, been preparing for the vvar which
he found he must necessarily have with Ptolemy about the
provinces of Coelo-Syria and Palestine, and being now ready
for it, resolved to defer it no longer ; but, instead of expect-
ting the war in his own territories, determined to carry it into
those of his enemy.' The youth of Ptolemy (he being then
but sixteen years old,) and ihe weak conduct of the ministers
into whose hands he was fallen, made hina despise both ; and
the Romans (under whose protection Egypt then was) were
not at leisure to afford thetn any help, by reason of the war
which they were at that time engaged in with Perseus king
of Macedon ; and therefore, thinking he could not have a more
favourable juncture for the bringing of this controversy to a
successful decision, he resolved forthwith to begin the con-
test. However, to keep as fair with the Romans as the case
would admit, he sent ambassadors to lay before the senate
the right he had to the provinces of Coelo-Syria and Pales-
tine, then in his possession, and to justify the war which he
was forced to enter on in the defence of them ;'^ and then
forthwith marched his army towards the frontiers of Egypt,
where, being met by the forces of Ptolemy, between Mount
Casius and Pelusium, it there came to a battle between them ;
in which Antiochus having gotten the victory, he took care
on the advantage of it, well to fortify that border of his do-
minions, and to make the barrier in that quarter as strong as
he could against any future attempt that Ptolemy might make
upon these provinces ;^ and then, without attempting any
thing further this year, returned to Tyre, and there, and in
the neigbouring cities, put his army into winter quarters.

While he lay at Tyre, there came thither to him three
delegates from the sanhedrim, or senate of the
Jews, to complain of the sacrileges of Menelaus, Pioi.'phi-
and the violences and disorders which, by Lysima- '°'°^'°''"'
chus his deputy, he had lately caused at Jerusalem ; and
having, on the hearing of the cause, plainly convicted him
before the king of all that they had laid to his charge,
Meneiaus, to avoid the sentence which he deserved, and
which he saw was ready to be pronoiinced against him,
bribed Ptolemy I\Iacron, the sou of Dorymenes, with a great
sum of money to befriend him with the king ; whereon
Ptolemy, taking the king aside, prevailed with him, contrary
to what he intended, not only to absolve Menelaus, but also

i Livius, lib. 42,c. 29. Polyb. Legat.71,p.892. Justin, lib 34, c. 2. Di-
odorus Siculus, Legat. 18. Joseph. Antiq, lib. 12, c. 6. Hieronyraus in Dai:
si. 22.

k Polyb. Legal. 72, p. 893. DJodorus Siculus, Legat." IF

i Hieronymus, ibid.

40'1 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

to put to death the three delegates of the Jews, as if they
had unjusti} accused him, which was so manifest a piece of
oppression and injustice in the eyes of all in that place, that
the Tyrians, pitying their case, caused them to be honourably
buried.™

This Ptolemy Macron, having been formerly governor of
Cyprus for king Ptolemy Philometor, had, during his mino-
rity, reserved all the king's revenues of that island in his
hands, refusing to pay it to the ministers, notwithstanding
their earnest call for it. ° But as soon as the king was en-
throned, he brought it all to Alexandria, and there paid the
whole into the royal treasury ; which being a supply which
at that time came very conveniently to answer the exigencies
of the government, he then obtained great applause for his
good conduct in this matter; but afterward being disgusted,
either by some ill treatment from the ministry, or for that his
service v.as not rewarded according to his expectation, he
revolted from king Ptolemy, and went over to Antiochus, and
delivered the island of Cyprus into his hands." Whereon
Antiochus received him with great favour, admitted him into
the number of his principal friends,^ and made him governor
of Coelo-Syria and Palestine,'' and sent Crates, who had been
before deputy-governor of the castle at Jerusalem under
Sostratus, to be chief commander of Cyprus in his stead.'"
Thus much is proper to be said of him in this place, because
there will be other occasions to make mention of him in the
future series of this history.

About this time, for forty days together, there were seen
at Jerusalem in the air, very strange sights of horsemen and
footmen armed with shields, spears, and swords, and in great
companies, fighting against, and charging each other, as in
battle array -, which foreboded those calamities of war and
desolation which soon after happened to that city and nation.^
And the like were seen at the same place before the destruc-
tion of that city by the Romans. So Josephus' tells us,
who lived in that time, and attests it to have been vouched
to him b)' such as had been eyewitnesses of the same.

Antiochus, having been making preparations during all the
winter for a second expedition into I'^gypt. as soon as the
season of the year would permit, again invaded that country
both by sea and land;" ani having on the frontiers gained
another victory over the forces of Ptolemy that were sent

m 2 Maccab. iv. 44 — 50.

n Valesii Fxcnrpta ex Polyb. p. 126. o 2 Maccab. x. 13.

II 1 Maccab. iii. 38. <! 2 Maccab. viii. 8.

!■ 2 Maccab. iv. 29. s 3 xMaccab. v. 2, :>

■ Dp, P.elio Jiidaico. lib. T. c. 12 i. 2 MaccaH v i

BOOK 111.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 405

thither to oppose him, took Peliisium, and from thence made
his way into the heart of the kingdom.* In this last over-
throw of the Egyptian army, it was in his power to have cut
them ali off to a man ; but, instead of pursuing this advan-
tage, he took care to put a stop to the executing of it, riding
about the field in person after the victory, to forbid the put-
ting of any more to death •/ which clemency of his so far
reconciled and endeared himto the Egyptians, that, on hisfur-
ther march into the country, they all readily yielded to liiin,
and he made himself, with very little trouble, master of Mem-
phis, and all the other parts of Egypt, excepting Alexandria,
which alone held out against him.^

While Antiochus carried on his last invasion, Philometor
came into his liands : whether he were taken prisoner by him,
or else voluntarily came in unto him, is not said ; the latter
seems most likely. For Antiochus took not from his liberty,
but they did eat at the same table, conversed together as
friends ; and for some time Antiochus pretended to take care
of the interest of this young king his nephew, and to manage
the affairs of the kingdom as tutor and guardian to him.'' But
when he had, under this pretence, made himself master
of the country, he seized all to himself; and, having
miserably pillaged all parts where he came, vastly enriched
himself and his army with the spoils of them.*^ During all
this time, Philometor conducted himself with a very mean
spirit, keeping himself, while in arms, at as great a distance
irom all danger as he was able, and never showing himself in
the army that was to fight for him f and afterward in a sloth-
ful cowardice submitting to Antiochus, and sufferiisg himself
to be deprived by him of so large a kingdom, without attempt-
ing any thing lor (he preserving of it ; which was not so
much owing to his want of natural courage or capacity (for
he afterward gave many instances of both,) as to the efTemi-
nate education in which he was bred up by his tutor Eulajus.
For that wicked eunuch being also his prime minister of state.
by corrupting him with all manner of luxury and effeminacy,
to make him as untit for government as he was able, that
when he was grown up, he might still be as necessary to him,
and have the same power in the kingdom, as he before had
in the time of his minority ; which is a policy that hath often
been practised by wicked ministers towards their princes in
their minority, to the vast damage always of the country
where it haih happened.

X 1 .MaccHb. i. IT, 18. llieronynius in Comment aU Danieiis c«p.xi- "-4.
y Dioflonis Siculus iti Excerplis Valesii, p. 31 1.
y. Hieronyimis in Dan. si. 25. b 1 Maccab. i 19.

■r Jusiiii. lib. 'i4, c. - l>io(lor. Sic. in Excerplis Vplcsii, p Sl*^'
vor , II. nV

40b C0>NliXIOK OF THE HISTOUY OF [PAHT I/.

While Antiochus was in Egypt, a false rumour having been
spread through all Palestine tliat he was dead, Jason, thinking
this a tit opportunity for him again to recover his station at
Jerusalem, which he formerly had there as high-priest,
marched thither with above one thousand men; and having,
by the assistance of the party he had there, taken the city,
and driven Menelaus to tiee for shelter into the castle, he
acted all manner of cruellies upon his fellow-citizens, putting
to death, without mercy, as many of those whom he thought
his adversaries as he could light upon.*^

Antiochus, on his being informed of all this in Egypt sup-
posed that the whole Jewish nation had revolted from him,
and therefore marched with all haste out of Egypt into Judea
fo quell this rebellion f and being told, that the people of
Jerusalem made great rejoicings on the news which came to
<hem of his death, he was very much provoked thereat ; and
therefore, in a great rage, laying siege to Jerusalem, and
taking the city by force, '^ he slew of the inhabitants in three
days time forty thousand persons ; and having taken as many
more captives, sold them for slaves to the neighbouring na-
tions. And, not content with this, he impiously forced himself
into the temple, and entered into the inner and most sacred
recesses of it, polluting by his presence both the holy place,
and also the holy of holies, the wicked traitor Menelaus
being his conductor, and showing him the way into both.
And to offer the greater indignity to this sacred place, and to
affront in the highest manner he was able the religion where-
by God was worshipped in it, he sacrificed a great sow upon
the altar of burnt-offerings ; and broth being by his command
made, with some part of the flesh boiled in it, he caused it
to be sprinkled all over the temple for the utmost defiling

d 1 Maccab. i. 20—25. 2 Maccab. v. 5, 6. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 8.

e 1 Maccab. i.20 — 28. 2 Maccab. v. 11 — 20. Josepli. Aniiq. lib. 12, c. 7,
Si lib. 13, c. 16. De Bello Judaico, lib. 1, c. 1. Contra Apionem, lib. 2, fc
in libro de Maccab. c. 4. Diodor. Siculus, lib. 34. Ecloga prima, p. 901.
Hieronymiis in Dan. xi. 27.

i That Antiochus at this time took Jerusalem by force, is said by the author
of the second book of the Maccabees c. v. 1 1, and so also by Diodorus Sicu-
lus in the place above cited ; but Josephus, in the twelfth book of his An-
tiquities, chap. 7, contrary hereto, tells us, that Antiochus entered the city
a.fxa.'^mi, i. e. without force, those of his party within opening the gates to
him ; but herein he is also contrary to himself; for, in his history of the Jew-
ifh War, book 1, chap. 1, he saitli, Antiochus took it ;t*Ta x.pxroi,i. e. by force,
and there represents him as enraged by what be bad suffered in the siege ;
and, in the Hth book of the same history, chap. 11, he speaks of those who
were slain in this siege, fighting against Antiochus in defence of the place.
And this is not the only place where Josephus is inconsistent with himself,
many other instances may be shown of his giving different accounts of the
same matter in different places. He having written his History of the Jew-
ish War and his Antiquities at different times, between those two are most of
tben; differences to be found,

BOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 407

of it : and after this, having sacrilegiously plundered it. by
taking thence the altar of incense, the show-bread table, the
candlestick of seven branches that stood in the holy place,
which were all of gold, and several other golden vessels,
utensils, and donatives of former kings, to the value of
eighteen hundred talents of gold, and made the like plunder
in the city, he returned to Antioch, carryingthither with him
the spoils of Judea as well as of Egypt ; which both together
amounted to an immense treasure of riches. On his depar-
ture from Jerusalem, for the further vexation of the Jews.s
he appointed Philip, a Phrygian, who was a man of a very
cruel and barbarous temper, to be governor of Judea, and
Andronicus, another of the like disposition, to be governor
of Samaria, and left Menelaus to be still over them in the
office of high-priest, who was worse to them than all the
rest.

As to Jason, on the return of Antiochus out of Egypt, he
durst not tarry his coming to Jerusalem, but, on his approach
to that place, fled thence for fear of him back again into the
land of the Anmionites ;'' hut being there accosed before
Aretas king of the Arabians, whose kingdom reached into thai
country, he fled from thence also ; and after that being forced
to shift from place to place, pursued of all men, and hated
every where, for his wickedness toward God, his country, and
his religion, and finding safety nowhere in those parts, he
was cast out from thence, first into Egypt, and from thence
again into Lacedemonia, where he perished in exile and
misery, without having any one to give him a burial.

The Alexandrians, finding Philometor to be fallen under

the power of Antiochus, and by him in a manner , ,„^
',. ci 111 1- ^"- *^''-

wholly deprived of the crown, looked on him as al- Ptoi. phiio-

together lost to them;' and therefore, having the
younger brother with them, they put him on the throne, and
made him their king instead of the other ; from which time
he took the name of Ptolemy Euergetes the second, but af-
terward they gave him the name of Physcon, that is, the fa/,
guts, or great bellied, by reason of the great and prominent
belly which, by his luxury and gluttony, he afterward acqui-
red ; and by this name he is most commonly mentioned by
those who have written of him. On his thus ascending the
throne, Cineas and Cumanus were made his prime ministers,
and to them was committed the care of again restoring the
broken affairs of that kingdom.'^

Antiochus, on his hearing of this,^ laid hold of the occasion

g 2 Maccab. v. 22, 23. h 2 Maccab. v. 7—1^

i Porphyrins in Grajcis Euseb. Scalig. p. 60,68.

k Polyb. Lcgat. 81, p. 907.

) Polvb. Leirat. 5?(V-.82.p. POfi. 907. Livin'',Iib.44- r. 19.

408 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART H.

for his making of a third expedition into Egypt, under pre-
tence of restoring the deposed king, but in reality to subject
the whole kingdom to himself; and therefore, having van-
quished the Alexandrians in a sea tight near Pelusium, he
again entered the country with a great army, and marched
directly towards Alexandria to lay siege to the place.""
Whereon the young king, consulting with his two ministers,
agreed to call a council of the chief commanders of the army,
and, upon advice had with them, pursue such methods for the
stemming of the present difficulties as they should direct him
imto;° who, having accordingly been called and met toge-
ther, and having thoroughly considered the state of the then
present affairs, advised to endeavour an accommodation with
Antiochus ; and that the ambassadors who were then at Alex-
andria, on embassies from several of the Grecian states to
the Egyptian court, should be desired to interpose their me-
diation for the effecting of it ; who, having readily undertaken
the matter, forthwith sailed up the river to meet Antiochus,
with the proposals of peace which they were intrusted with,
taking with them two ambassadors from Ptolemy himself for
the same purpose." On their coming to his camp, he receiv-
ed them very kindly ; and, having the first day entertained
them at a splendid treat, appointed the next day to hear what
they had to propose. The Achaeans having then first opened
the cause on which they were sent, all the rest spoke to it in
their turns, and they all agreed in laying the blame of making
the war on Eula^us's ill conduct, and the nonage of king Pto-
lemy Philometor; and on these two heads they apologized
as much as they could for the present king, in order to mollify
Antiochus, and bring him to terms of peace with him ; and
much urged the relation which was between them for a mo-
tive to induce him to it. Antiochus, in answer to them, ac-
knowledged all to be true that they had said concerning the
cause of the war; and then took the opportunity of setting
forth his title to the provinces of Ccelo-Syria and Palestine,
alleging all the arguments for it which have been above men-
tioned,P and producing instruments for the proof of all that he
alleged ; which he did in such a manner as fully satisfied all
that were present of his right to those provinces. And then,
as to the proposals of peace, he referred them to a future
treaty, which he said he should be ready to enter into with
them about this matter, when two persons then absent, whom
he named, should come to him, without whom, he told them,
he could do nothing herein : and then went to Naucratis, and

m Livius, ibid. n Polyb. Legat. 81, p. 60T.

n Polyb. T.e?at. 82, p. {>08 p Supra, sub Anno 173

BOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 4Uy

from thence to Alexandria, and there laid siege to the place.
Ptolemy Euergetes and Cleopatra his sister, who were then
shut up in the lown, being hereby much distressed, sent am-
bassadors to the Romans to represent their case, and pray
relief.*! And, a little after, there came ambassadors from the
Rhodians, to endeavourto make peace between the two kings,
who having landed at Alexandria, and receiving what instruc-
tions the ministers of that court would intrust them with, went
thence to the camp in which Antiochus lay before the town,
and used the best of their endeavours with him to bring him
to an accommodation with the Egyptian king, insisting on the
long friendship and alliance which they had hitherto enjoyed
with both crowns, and the obligations which they thought
themselves under on this account, to do the best oliices they
were able for the making of peace between them/ Butwhile
they were proceeding in long harangues on these topics, An-
tiochus interrupted them, and in a few words told them, that
there was no need of long orations as to this matter ; that the
kingdom belonged to Philometorthe elder brother, with whom
he had some time since made peace, and was now in perfect
friendship with him ; that, if they would recall him from ba-
nishment, and again restore him to his crown, the war would
be at an end. This he said, not that he intended any such
thing, but only out of craft further to embroil the kingdom,
for the better obtaining of his own ends upon it; for, finding
he could make no work of it at Alexandria, but that he must
be forced to raise the siege, the scheme which he had now
laid for the compassing of his designs, was to put the two
brothers together by the ears, and engage them in a war
against each other, that, when they had by intestine broils
wasted and spent their strength, he might come upon them,
while thus weakened and spent, and swallow both. And, with
this view having withdrawn from Alexandria, he marched to
Memphis, and there seemingly again restored the whole king-
dom to Philometor, excepting only Pelusium, which he re-
tained in his hands, that, having this key of Egypt still in his
keeping, he might thereby again enter Egypt, when matters
should there, according to the scheme which he had laid, be
ripe for it, and to seize the whole kingdom ; and, having thus
disposed matters, he returned again to Antioch.^

Ptolemy Philometor, now roused from his luxurious sloth
by the misfortunes which he had suffered in these revolutions,
had penetration enough to see into what Antiochus intended.
His keeping of Pelusium was a sufficient indication unto him,

q Polyb. Legal. 90, p. 915. Livius. lib. 44, c. 19. Justin, lib. 34, c. 2.
r Polyb. Legat, 84, p. 909. ' s Livius. lib. 45, c. 11.

410 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [pART 11-

that he held this gate of Egypt still in his power, only to
enter through it again when he and his brother should have
wasted themselves so far by their domestic feuds, as not to be
able to resist him, and so make a prey of both.* And there-
fore, for the preventingof this, as soon as Antiochus was gone,
he sent to his brother to invite him to an accommodation ;
and, by the means of Cleopatra, who was sister to both, an
agreement was made upon terms that the two brothers should
jointly reign together. Whereon Philometor returning to
Alexandria, peace was restored to Egypt, much to the satis-
faction of the people, especially of the Alexandrians, who
greatly sufifercd by the war ; but, the two brothers being aware
that Antiochus would return again upon them, sent ambassa-
dors into Greece to get auxiliary forces from thence for their
defence against him ; and they had reason enough so to do."
For Antiochus, hearing of this agreement of the two brothers,
and ti- ding his fine-spunschcme of policy, whereby he thought
to have made himself master of Egypt, wholly balfled by it,
he fell into a great rage, and resolved to carry on the war
against both the brothers with greater force and fury than he
had against either of them before.'^

And therefore, very early the next spring, he sent a fleet
» ,o„ to Cyprus to secure that island to him, and, at the

An. 168. J t. 1 1 1 1 1 • 1

ptoi.phiio- same time, in person marched by land with a nume-
rous army to make another invasion upon liigypt ; in
which he purposed, without owning the interest of either of
his nephews, to suppress them both, and make an absolute
conquest of the whole kingdom.'' On his coming to
Rhinocorura, he was there met by ambassadors from i^hilo-
metor, by whom that prince, having acknowledged his resto-
ration to his kingdom to be owing to him, desired him that he
would not destroy his own work, but permit him peaceably
to enjoy the crown which he wore by his favour. But An-
tiochus, not at all regarding the compliment, but waiving all
those pretences of favour and affection for either of his ne-
phews which he had hitherto made show of, now plainly
declared himself an enemy to both, telling the ambassadors
that he demanded the island of Cyprus, and the city of Pe-
iusium, with all the lands that lay on that branch of the Nile
on which I'elusiurn stood, to be yielded to him in perpetuity ;
and that he would on no other terms give peace to either of
the brothers ; and, having set them a day for their giving him
an answer to this demand, as soon as that day was over, and

' t Livius, til). 45, c. 11. Justin, lib. 34, c. 2. Porphyrius in Grajcis Euseb.

Scalig. p. fiO, L in Eusebii Chronicon, p. 68. *

u Poly bins, Legal. 89, p. 912, x Livins, lib. 45. c. 11.

y Livius, lib. 45;C. 11.

BOOK HI.] TUE OLD AND \EW TESTAMENTS. 411

no answer returned to his satisfaction, he again invaded
Egypt with a numerous army ; and, having subdued all the
country as far as Memphis, and there received the submission
of most of the rest, he marched towards Alexandria for the
besieging of that city, the reduction of which would have
made him abt>olute master of the whole kingdom ; and this
most certainly he would have accomplished, but that he met
a Roman embassy in his way, which put a stop to his further
progress, and totally dashed all the designs which he had been
so long carrying on for the making of himself master of that
country.

I have mentioned before, how Ptolemy Euergetes, the
younger of the two brothers, and Cleopatra his sister, being
distressed by the former siege which Antiochus had laid to
Alexandria, sent ambassadors to the Romans to pray their
relief. These being introduced into the senate, did there in
a lamentable habit, and with a more lamentable oration, set
forth their case, and, in the humblest manner prostrating them-
selves before that assembly, pra}ed their help -^ with which
the senate being moved, and having considered also, how-
much it was their own interest not to permit Antiochus to
grow so great, as the annexing of Egypt to Syria would make
him, decreed to send an embassy into Egypt to put an end to
this war.* The persons they appointed for it wereCaius Po-
pilius LfEnas (who had been consul four years before,) Caius
Decimius, and Caius Hostilius. Their commission was first
to go to Antiochus, and after that to Ptolemy, and to signify-
to them, that it was the desire of the senate, that they should
desist from making any further war upon each other; and
that, if either of them should refuse so to do, him the Roman
people would no longer hold to be either their friend or their
ally. And, that these ambassadors might come soon enough
to execute their instructions before Antiochus should make
himself master of Egypt, they were despatched away in that
haste, that within three days after they left Rome, and taking
with them the Egyptian ambassadors, they hastened to Bran-
dusium, and there passing over to the Grecian shore, from
thence by the way of Chalcis, Delos, and Rhodes, came to
Alexandria, just as Antiochus was making that second march
to besiege this city which I have mentioned. On his arrival
at Leusine, a place within four miles of Alexandria, the am-
bassadors there met him. On the sight of Popilius (with
whom he had contracted an intimate friendship and fami-
liarity while he was an hostage at Rome,) he put forth his
hand to embrace him as his old friend and acquaintance \ but

^ Livius, lib, 44. c. 19 a Polyb. Legat. 90, p. 915. Livius, ibid

412 CONNEXION OF THE IIISTORV OF [PART 11.

Popilius, refusing the compliment, told him, that the public
interest of his countr)' must take place of private friendship ;
that he must first know whether he were a friend or an ene-
my to the Roman state, before he could own him as a friend
to himself; and then delivered into his hands the tables, in
which were written the decree of the senate which they came
to communicate to him, and required him to read it, and
forthwith give his answer thereto. Antiochus, having read
the decree, told Popilius he would consult with his friends
about it, and speedily give him the answer they should advise ;
but Popilius, insisting on an immediate answer, forthwith
drew a circle round him in the sand with the staff which he
had in his hand, and required him to give his answer before he
stirred out of that circle ; at which strange and peremptory
way of proceeding Antiochus being startled, after a little he-
sitation yielded to it, and told the ambassador, that he would
obey the command of the senate ; whereon Popilius, accept-
ing his embraces, acted thenceforth according to his former
friendship with him.^ That which made him so bold as to
act with him after this peremptory manner, and the other so
tame as to yield thus patiently to it, was the news which they
had a little before received of the great victory of the Romans,
which they had gotten over Perseus king of Macedonia.
For, Paulus jEmilius having now vanquished that king, and
thereby added Macedonia to the Roman empire, the name of
the Romans after this carried that weight with it, as created
a terror in all the neighbouring nations; so that none of them
after this cared to dispute their coirunands, but were glad on
any terms to maintain peace and cultivate a friendship with
them. After Popilius had thus sent Antiochus back again into
Syria, he returned with his colleagues to Alexandria ; and,
having there ratified and fully fixed the terms of agreement
which had been before, but not so perfectly, made between
the two brothers, he sailed to Cyprus ; and having sent from
thence Antiochus's fleet, as he had him and his army before
from Egypt, and caused a thorough restoration of that island
to be made to the Egyptian kings, to whom it of right be-
longed, he returned liome to relaie to the senate the full suc-
cess of his embassy ; and ambassadors followed him from the
two Ptolemies to thank the senate for the great benefit they
had received from it; for to this embassy they owed theii*
kingdom, and that peaceable enjoyment whereby they were
now settled init.*^

b Polyb. Lcgat. 92, p. 916. Livius, lib. 45, c. 1 1, 12. Justin, lib. 34, c. 3.
Ajipiitn. in Syriaci?. Valerius JNlaximus, lib. «>, r. 4. Velleius Paterciiln?.
lib. l,c. 10. Plutarch, in Apotliegtn. c. 32. Hieronvmus in Dan. si. 2T

i- Polyb. Legat. 92, p. 196 f.ivius. lib. 45. r 11.12

"BOOK III.] XlTli OLD ANJ* iVEW TKaTAAIiiXTa. 413

Antiochus returning out of Egypt in great wrath and indig-
nation, because of the baffle which he had there met with
from the Romans of all his designs upon that country, he
vented it all upon the Jews, who had noway offended him.'^
For, on his marching back through Palestine, he detached off
irom his army twenty-two thousand men, under the command
of Apollonius, who wis over the tribute, and sent them to Je-
rusalem to destroy the place.®

It was just two years after Antiochus had taken Jerusalem
that Apollonius came thither with his army.^ On his first ar-
rival he carried himself peaceably, concealing his purpose*
and forbearing all hostilities till the next sabbath; but then,
when the people were all assembled together in their syna-
gogues, for the celebrating of the religious duties of the day,
thinking this the properest time for the executing of his
bloody commission, he let loose all his forces upon them,
with command to slay all the men, and take captive the
women and children to sell them for slaves ; which they exe-
cuted with the utmost rigour and cruelty, slaying all the men
they could light on, without showing mercy to any, and filling
the streets with their blood. s After this, having spoiled the
city of all its riches, they set it on fire in several places, de-
molished the houses, and pulled down the walls round about
it; and then, with the ruins of the demolished city, built a
strong fortress on the top of an eminence in the city of
David, which w'as over against the temple, and overlooked
and commanded the same, and there placed a strong garri-
son ; and, making it a place of arms against the v/hole nation
of the Jews, stored it with all manner of provisions of war,
and there also they laid up the spoils which they had taken
in the sacking of the city. And this fortress, by the advantage
of its situation, being thus higher than the mountain of the
temple, and commanding the same, from thence the garrison
soldiers fell on all those that went up thither to worship, and
shed their blood on every side of the sanctuary, and defiled it
vf'i\ti all manner of pollutions ; so that from this time the tem-
ple became deserted, and the daily sacrifices omitted; and
none of the true servants of God durst any more go up thither
to worship, till Judas, after three years and an half, having
recovered it out of the hands of the heathens, purged the
place of its pollutions, and, by a new dedication, restored it
again to its pristine use."" For all that escaped this carnage,

d Polyb. ibid.

e 1 Maccab. i. 29 — 40. 2 Maccab. v. 24—26. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, o. '7.
f 1 Maccab. i. 29.

g 1 Maccab. i. 30—40. 2 Maccab. v. 24 — 26. Josepb. Antiq. lib. 21. c 7.
h Josephus in Prasfatione ad Hist, de Bello Judaico, & ejusdem Hist. lib.
1, c 1, &- lib. 6, c. 11. 1 Maccab. iv. 2 Maccab. x
VOL. 11. .^3

414 CONMEXIOM OF THE HISTORY OP [PART IK.

being fled from Jerusalem, left that place wholly in the hands
of strangers ; so that the sanctuary was laid waste, and the
whole city desolated of its natural inhabitants.* At this time
Judas Maccabaeus, with some others that accompanied him,
fled into the wilderness, and there lived in great hardship,
subsisting themselves upon herbs, and what else the moun-
tains and the woods could alTord them, till they gained art
opportunity of taking up arms for themselves and their coun-
try, in manner as will be hereafter related.'^ Josephus makes
Antiochus himself to be present at this execution, and con-
founds what was now done by Apollonius with what himself
did in his own person two years before ;' but the books of
the Maccabees rightly distinguished these two actions as
done at two different times, the one by Antiochus himself,
after his second expedition into Esjypt, and the other by
Apollonius his lieutenant, sent by him for this purpose on his
return from his fourth and last expedition into that country
two years after, and hereby both are put in their true light.

This was done about the time of the year in which our
Whitsuntide now talis. Livy tells us,™ that Antiochus made
this his last expedition into Egypt primovere, i. e. in the first
beginning of the spring ; and that the Roman ambassadors
met him before he could in that march reach Ah^xandria,
which could not be above a month or six weeks after his first
entering into that country in this expedition; and, immediate-
ly on his meeting those ambassadors, be was forced to march
back again, and in that march might reach Palestine about
the end of May: and then Apollonius, being sent with his
commission for the desolating of the city and temple of Jeru-
salem, there executed it, as above related, in the beginning
of June following. For that desolation of the temple happen-
ed just three years and six months before it was again restored
by Judas Maccabseus, as hath been already said ;" and there-
fore, that restoration having been made on the twenty-fifth
day of the ninth month of the Jews, called Cisleu, in the
148th year of the era of the Seleucidas," it must follow, tfhat
the time of this desolation must have been on or about the
twenty-fifth day of their third month, called Sivan, in tbe era
of the Seleucidai 145, which answers to the era before Christ
168, under which 1 have placed it. And the Jewish month
Sivan answering in part to the month of May, and in part to
the month of June, in the Julian calendar, the twenty-fifth of

i 1 Maccab. i. 3S, 39, k 2 Maccab. v. 27.

I Antiq. lib. i'2, c. 7. m Lib. 45, c. 11.

II Josephus in Prsel'atione ad Historiatu de Bello Judaico, fa ia ejusdem
I]istoria, lib, ), <;. Ijfclib. 6, c. 11.

') J Maccab. i. 59 : Iv. 52. 54. 2 Maccab. x, •'">.

ROOK III.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 415

that month must happen near or about the time of our Whit-
suntide, as I have said ; and then it was, that, by the com-
mand of Antiochus, and the wicked agency of ApoUonius, the
daily sacrifices, whereby God was honoured every morning
and evening at Jerusalem, were made to cease, and the temple
turned into desolation.

And this was not all the mischief that was done that people
this year. For, as soon as Antiochus was returned to Anti-
och, he issued out a decree, that all nations within his domi-
nions, leaving their former rites and usages, should conform to
the religion of the king,^ and worship the same gods, and in
the same manner as he did ; which, although couched in ge-
neral terms, was levelled mainly against the Jews, that
thereby an handle might be afforded for the further oppressing
of that people; and it seems for no other end to have been
extended to all the nations of the Syrian empire, but that
thereby it might reach all of the Jewish worship, wherever
they were dispersed among them, it being resolved by Antio-
chus, through the advice of Ptolemy Macron, to carry on this
persecution, not only against the Jews of Palestine, but
against all others of that religion who were settled any where
else within his dominions.^ And this indeed was most con-
formable to his intention, his design being to cut off all of
them, wherever they were, within his reach, that would not
conform to his decree, by apostatizing from their God and his
law, that so he might, as far as in him lay, extinguish both the
Jewish religion and the Jewish name and nation at the same
time. And, for the more effectual executing of this decree,
he sent overseers in<o all the provinces of his empire, to see
to the observance of it, and to instruct the people in all the
rites which they were to conform to.'" And all the heathen
nations readily obeyed his commands herein, one sort of ido-
latry being as acceptable to them as another ; and none did
more readily run into this change than the Samaritans." As
long as the Jews were in prosperity, it was their usage to chal-
lenge kindred with them, and profess themselves to be of the
stock of Israel, and of the sons of Joseph.*^ But, when the
Jews were under any calamity or persecution, then they
would say, that they had nothing to do with them, that they
were of the race of the Medes and Persians (as in truth they
were,) and not of the Israelites, and would thus utterly disown
all manner of relation to them ; of which they gave a very

p 1 Maccab. i. 41—64. 2 Maccab. vi. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7, it de
Bello Judaico, lib. i. c. 1, & lib. deiMaccab. c. 4. Hieronymus in Danielis,
cap. viii. xi.

q 2 Maccab. vi. 8. >• 1 Maccab. i. 61-

5 1 Maccab. i. 42. t .To?pph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7.

116 '.oNXEXiox OF THE iiisTora- OF [part ii'-

signal instance at this time. For, finding the Jews under sd
severe a persecution, and fearing lest they also might be in-
volved in it, they addressed themselves to the' king by a pe-
tition ; wherein having set forth, that, though their forefathers
had formerly, for the avoiding of frequent plagues that hap-
pened in their country, been induced to observe the sabbaths
and other religious rites of the Jews, and had on Mount Geri-
zim a temple hke theirs at Jerusalem, and therein sacrificed
to a god without a name, as they did, and, through the super-
stition of an ancient custom, they had ever since gone on in
the same way, yet ihey were not of that nation, or were any
way related to them, but were descended from the Sidonians,
and wpre ready to conform to all the rites and usages of the
Greeks, according as the king had commanded; they there-
fore prayed, that, seeing the king had ordered tlie punishing of
that wicked peo}>ie, they might not be involved with them
therein as guilty with them of the same crimes." And they
further petitioned, that their temple, which had hitherto
been dedicated to no especial deity, might thenceforth be
made the temple of the Grecian Jupiter, and be so called for
the future. To which petition Antiochus having given a fa-
vourable answer, sent his order to Nicanor, the deputy go-
vernor of the province of Samaria, to dedicate their ten^ple
to the Grecian Jupiter, according to their desire, and no
more to give them any molestation.^

And the Samaritans were not the only apostates that forsook
their God and his law on this trial. Many of the Jews, either
to avoid the persecution, or to curry favour with the king and
his officers, by their compliance, or else, out of their own
wicked inclinations, did the same thing.^ And there were
hereon great fallings away in Israel, and many of those who
were guilty herein, joining with the king's forces then in the
land, became much bitterer enemies to their brethren than
any of the heathen themselves who were sent of purpose to
persecute them.'^

The overseer, who was sent to see this decree of the king's
executed in Judea and Samaria, was one Athenaeus, an old
man, who, being well versed in all the rites of the Grecian
idolatry, was thought a very proper person to initiate those
people into the observance of them.* On his coming to Je-

u For Jehovah, which was the proper name of the God of Israel, was
among tliem nvoK^uviirov.. that is, never to be spoken, unless once in a year,
by the high priest, on his entering into the holy of holies on the great day
of expiation ; and hence it is said to be a god without a name.

X One Apollonius was then governor of Samaria, and Nicanor was his de»
puty. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 10. 1 Maccab. iii. 10.

y 1 Maccab. i. 43—52 ; vi. 21—27.

;^ 1 Maccab. vi. 21—24. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 7

^ 2 Maccan. vi. 1,

iJOOK III.] THE OU) AiJD NEW TESTAMENTS* 41f

pusalem, and there executing his commission, all sacrifices to
the God of Israel were made to cease, all the observances ot"
the Jewish religion were suppressed, the temple itself was
polluted, and made unfit for God's worship, their sabbaths and
festivals were profaned, their children forbidden to be circum-
cised, and their law, wherever it could be found, was taken
away or destroyed, and the ordinances which God command-
ed them were vvholiy suppressed throughout the land, and
every one was put to death that was discovered in any of
these particulars tu have acted against what the king had de-
creed.*' The Syrian soldiers uAder this overseer were the
chief missionaries, and by them this conversion of the Jews
to the king'ts religion was etfected in the same manner as a
late neighbouring prnice converted his Protestant subjects to
the idolatrous superstition of Rome, which falls very little
short of being altogether as bad. Havi;ig thus expelled the
Jewish worship out of the temple, they introduced thither the
heainen in its stead, and, consecrating it to the chief of their
f;ilse gods, called it the temple of Jupiter Olynipius f and, ha-
ving erected his image upon one part of the altar of Holocaust,
that stood in the inner court of the temple, upon another part
of it, just before that image, they built another lesser altar,
whereon they sacrificed to him. This was done on the fif-
teenth day of the Jewish month Gisleu,'^ which answers in
part to November and in part to December in our calendar ;
and on the twenty-fifth day of the same month they there be-
gun their sacrifices to him.*' And they did the same to the
Samaritan temple on Mount Gerizim,*^ consecrating it to the
same Grecian god Jupiter, by the name oi Jupiter the Protec-
tor of Strangers, That it wasthe request of the Samaritans
themselves to have their temple consecrated to the Grecian
Jupiter hath been already shown ; and it was also at their de-
sire that it was consecrated to him under this additional title
o{ Protector of strangers, that thereby it might be expressed,
that they were strangers in that land, and not of the race of
Israel, who were the old inhabitants of it.^ And, whereas
two women were found at Jerusalem to have circumcised
their Knale children, of which they had been lately delivered,
they hanged those children about their necks, and, having led
them in this manner through the city, cast them headlong
over the steepest part of the walls, and also slew all those
who had been accessory with them in the performance of

b 1 Maccab. i. 44 — 64. 2 Maccab. vi. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7, de
Bello Judaico, lib. 1, c. 1, de Maccab. c. 4.
c 2 Maccab. vi. 2. d 1 Maccab. i. 54.

e 1 Maccab. i. 59 ; iv. 54. 2 Maccab. x. 5.
f 2 Maccal). vi. 2. Joseph. Antiq. lib. xi. c. 7.
s 2 Maccab. vi. 2.

il3 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

this forbidden rite.'' And with the same severity they treated
all others who were found in the practice of any one of their
former reUgious usages, contrary to what the king had com-
manded. And, the more to propagate among the people that
heathen worship which was enjoined, and to bring all to con-
form thereto, they did set up altars, groves, and chapels, of
idols in every city ;* and officers were sent to them, who, on
the day of the king's birth, iii every month, forced all to offer
sacrifices to the Grecian gods,'' and eat of the liesh of twiiie,
and other unclean beasts then sacrificed to them.' And when
the feast of Bacchus, the god of drunkenness, came, and pro-
cessions were made as usual, among the heathen Greeks, to
the honour of that abominable deity, the Jews were forced to
join therein,"* and carry ivy," as the rest of the heathens did,
according to the idolatrous usage of the day.

When these officers were thus sent to make all Judea con-
form to the king's religion, and sacrifice to his gods, one of
them, called Apelles, came to Modin,° where dwelt Matta-
thias, a priest of the course of Joarib, a very honourable
person, and one truly zealous for the law of his God.P He
was the son of John, the son of Simon, the son of Asmonseus.
from whom the family had the name of Asmonaeans, and he
had with him five sons, all very valiant men, and equally
with himself zealous observers of the law of their God ; Jo-
hanan, called Kaddis, Simon, called Thassi, Judas, called
Mdccabaeus, Eieazar, called Avaran, and Jonathan, whose
surname was Aphus.'i Apellus, on his coming to this city,
having called the people together, and declared unto them
for what intent he was come, addressed himself, in the first
place, to Mattathias, to persuade him to comply with the
king's commands, that, by the example of so honourable and
great a man, all the rest of the people of the place might be
induced to do the same; promising him, that thereon he
should be taken into the number of the king's friends, and
he and his sons should be promoted to honour and riches. "^ To
this Mattathias answered with a loud voice, in the hearing of
all the people of the place, that no consideration whatsoever
should induce him, or any of his family, ever to forsake the
law of their God ; but that they would still walk in the cove-
fa 1 Maccab. i. 60, 62, 63. 2 Maccab. vi. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7.

i 1 Maccab. i. 47. k I Maccab. i. 61, 68 ; ii. 15.

1 1 Maccab. i. 47. Diodor. Sic. lib. 34, eclog. 1.

ni2 Maccab. vi. 7.

n Ivy was sacred to Bacchus, and therefore the Bacchanals always car-
ried it in their processions.

o 1 Maccab. ii. Joseph. Antiq. lib 12.

p The course of Joarib was the first of the twenty-four courses of the
priests that served in the temple, 1 Chron. xxiv. 7.

q Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 8- r 1 Maccab. ii. 15=-28.

BOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 41^

nant which he had made with their forefathers, and observe al!
the ordinances of it, and that no commands of the king should
make any of them to depart herefrom. And when ho had
said thus much, seeing one of the Jews of the place pre>ent-
ing himself at the heathen altar which was there erected, to
sacrifice on it, according to the king's commands, he was
moved hereat with a religious zeal, like that of Phinehas,
and rail upon the apostate and slew him; and then, in the
heat of his wrath, fell also on the king's commissioner, and
hy the assistance of his sons and others that joined with them,
slew him and all that attended him. And after this, getting
together aH of hisfariiily, and calling all others to follow who
were zealous for the law, he retired with them to the moun"
tains ; and many others followed the same example, whereby
the deserts of Judea became filled with those who fled from
this persecution.^ One company of them, to the number of
one thousand persons, being gotten into a cave in the desert
that lay nearest to Jerusalem, Philip the Phrygian,*^ (whom
Antiochus had left governor of Judea and Jerusalem, on his
last being there,) went out against them with his forces." At
first he endeavoured to persuade them to a submission to the
king's commands, promising them, on this condition, a
thorough impunity for what was past : but they all resolutely
answering, that they would rather die than forsake the law of
their God, he thereon laid siege to the cave which they had
possessed themselves of, omitting all other hostilities till the
next sabbath, expecting then to master them without resist-
ance, and so it accordingly happened. For they then refu-
sing, out of an over scrupulous zeal for the observance of
that day, to do any thing for their own defence, when fallen
on by the enemy, were all cut off, men, women, and children,
without one being spared of the whole company. Mattathias
and his followers being much grieved at the hearing of this,,
and considering that, if they should follow the same examplcj
they must all of them in the same manner be destroyed, on
full debate had among them of the matter, they all came into
this resolution, that the law of the sabbath in such a case of
necessity did not bind ; and therefore they unanimously de-
creed, that,whenever theyshould be assaulted on the sabbath-
day, they would fight for their lives, and that it was lawful for
them so to do : and, having ratified this decree, by the con-
sent of all the priests and elders among them, they sent it to
all others who stood out in the observance of the law,
wherever dispersed through the land ; by whom it being re-

s 1 Maccab. ii. 29, 30. Joseph. Antiq lib. 12, c 8.

t 2 Maccab. v. 22.

II 1 Maccab. ii. 31—38. 2 Maccab. vi. 11. Josephus, ibid-

■^20 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORV 01' [pART IJ.

ceived with the like consent and approbation, it was made
their rule in all the wars which they afterward waged against
any of their enemies."

Antiochus, hearing that his commands did not meet with
An 216 ^^^'^ ^ thorough conformity to them in Judea as in
ptoi.phi- othei* places, came thither in person further to
opatef • enforce the observance of them ;>' and, for the ac-
complishing hereof, executed very great cruelties on all non-
apostatizing Jews that fell into hh hands, hopin« thereby to
terrify all the rest into a compliance ; and on this occasion
happened the martyrdoiH of Eleazar, and of the mother and
her seven sons, which we have described to us by fhe author
of the second book of the Maccabees,'' and by Josephus 5*^
by both of which a full account having been given of this
matter, especially by the latter, who had written a book par-
ticularly hereof, I refer the reader to them. Ruffinus, in his
Latin paraphrase of this book of Josephus concerning the
Maccabees, gives us the names of the seven brothers and
their mother, and tells us, that as well they as Eleazar were
carried from Judea to Antioch, and that it was there that they
were judged by Antiochus, but without any authority that we
know offer either, except his own invention.'' The reason
of the thing, as well as the tenor of the history, which is
given us of it by both the authors I have mentioned, make it
much more likely that Jerusalem, and not Antioch, was made
the scene of this cruelty; and that especially, since it being
designed for an example of terror unto the Jews of Judea, it
would have lost its force if executed any where else than in
that country.

In the interim, Mattathias and his company lay close in
the fastnesses of the mountains, where no easy access could
be made to them f and, as soon as Antiochus was again re-
turned to Antioch, great numbers of such as were adherers
to the law there resorted to him to fight for the law of their
God, and the liberties of their country/^ Among these, there
were accompany of Asidaeans,® men mighty in valour, and of
great zeal for the law, as having voluntarily devoted them-
selves to a more rigid observation of it than other men, from
whence they had the name of Chasidim, or Asidaeans. For,
after the settling of the Jewish church again ia Judea, on their

s 1 Maccab. ii. 40,41. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 8.

y Josephus de Maccab. c. 4, 5. z Chap. vi. vH.

a In libro de Maccab. sive de Imperio Rationi.s.

b Their names, according to Rutfinus, were Maccabaeus, Abner, Machir,
Judas, Achas, Areth, and Jacob, and their mother's name Solomona, but the
Tatter Jewish historians call her Hanna.

c 1 Maccab. ii. 28, 29. d 1 Maccab. ii. 43, 44-

e 1 Maccab. ii 42-

BOOK III.J THE OLI> AKy NEW TESTAMENTS. 4i>l

return from the Babylonish captivity, there were two sorts
of men among the members of it :^ the one who contented
themselves with that only which was written in the law of
Moses, and these were called Zadikim, that is, the righteous ;
and the other, who, over and above the law, superadded the
constitutions and traditions of the elders, and other rigorous
observances, which, by way of supererogation, they volun-
tarily devoted themselves to; and these, being reckoned in a
degree of holiness above the others, were called Chasidim,
that is, thepious.^ From the former of them were derived
the sects of the Samaritans, Sadducees, and Karaits, and from
the latter the Pharisees and the Essenes. Of all which a
fuller account will be given in the place proper for it. Of
these Chasidim were those Asidaeans (or Chasida^ans, for so it
ought to be written"^) who joined Mattathias on this occasion,
and he was much strengthened by them : for to fight zealously
for their religion, and the defence of the temple and its wor-
ship, was one of those main points of pietj which they had
devoted themselves to.

Mattathias having'thus'gotteti such a company together, as
made the appearance of a small army, came out of his fast-
nesses, and took the held with them ; and, going round the
cities of Judah, he pulled down all the heathen altars, caused
all male children whom he found any where without circum-
cision to be circumcised, cut off all apostates that fell into his
hands, and destroyed all the persecutors wherever he came.*
And, thus going on, he prospered in the work of purging the
land of the idolatry which the persecutors had imposed upon
it, and again re-established the true worship of God"^ in its
former state in all the places where he prevailed. For,
having recovered several copies of the law out of the hands
of the heathen, he restored the service of the synagogue, and
caused it again to be read therein, as before used to be done.^
When Antiochus issued out his decree for the suppressing of
the Jewish religion, one main instruction given his agents for
this purpose, was, every where to take away and suppress
the law of Moses ;" for that being the rule of their religion,
were that taken away, he thought the religion itself must ne-

f Vide Grotium in Cornment. ad 1 Maccab. ii. 42.

g Vide Josephi Scaligeri Klenciuim Triha3resii Nicolai Seraii, c. 22.

h For the word in the Hebrew is written with the letler Chetb, wliicli
answers to our ch ; and, by the transldtors of the Hebrew text, is sometimes
expressed in Greek by an aspirate, and in Latin by the letter H, and some-
times is left wholly out, as in the word Asidajans.

i 1 Maccab. ii. 44, 45, &,c. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. S.

k That is, the Synagogue worship: for the temple worship was still ob-
structed, by reason that the temple was still in the hands of the heathen.

\ 1 Maccab. ii. 48.

m 1 Maccab. ii, 5i>; 57. Joseph. Antiq, lib. 12, c-7

VOL. I!. A4

4-22 CONNEXION OF THE HIS1«JIIY OF [PART U.

cessarily cease with it. And therefore orders were issued
out, commanding all that liad any copies of the law to dehver
them up ; and the punishment of death was severely inflicted
upon all who were afterward found retaining any of them.
And by this means the persecutors got into their hands all
the copies of the law which were in the land, excepting only
such as those who fled into the deserts carried with them
thither. For all others were forced to deliver them up unto
them : and, when they had gotten them, some they destroyed,
and the others, which they thought to preserve, they polluted,
by painting on them the pictures of their gods, that so they
might no more be of use to any true Israelite :° for their pic-
tures were forbidden by the law of God, as much as their
images, and to have either of them was equally esteemed an
abomination among that people." But this order of persecu-
tion extending only to the five books of Moses, and not to the
writings of the prophets, those who persisted still in the Jew-
ish worship, instead of the lessons which had hitherto, from
the time of Ezra, been read out of the law on every sabbath,
did read like portions out of the prophets ; and, upon this oc-
casion, the public reading of the prophets was first introduced
into their synagogues ; and, it being thus introduced, it con-
tinued there ever after. And therefore, when the persecu-
tion was over, and the reading of the law was again restored
in their synagogues, the prophets were also there read with
it ; and, instead of the one lesson which was there read before,
they thenceforth had two, the first out of the law, and the
second out of the prophets, as hath been already observed
in the first part of this history. p All those copies of the law
which the heathen had gotten into their hands on this occa-
sion, and had not destroyed, xMattathias, wherever he came,
made diligent search for, and thereby recovered several of
them. Those which the heathen had not polluted were re-
stored to their pristine use ; the others might serve for the
writing out of other copies by them, but were judged unfit for
all other uses, by reason of their idol pictures painted on
them, the Jews being as scrupulous of avoiding ^11 appear-
ances of idolatry after the Babylonish captivity, as they were
prone to run into it before.

But Mattathias, being very aged, was soon worn out with

n 1 Maccab. iii. 4S.
' o Levit. :ixvi. 1. Numb, xxxiii. 52. For whereas, in the place in Levi-
ticus here cited, the English translators render it any image of stone, the
Hebrew original is any stone of picture ; and so it is noted in the margin at
'bat place, by vhich the Jews understand stones painted with picture?

T) Book V,

tiOOK III.] THE OLU AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 423

the fatigues of this warfare, and therefore died the
next year after he had first entered on it. The author JudasMad
of the first book of Maccabees placeth his death in '*''*"^'-
the 146th year of the kingdom of the Greeks, that is, of the
era of the Seleucidae, the latter end of which was the begin-
ning of the 166th Julian year before Christ.^ For the Ju-
lian year beginning from the first of January, and the years
of the Seleucidae, according to the first book of the Macca-
bees, from the first of Nisan, which fell in our March, the
months intervening were in the latter end of the one and in
the beginning of the other. Before his death, he called his
five sons together; and, having exhorted them to stand up
vailiantly for the law of God, and, with a steady constancy
and courage, to fight the battles of Israel against the present
persecutors, he appointed Judas to be their captain in his
stead, and Simon to be their counsellor ; and then, giving up
the ghost, was buried at Modin, in the sepulchres of his fore-
fathers, and great lamentation was made for him by all the
faithful in Israel.'

But this loss was sufnciently compensated by the succes-
sion of Judas Maccabaeup, his son, in the same station. For,
as soon as his father's funeral was over, he stood up in his
stead ;' and, according as appointed by him, took on him
the chief command of those forces which he had with him
at his death ; and his brothers and all others that were zeal-
ous for the law, resorted to him, till they had made up the
number of an army: whereon he erected his standard, and
led them forth under it to fight the battles of Israel, against
their common enemies, the heathen, that oppressed them.
His motto in that standard being this Hebrew sentence taken
out of Exodus XV. 11, Mi Camo-ka Baelim Jehovah, i. e.
Who is like unto thee among the gods, O Jehovah; and it
not being wrote thereon in words at length, but by an ab-
breviation formed by the initial letters of these words put
together,^ which made the artificial word Maccabi," hence al!
that fought under that standard were called Maccabees, or
Maccabasans ; and he in an especial manner, had the name
above the rest by way of eminence, who was the captain of
them ;^ and thus to abbreviate sentences, and names of many
words, by putting together the initial letters of those wordsj

q 1 Maccab. ii. 70.

r 1 Maccab. ii.49— 79. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 8.

s 1 Maccab. iii. 1. 2 Maccab. viii. 1. .Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 9.

t Thus Senatus Populusque Romanus, was expressed on tlie Roman stand-
ards an'i ensigns by the initial letters of these words, S. P. Q. R.

u Vide Grolium in Prafatioiie ad Comment, in prirtj'iro librnm Mnccs.h
and Buxtortium de Abbreviatiirii. p. l.'?2. alio'^rine.

? 1 Marcab. ii. 4.

4.''i '-©-VNEXIQN OP THE HISTORY OF [PART iU

and making out of them an artificial word to express the
whole, hath been a common practice among the Jews. Thus
among them Rambam is the name of Rabbi Moses Ben
J\Iaimo7i/ and Ralbag is the name of Rabbi Levi Ben Gerson^^
because the initial letters of the four words, of which these
names do consist, when put together, make those artificial
words; and it is common to call these persons by them. And
abbreviations made this way, both of whole sentences, as well
as of names, do so frequently occur in all their books, that
there is no understanding of them without a key to explain
these abbreviations by ; and therefore Buxtorf, for the help
of students in the Hebrew learning, hath written a book on
purpose to explain these abbreviations, which is entitled De
Abbreviaturis Hebraieia, wherein hundreds of instances may
be seen of this kind. Ruffinus having given names to the
seven brothers that suffered martyrdom together under
Antiochus, as hath been above mentioned, calls the eldest
of them MaccabcBus ; and therefore from him some would
derive this name of the Maccabees to all that are called
by it. But with how little authority Ruflinus gives to those
brothers the names which he mentions, hath been already
observed. It is most probable this name had no otheroriginal
than that which I have mentioned. But in its use it did not
i*est only on those to whom it was first given. For, not only
Judas and his brethren were called Maccabees, but the name
was extended in aftertimes to all those who joined with them
in the same cause, and not only to them, but also to all others
who suffered in the like cause under any of the Grecian
kings, whether of Syria or Egypt, although some of them
lived long before them.^ For those who suffered under
Ptolemy Phiiopater at Alexandria, fifty years before, were
afterward called Maccabees ; and so were Eleazar, and the
mother and her seven sons, though they suffered before Judas
erected his standard with the motto above mentioned. And
iherefore, as those books which give us the history of Judas
and his brothers, and their wars against the Syrian kings, m
defence of their religion and their liberties, are called the
tirst and second book of the Maccabees ; so that book which
gives us the history of those, who, in the like cause, under
Ptolemy Phiiopater, were exposed to his elephants at Alex-
andria, is called the third book of the Maccabees, and that

y Buxtorfiura de Abbreviaturis, p. 186.

7! Idem in eodem Libro,p. 185.

a Scaliger in Animadverslonibusin Chronologica Euseb. No. 1853, p. 143,
iibi dicit, ' Oranes qui, ob legis observationem, escruciati, csesi, k male
fractati sunt, a veleribiis Chrrc*t;inh Hicnntur Maccab^i, ut qui propter
Christ iim. dlcti arartvre- '

KOOK in.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. A2b

which is written by Josephus of the martyrdom of Eleazar
and the seven brothers and their mother, is called the fourth
book of the Maccabees. Of the two latter 1 have already
given an account. The two others are those which we have
in our Bibles among the Apocrypha.

The first of them, which is a very accurate and excellent
history, and comes the nearest to the style and manner of the
sacred historical writings of any extant, was written originally
in Chaldee language of the Jerusalem dialect ; which was the
language spoken in Judea from the return of the Jews thither
from the Babylonish captivity. And it was extant in this
language in the time of Jerome,^ for he tells us, that he had
seen it. The title which it then bore was Sharbet Sar Bene
El,'^ i. e. The sceptre of the Prince of the sons of God, a title
which well suited Judas, who was so valiant a commander of
God's people then under persecution. The author of it.
some conjecture, was John Hyrcanus the son of Simon, who
was prince and high-priest of the Jews near thirty years, and
began his government at the time where this history ends. It
is most likely it was composed in his time, when those wars
of the Maccabees were over, either by him, or else by some
others employed by him. For it reacheth no further than
where his government begins, and therefore in the time
immediately following it seems most likely to have been
composed ; and public records being made use of, and refer-
red to in this history, this makes it very probable, that it was
composed tinder the direction of some public authority.
From the Chaldee it was translated into Greek, and after that
a translation was made of it from the Greek into Latin ; and
we have our English version from the same Greek fountain.
Theodotion is conjectured to have first translated it into
Greek ; but it seems most probable, that this version was
ancienter, because of the use made of it by authors as an-
cient, as by Tertullian,'^ Origen,® and others.

The second book of the Maccabees consists of several
pieces compile<l together, by what author is utterly uncer-
tain. It begins with two epistles sent from the Jews of Jeru-
salem to the Jew^ of Alexandria and Eg\pt, to exhort them
to the observing of the feast of the dedication of the new
altar erected by Judas, on his purifying of the temple, which
was celebrated on the 25th day of their month Cisleu. The
first of them was written in the 169lh year of the era of the
Seleucidae,^ (i. e. in the year before Christ 144,) and, begin-

b In Prologo Galeato.

c Origenes in Comment, ad Psalmos, vol. i. p. 47, edidonis Hiietiana?.
Euseb. Hist. Eccles. lib. 6, c. 25.

d Adversus .Tudceos, p. 210. Edit. Rigalt. 2.

,e Orieenes, ibid & alibi. f 2 Maccab. i. T-

4':26 coNNExroN of thk history gk [rART u.

ning at the first verse of the first chapter, endeth at the
ninth verse of the same chapter incUisively. And the
second was written in the 188lh year of the same era,^ (1.
e. in the year before Christ 125,) and, bei^inningat the tenth
verse of the same, chapter, endeth with the eighteenth verse
of the second chapter. Both these epistles seem to be spu-
rious, wherever the compiler of this book picked them up.
The first of them calls the feast of the dedication, Sjcjjvazs-jjyia
fv KfltiTfAEy ; i.e. The feast of making tabernacles, or booths in
Cisleu, which is very improper. For although they might,
during that solemnity, carry some winter-greens in their
hands to express their rejoicing, yet they could not then
make such booths as in the feast of tabernacles ; because
the month Cisleu falling in the middle of winter, they
could not then lie abroad in such booths, nor find green
boughs enough to make them. And as to the second epistle,
it is not only written in the name of Judas Maccabaeus who
was slain thirty-six years before, but also contains such
fabulous and absurd stuff, as could never have been written
by the great council of the Jews assembled at Jerusalem for
the whole nation, as this pretends to be. What followeth
after this last epistle, to the end of the chapter, is the preface
of the author to his abridgment of his history of Jason, which
beginning from the first verse of the third chapter, is carried
on to the end of the thirty-seventh verse of the last chapter ;
and the two next verses that follow to the end, are the
author's conclusion of the whole work. This Jason, the
abridgment of whose history makes the main of this book,
was an hellenist Jew of Cyrene, of the race of those Jews
whom Ptolemy Soter sent thither, as hath been afore related. "^
He wrote in Greek the history of Judas Maccabaeus and his
brethren,' and of the purification of the temple at Jerusalem,
and the dedication of the altar, and the wars against Antiochus
Epiphanes, and Eupator his son, in five books. These five
books the author abridged,' and of this abridgment, and the
other particulars above mentioned, compiled the whole book
in the same Greek language, and this proves that author to
have been an hellenist also, and most likely he was of Alex-
andria ; which one expression in the book, and there more
than once occurring, seems very strongly to prove. For there,
in speaking of the temple of Jerusalem, he calls it the great
temple,'' which cannot there be understood to be said other-
wise than by way of contradistinction frocn another temple
which was lesser ; and that could be none other than the
temple built in Egypt by Onias, which will be hereafter spo-

g 2 Maccab. i. 10. h See part 1 , book 8, under the vear 320

t 2 Maccab. ii. 19—24. k 2 Maccab. ii, 10 : xiv, l.S

BOOK III.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 427

ken of.' This the Jews of Egypt did acknowledge as a
daughter temple to that of Jerusalem, still retaining the
prime honour to that as the mother temple; and therefore
very properly the temple at Jerusalem might be called the
great temple by them, in that they had a lesser, but not by
any other Jews. For none others of them acknowledged
this temple in Egypt at all, or any other but that at Jerusa-
lem onl), but looked on all those as schismatics that sacrifi-
ced any where else. And therefore none but an Egyptian
Jew, who acknowledged the lesser temple in Egypt, as well
as the greater temple at Jerusalem, could thus express him-
self, as is above mentioned ; and consequently none but an
Egyptian Jew could be the author of this book. And of all
the Egjptian Jews, the Alexandrian being the most polite
and learned, this makes it most likely that there this book was
composed. But this second book of the Maccabees doth by
no means equal the accurateness and excellency of the first:
There are, in the Polyglot Bibles both of Paris and London,
Syriac versions of both these books, but they are both of
them of a later date, and made from the Greek, though they
are observed in some places to diifer frOm it. And from the
same Greek are also made the English versions of both
these books which we have among the apocryphal writers in
our Bibles.

Antiochus, hearing that Paulus ^Emilius, the Roman gene-
ral, after having conquered Perseus king of Macedon, and
subdued thai whole renlm, had celebrated games at Arnphipo-
lis, on the river Strymon, in that country, in imitation hereof,
proposed to do the same at Daphne, near Antioch ;'" and
therefore, having set a da) for it, sent out emissaries into all
parts to invite spectators to the place, whereby he drew
great numbers thither to see the shows, which he there cele-
brated with great pon)p and prodigious expense for several
days together: through all which, to verify the character pro-
phetically given of him by the holy prophet Daniel," he
acted the part of a most vile and despicable person, agree-
able to what hath been afore mentioned of him, exposing
himself before that numerous assembly, by the meanest and
mostindecent actions of behaviour,tothecontempt, scorn, and
ridicule, of all that were present ; and to that degree, that
several, not being able to bear the sight of so absurd and
proiligate a conduct, fled from his feasts to avoid it. Poly-
bins wrote a full description of all this, and Athenzeus hath

1 It is in Greek, t* ttfn tk /ut^AKu, 2 Maccab. ii. 19.

m Polyb. apud Athenaeum, lib. 5, c. 4, p. 194, 195; lib. 10, c. 12, p. 439,
Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii. p. 321
n Dan. xi, 21.

428 CONNEXION OV THE HISTORY OK [PART 11.

copied it from him at large ; 'and the same may be seen in
epitome out of Diodorus Siculus among the Excerpta pub-
Hshed by Valesius.

But, while Autiochiis was thus playing the fool at Daphne,
Judas was acting another kind of part in Judea. For having
gotten together such an army as is mentioned, he went
round the cities of Judea in the same manner as his father
had begun to do, destroying every where all utensils and im-
plements of idolatry, and cutting off, in all places, the hea-
then idolaters, and all others who had apostatized to them;"
and hereby having delivered the true lovers of the law,
wherever he came, from all those that oppressed them, for
the better securing of them from all such for the future, he
fortified their towns, rebuilt their fortresses, and placed strong
garrisons in them for their protection and defence ; and
hereby made himself strong and powerful in the land.
Whereon ApoUoniu.s, who was governor for Antiochus in
Samaria, thinking to put a stop to his future progress, got an
army together, and marched against him.P But Judas hav-
ing vanquished and slain him in battle, made a great slaugh-
ter of his forces, and took their spoils ; among which find-
ing the sword of Appolionius. he took it to his own use, and
fought with it all his life after.i

Seron, who was a deputy governor of some part of Coelo-
Syria under Ptolemy Macron, "■ (for this Ptolemy was then
chief governor of that province,^) hearing of the defeat of
Apollonius, got all the forces together that were under his
command, and marched with them into Judea, with hopes
of revenging this blow, and gaining thereby great honour to
himself on Judas, and those that followed him ;' but, instead
hereof, he met with the same fate that Apollonius did, being
vanquished by Judas, and slain in batile, in the same man-
ner as the other had been.

When Antiochus heard of these two defeats, he was moved
with great fury and indignation ; and therefore, in his rage,
forthwith sent and gathered together all his forces, even a
very great army, resolving in his wrath to march immediately
with them into Judea, and there utterly destroy the whole
nation of the Jews, and give their land to others to be divi-
ded among them : but, when he came to pay his army, he
found his treasury so exhausted, that there was not money
therein sufficient for it; which forced him to suspend his
revenge upon the Jews for the present, and put a stop to

o 1 Maccab. iii. 8 ; 2 Maccab. viii. 5 — 7.

p 1 Maccab. iii. 10. .Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 12, c. 10.

q 1 Maccab. iii. 10 — 12. Josepti. Antiq. iii). 12, c. 10.

r 2 Maccab. iii. 13. s 2 Maccab. viii, 8

r I Maccab. iii. 13—24. Joseph. Antiq. lib 12, c 10

JBOOK III.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 429

all those violent designs which he had formed in his mind for
the speedy executing of it." He had expended vast sums
in his late shows, and, besides, he was on all occasions very
magnificent and profuse in his gifts and donatives, frequently
dealing out to his followers and others vast sums with both
hands, sometimes to good purposes, but oftener to none at
all f which made good what the prophet Daniel foretold of
him,y that he should scatter among his followers the prey, and
the spoil, and riches ;^ and from hence he had the character
of the magnanimous atid the munificent.'^ For. in the liberal
giving of gifts, we are told in the Maccabees, that he
abounded above all the kings that were before him.^ And
besides at the same time he was further perplexed, according
to the predictions of the same holy prophet, by tidings that
came to him oitt of the East, and out of the North, that trou-
bled him."^ For in the North, Artaxias king of Armenia, his
tributary, had revolted from him, and in Persia, which was
in the East, his taxes were no more duly paid : for there, as
well as in other parts of his empire, a failure herein was
caused by reason of the dissension and plague which he had
brought upon them, by taking away the laws which had been
of old time among them, out of a fond desire of bringing all
to an uniformity with the Greeks.'^ For, had it not been for
these disturbances, such payments from so large and rich aa
empire would regularly have come into his treasury, as would
constantly have made amends for all his goings out of it :
but, when the goings out of it continued, and the Sowings in
failed, had his treasure been as the ocean, it must have
grown empty at last ; and this now was his case.

And therefore, for the remedying of this, as well as other
inconveniences which then perplexed his affairs, he resolved
to divide his army into two parts, and to leave one of them
with Lysias, a nobleman of the royal family, to subdue the
Jews, and with the other to march himself first into Armenia,
and afterward into Persia, for the restoring ofhis affairs in those

u 1 Maccab. iii. 27, 28, fcc. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11.

X Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11. Atheu. lib. 5, p. 194; lib. 10, p. 438.

y Dau. xi. 24.

z How he came by these riches, spoil, and prey, Athenaeus tells in these
following words : ' AH these expenses were made partly out of th^orey,
which, contrary to his faith given, he took in Egypt from king Phil<^Ktor,
then a minor, and partly out of the gifts ofhis friends ; but, the greatest part
was from the spoils of the many temples which he sacrilegiously robbed.
Deipnosoph. lib. 5, p. 195.

a \l?y*Xi^u;;^zg xai <fi\!jceci;. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c, 11.

b Maccab. iii. 30.

c Daniel si. 44. Vide HieroDymum in Commeat. ad ilium locum.

d 1 Maccab. iU. 29.

VOL. II, 55

43© CONAEXIOxV OF THK HISTORY OF [PART M.

rountrics/' And accordingly, having left the same Lysias
governor of all that part of his empire which lay on this side of
the Euphrates, and committed to his care the breeding up of
bis son, who was then a minor but of seven years old,^ he
passed over mount Taurus, into Armenia, and, having^ van-
quished Artaxias, and taken him prisoner, marched thence into
Persia, hoping that by taking the tribute of that rich country,
and the other provinces of the East, for which they were in
arrear to him, he should gather money sufficient wherewith
to repair all the deficiencies of his treasury, and thereby re-
store all his other affairs to their former order and prosperity.
While he was on these projects abroad, Lysias was intent
on the executing of his orders at home, especially in refe-
rence to the Jews ; concerning whom the king's command
left with him was,^ utterly to extirpate that people out of
their country, and to place strangers in all its quarters, and
divide the land by lot among them. And the progress which
Judas made with his forces, in bringing all places under him
wherever he came, hastened Lysias to a speedy execution of
what the king had commanded in reference to them. For
Philip,* whom Antiochus had left at Jerusalem in the go-
vernment of Judea, seeing how Judas grew and increased,
wrote hereof to Ptolemy Macron, then governor of the pro-
vince of Coelo-Syria and Phoenicia, to which the government
of Judea was an appendant, pressing him to a speedy care of
the king's interest in this matter, and Ptolemy communica-
ted it to Lysias ;^ whereon it being resolved forthwith to
send an army into Judea, Ptolemy xMacron was appointed to
have the chief conduct of the war :} who, choosing Nicanor,
one of his especial friends, for his lieutenant, sent him be-
fore with twenty thousand men, joining with him Gorgias,
an old soldier, greatly experienced in matters of war, for
his assistant. These having entered the country, were
speedily followed thither by Ptolemy, with the rest of the
forces designed for this expedition ; which, when all joined
together," encamped at Emmaus near Jerusalem, and there
made up an army of forty thousand foot, and seven thousand
horse," and thitherresortedtothemanotherarmy of merchants
for the buying of the captives which they reckoned would
be t^en in this war. For Nicanor proposing to raise great

e i^laccab. iii. 31, 32, &c. Joseph, ibid.

f He was, when he succeeded his father two years after, a youth of nine
years old.

g Appian.in Syriacis. Porphyrins apud Hieronymiim in Dan. xi. 44.

h 2Maccab. iii. 34, 35, 36. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. H.

i 2 Maccab. V. 22. k 2Maccab. viii.S.

1 1 Maccab. iii. 38. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11.

m 2 Maccab. viii. 9. n 1 Maccab. iii. 40. Joseph, ibid.

u) 1 Maccab. iii. 39, Joseph. ibid.

BOOK ni.J THE OLIJ AND NEW TESTAMEMS. 431

sums of money this way, even as mdch as would be sufficient
to pay the debt of" two thousand talents which the king then
owed the Romans for arrear of tribute due to them, by the
treaty of peace made with them by his father, after the bat-
tle of Mount Sipylus, he caused the sale to be proclaimed in
all the neighbouring countries, promising to sell no fewer
than ninety Jews for every talent.'' For it was resolved to
slay all the full-grown men, and sell all the rest for slaves ;
and one hundred and eighty thousand of the latter at the
price promised, would raise the sum proposed. Hereon the
merchants, promising themselves great gains from so cheap a
market, flocked thither with their silver and gold in great
numbers, they being no fewer than one thousand principal
merchants that came to the Syrian camp on this occasion,
besides a much greater number of servants and assistants,
whom they brought thither with them, to help them in car-
rying off the slaves they should purchase.*^

Judas and his brethren, seeing the great danger which
they were threatened with from this numerous army (for they
knew that they came with orders to destroy and utterly abo-
lish the whole Jewish nation,) resolved to stand to their de-
fence, and fight for their lives, their law, and their liberties,
and either conquer or die in the attempt/ And sis thousand
men being gathered together after them for this intent,^ Ju-
das divided them into four bands, each consisting of fifteen
hundred men •,^ one of these Judas himself took the com-
mand of, and committed that of the other three to three of
his brothers, and then led them all to Mizpah,'^ there to offer
np their prayers to God for his merciful assistance to them
in the time of this great danger. For Jerusalem being at
that time in the hands of the heathen, and the sanctuary trod-
den under foot, they could not assemble there for this pur-
pose ; and therefore Mizpah being the place where men pray-
ed aforetime in Israel, there they met together, and addressed
themselves to God in solemn fasting and prayer, for the im-
ploring of his mercy upon them in this their great distress,
and then marched forth to fight the enemy.^ But when pro-
clamation was made, according to the law,'' that all such as
had that year built houses, betrothed wives, or planted
vineyards, or were fearful, should depart ^^ the six thousand
men which Judas had at first, were reduced to three thou-
sand.^ However,^^|^t valiant captain of God's people resol-

p 2 Maccab. viii. 10, 11.

q 1 Maccab. iii. 41. 2 Maccab. viii. 34. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11

r 1 Maccab. iii. 42, &.c. 2 Maccib. viii. 12, &c. Joseph, ibid.

s 2 Maccab. viii. 16. t 2 Maccab. viii. 21, 22.

u 1 Maccab. iii. 46, 8ic. x Judges xx. 1. 1 Sam. ▼«• ^ -

y Deut. sx. 5. z 1 Maccab. iii. 56 a 1 Maccab iv S.

43S CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [pART 11-

ving even with these to fight this numerous army, and com-
mit the event to God, led forth this small company into the
field, and pitched his camp very near that of the enemy ;
and there, having encouraged them with what was proper to
bo spoken to them on such an occasion, did let them know
that he purposed the next morning to join battle with the
Syrians, and ordered them to provide for it accordmgly.^'
But, having gotten intelligence that evening, tiiat Gorgias was
marched out of the Syrian camp with five thousand chosen
foot, and one thousand of their best horse, and was leading
them through by-ways, under the guidance of some apos-
tate Jews, upon a design of falling on him in the night, for
the cutting of him otF. and all there with him, by a sudden
surprise, he countermined his plot by another of the same
kind, and executed it with much better success.*^ For imme-
diately quitting his camp, and leaving it quite empty, he
marched toward that of the enemy, and fell upon them, while
Gorgias was absent on his night project with their best men?
by Avhich they being surprised, and put into great confusion,
soon fled, and left Judas master of their camp, and three
thousand of their men dead upon the spot.'' But Gorgias and
his detachment being still entire, Judas withheld his men
from the spoil and tlie pursuit till these were also vanquished,
and this was done without any further fighting.^ For Gor-
gias, after having in vain sought for Judas in his camp, and
also in the mountains where he thought him fled, returning
back, and finding on his return the camp on fire, and the main
army broken and fled, he could no longer keep his men to-
gether, but they all flung down their arms and fled also ;
whereon Judas, with all his men put himself on the pursuit,
and therein slew great numbers more of the Syrian host, so
that the slain in the whole amounted to nine thousand men;
and most of the rest were sure wounded and maimed that
escaped from the battle.' After this Judas led back his men to
take the spoils of the camp, where they found great riches,
and got all that money for a prey which the merchants brought
thither to buy them with, and several of them they sold for
slaves wno came thither, as to a market, to have bought them
for such. And the next day after being their sabbath, they
solemnized it with great devotion, rejoicing and giving praise
to God for this great and merciful deliverance which he had
now given unto them.''

b 1 Maccab. iii. 57, 58.

ij 1 ]\1a(/cab. iv. 1. 2 Maccab. viii. 16, k.c. Josepli. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 11,

d 1 Maccab. iv, 15. e 2 Maccab. iv. 18, kc.

f 2 Maccab. viii. 24. g i Maccab. iv. 23, 24, &c. Joseph, ibid

ii 2 Mtiecab. viii. 2fi, 27.

BOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 4S3

Judas and his followers being flushed with this victory, and
being also by the reputation of it much increased in their
strength, through the numbers of those that resorted to them
hereon, resolved to pursue the advantage they had gotten for
the suppressing of all other their enemies ; and therefore,
understanding that Timotheus, governor of the country be-
yond Jordan, and Bacchides, another of Antiochus's lieute-
nants, in those parts, were drawing forces together to annoy
them, they marched forthwith against them, and, having over-
thrown them in a great battle, slew above twenty thousand of
their men ; and, having taken their spoils, they thereby not
only enriched themselves, but also got provisions of arms,
and many other necessaries, for the future carrying on of the
war.' Andinthis victory they had the satisfaction of executing
their just revenge on two very signal enemies of theirs,'' the
one called Philarches, who with Timotheus had done them
much mischief, and the other Calisthenes,* who was the per-
son that put fire to the gates of the temple whereby they
were burned down. The first they slew in battle, and the
other being driven in the pursuit into a little house, they set
it on fifiB over his head, and there made him die in it, such a
death as well suited the crime whereby he deserved it. And
as to Nicanor, though he escaped with life, yet it was in a
very ignominious manner. F^'or finding the army broken, and
the expedition thereby defeated, he changed his glorious
apparel for that of a servant, and in this disguise made his
escape through the midland to Antioch, where he was in
great dishonour and disgrace, by reason of his miscarriage
in this enterprise, and losing thereby so great an army.""
For the excusing of himself in this case he was forced
to acknowledge the great power of the God of Israel ;
alleging, that he fought for his people, because they kept his
law ; and that as long as they did so, they would always have
him for their Protector, and no hurt could be done unto
them. It is most likely Ptolemy Macron was not present in
any of these battles, there being no mention made of him in
any of them. Perchance the affairs of Syria, of which he w^as
governor, then kept him otherwise employed. And therefore,
though he came at first to the camp at Emmaus, yet he was
not present when the battle there was fought with Judas, but
left it wholly to be conducted by Nicanor his deputy. And
therefore the whole of it is in the history attributed to Nica-
nor, without naming Ptolemy at all, unless only in the first
appointment of that expedition.

i 2 Maccab. viii. 30,31. k 2 Maccab. viii. 32,

1 3 Maccab. viii. 33. ra 3 Maccab, viii. 34, 35, 36.

434 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART lio

Lysias, on the hearing of the ill success of the king^s army
An. 165. '"^ Judea, and the great losses sustained thereby, was
^"b'us'^l''* ^^^^ confounded at it." But knowing how earnest
the king's comnnands were for the executing of his
wrath upon that people, he made great preparations for an-
other expedition against them; and, having gotten together
an army of sixty thousand foot and five thousand horse, all
choice men, he put himself at the head of them, and marched
with them in person into Judea, purposing no less than the
utter destruction of that country, and ail the inhabitants of it.
With this design, being entered into it, he pitched his camp
at Bethsura, a town lying to the south of Jerusalem, near the
confines of Idumea. There Judas met him with ten thousand
men ; and having, through his great confidence in God's
assistance, with this much inferior force, engaged the nume-
rous army of Lysias, and, having slain five thousand of them,
he put all the rest to flight ; whereby Lysias being much
dismayed, and also equally astonished at the valour of Judas's
soldiers, who fought as men ready prepared either to live or
die valiantly, returned with his baflied army to Antioch, pur-
posing to come again with greater force against them another
year.

Upon this retreat of Lysias, Judas being left master of the
country, proposed to his followers their going up to Jerusalem
for the recovery of the sanctuary out of the hands of the
heathen, and to cleanse and dedicate it anew for the service
of the Lord their God, that his worship might be. there again
restored, and daily carried on as in former times ; to which
all consenting, he led them up thither, where they found all
things in a very lamentable state ; for the city was in rubbish,
the sanctuary desolated, the altar profaned, the gates of the
temple burnt up, shrubs were in its courts as in a forest, and
the priests' chambers pulled down." At the sight hereof the
whole assembly fell into great lamentation, and pressed
earnestly to have all these desolations and profanations re-
moved out of the house of God, that so his worship might be
again performed in it as in former times. And accordingly,
in order hereto, Judas having chosen priests of unblamable
conversation, appointed them to the work ; who, having
cleansed the sanctuary, pulled down the altars which the
heathen had there erected, borne out all the defiled stones
of them into an unclean place, taken down the old altar
which the heathen had profaned, built a new one in its
stead of unhewn stones, according to the law,P and hallowed

n 1 Maccab. iv. 26, 27, &,c. Joseph, ibid.

o 1 Maccab. iv. 36, k,c. 2 Maccab. x. 1, 2, &c. Joseph. Antiq. lib, 12,
c. 11.
p Esodus IX. 25o Deut. xxvii- 5. Josh. viii. SI.

BOOK III.] THK OLD ANP NEW TESTAMENTS. 43a

the courts, made thereby the whole temple in all things again
fit for its former service. But whereas Antiochus had, in his
sacrilegious pillage of it, taken away the golden altar of m-
cense, the show-bread table, which was ait overlaid with gold,
and the golden candlestick, (which all three stood in the holy
place,) and had also robbed it of all its other vessels and
utensils, and the service of the temple could not be perfectly
performedwithoutthem, Judas took car*^- that all these defects
should be supplied.^ For, out of the spoils which he had
taken from the enem}, he caused to be made a new altar of
incense, and a new candlestick all of gold, and a new show-
hread table all overlaid with gold, all three formed in the
same manner as they were before/ And, by his care, all
other vessels and utensils, both of gold and silver, that were
necessary for the divine service, were again provided, and a
new vail was also made to separate between the holy place
and the holy of holies, and there hung in its proper place.
And, when all these things were made ready, and all placed
according to their former order, each in the particular place,
and each for the particular use which they were ordained for,
a new dedication of the altar was resolved on. The day ap-
pointed for it was the 25th day of their ninth month, called
Cisleu,^ which fell about the time of the winter solstice.
This was the very same day of the year on which, three
years before,* it had been profaned in the manner as above
related," just three years and an half alter the city and
temple had been desolated by Apollonius,* two years after
Judas had taken on him ihe chief command of the Jews,
on his father's death. They began the day early, by of-
fering sacrifices, according to the law, upon the new altar
which they had made,'' having first struck tire for it, by dash-
ing two flints against each other, and from the same fire having
lighted the seven lamps on the golden candlestick that stood
in the holy place, beside the altar of incense, they went on
in all the other service, restoring it, according to their former
rule, in all the particulars of the divine worship which were
there used to be performed ;^ and so it continued to be there

q 1 Maccab. i. 21—23. 2 Maccab. v !6.

r 1 Maccab. iv. 49. s 1 Maccab. iv. 52. 2 Maccab. x. 5.

t 1 Maccab. i. 59; iv. 54. 2 Maccab. x. 5.

u Josephus in Praefatione ad Hbrum de Bello Judaico, et in ipso libro de
Beilo Judaico, lib. l,c. 1; lib. 6, c. 11.

X 2 Maccab. x. 3.

y 1 Maccab. iv. 52,&.c. 2 Maccab. x. 1, 2, Sic,

z 2 Maccab. x. 3. W. B. The sacred fire which came down from heaven,
at the dedication of Solomon's temple, was extinguished in the destruction
of the temple by the Babylonians, till which time it had there been kept
constantly burning. After that, tliey used no other than common fire in the
temple ; but still they avoided the bringing thither of any culinary fire which
had been profaned by other uses, and therefore kindled it by dashing two
stones one against the other, as is here said.

•iSb CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART XK

ever after celebrated, without any other interruption, till the
Romans finally destroyed the temple, and thereby put an end
to all the ritual worship of that place.

The solemnity of this dedication was continued for eight
days together, which they celebrated with great joy and
thanksgiving, for the deliverance which God had given unto
them.^ And, for the more solemn acknowledgment hereof,
they decreed the like festival to be everafter annually kept
in commemoration of it. This was called the feast of dedi-
cation. It began every year on the said 25lli day of Cisleu,
and was continued to the eighth day after, in the same man-
ner as were the passover and the feast of tabernacles ;^
during all which time they all illuminated their houses, by
setting up of candles at every man's door; from whence it was
called the feast of lights.*^

This festival Christ honoured with his presence at Jerusa-
lem, coming tLiither of purpose to bear a part in the solemni-
zing of it, which implies his approbation of it;*^ and there-
fore from hence Grotius® very justly infers, that festival days
in memorial of public blessings may piously be instituted by
persons in authority without a divine command, or (it may
be added) the example of a person divinely directed observ-
ing the same. For the institution of this festival was with-
out either, there being neither any divine precept, nor the
example of any prophet, for the observance of it. Neither
can it be said, that it was the feast of any other dedication
that Christ was present at, save this only which was institu-
ted by Judas Maccabacus. As to the two former dedications
of the temple which were had before, first that of Solomon,
and afterward that of Zerubbabel, though they were very
solemnly celebrated at the time on which they were per-
formed, yet there was no anniversary feast in comme-
moration of either of them celebrated afterward, as there
was of this of Judas Maccabaeus. And, if there had, yet
the text in the gospel clearly pins down the dedication
mentioned in it to the dedication of Judas only : for it tells
us, that the time of its celebration was in the winter; which
could be said only of this, and not of either of the other
two ; for that of Solomon was in the seventh month, then
called Ethanim,*^ afterward Tizri, which fell about the
time of the autumnal equinox ; and that of Zerubbabel was
in their twelfth month, called Adar,^ which fell in the begin-
ning of the spring; but that of Judas Maccabaeus being on

a 1 Maccab. iv. 56. 2 Maccab. x. 6. Joseph, \ntiq. lib. 12, c. 11.

b Maimonides in Cbanucah. c Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12; c. 11.

d John X. 22.

e In Comment, ad Evangelium St. Jobaa. X. 22.

f 1 Kings viii. 3. S Chron. v. 3. g Ezra vi. 15^17.

VOOli III.} TK£ Ofcl* AM» AEW TKSi'AilK.NXtJ. 4o7

the 25th day of the month Cisleu, which fell in the middle
of winter, this plainly demonstrates, that the feaat of dedica-
tion which Christ was present at in Jerusalem, could be no
other feast than that which was celebrated in commemoration
of the dedication performed by Judas Maccabaeus, and insti-
tuted by him for this purpose.

When the old altar which the heathen had polluted was
pulled down, a dispute arose how the stones of it were to be
disposed of. The heathens having sacrificed on this altar to
their idol gods, and some of those sacrifices having been of
unclean beasts, the worshippers of the true God then looked
on it, and all the stones of which it was built, as doubly pol-
luted hereby, and therefore no more to be made use of in Im
service. And, on the other side, Uiey having been for manv
ages sanctified by the sacrifices which had been offered
thereon to the true God, they were afraid, after this, of ap-
plying them to any profane or common use. And there-
fore, being in this doubt,"" they resolved to lay up these stones
in some convenient place within the mountain of the house,
till there should a prophet arise, who should show them what
was to be done with them;' so scrupulous were they in this
case. The place in which, according to the Mishnah, these
stones were laid up, was one of the four closets of the Beth-
Moked,'' or the common fire-room of the priests attending
the service, that is, that closet which lay on the northwest
corner of that room. But that closet, according to the des-
cription of it in the same Mishnah, could not be large enough
to hold the tenth part of those stones. 1 cannot take upon mc
to solve this difficulty.

But, though the Jews had recovered their temple, and re-
stored it again to its former sacred use, yet still there re-
mained one great thorn in their sides ; for the fortress was
still in the hands of the enemy, and strongly garrisoned by
them, partly with heathen soldiers, and partly with apos-
tate Jews, which were the worse of the two,' from whence
they much annoyed those that went up to the temple tovvoi-
ship, often sallying from tlieiice upon them, and sUying seve-
ral of them."' This fortress was built by Apollonius wheu

h 1 Maccab. iv. 46.

i AH within ilie outer wall of the temple, which made the great square,
five hundred cubits on every side, was called Mar Habbeth, i. e. the mountain
of tlie home. All that was within the wall, that included the court of the
women, and the inner court in which the temple stood, was called Mikda.'h,
i. e. the sanctuary. And the temple itself, including the porch, the holy
{■lace, and the holy of holies, was called Hteal, i. e. the temple. This is to He
understood strictly speaking ; for often all these words are used promisr t-
oijsly for the temple in general.

k Middoth. c. 1, sec. rt. 1 Joseph. Aniiq. lib. 12- r. 7

OJ 1 Muccab. i. 3j[>. 37.

4'38 tJOXiNliXION OF THE HlSTOHl OP [PAIJT li.

Tie sacked and destroyed Jerusalem, as hath been above
related, and stood upon an eminence over against the moun-
tain of the temple ;" for which reason the place was called
Mount Acra, from the Greek word Ax^aj, which signitieth an
eminence, or fortress on the top of an hill ; which eminence
overtopping the inountaiw of the temple, as being then the
higher of the two, had thereby the command of it, which
gave the soldiers there in garrison the advantage which I
have mentioned, of annoying all those who went up thither
lo worship. For the preventing of this, Judas at (irst ap-
pointed part of his army to shut them up within their for^
tress, and to tight against all such as should sally out of it
upon any of the people." But, finding he could not spare so
many of his men as was necessary for this blockade, he caus-
ed the mountain of the house to be fortified with strong walls
and high towers built round about it, and placed there a
strong garrison to defend it, and secure those that went up
thither to worship from all future insults that might be made
upon them, either from the fortress or any other place.P

And whereas the Idumeans were at that time great ene-
mies to the Jews, to secure Jerusalem from all insults from
that quarter, he fortified Bethsura to be a barrier against
them.'i r have formerly shown/ that the Idumea, or land of
liklom, in w^hich those people now dwelt, was not the Idu-
mea, or land of Edom, which is mentioned in the Scriptures
of the Old Testament. Wherever this name occurs in any of
those ancient holy writings, it is to be understood of that
Idumea, or land of Edom, only, which lay between the lake
of Sodom and the Red Sea, and was afterward called Arabia
Petraf)a ; nor are any other Edomites spoken of in them, than
those which inliabited in that country, excepting only in one
passage in the prophet Malachi.'' But these Edomites being
driven from thence by the Nabatheans, while the Jews were
in the Babylonish captivity, and their land lay desolate, they
then took possession of as much of the southern part of it as
contained what had formerly been the whole inheritance of

n 1 Maccab. i. 33 — 35. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c.7.

ft 1 Maccab. iv. 41. Joseph, ibid.

p 1 Maccab. iv. 60. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 11.

() 1 Maccab. iv. 61. Joseph, ibid. r Part 1, book 1.

s Malachi i. 3, 4. There God speaks, (ver. 3,) of his having laid the mouii-
/airw and lierilage of Esau loasle ; which was done on their expulsion by
the Nabatheans out of that mountainous country, lying between the Red Sea
and the lake of Sodotn, where they formerly had their inheritance. Th»;
t'oartb verse contains their brag^ tkai tkey wouUi relitrn again into this their
Ct7tdeat ojuntry, rtbuild the desolated cilies, which they formerly there possessed,
and again dwell in l/tUDc. But hereto God, by the mouth of his holy prophet,
^ntes them success, teii'uig them, that as fast as they should build, he would
indl (toten ag(Tin ; and so it accordingly happened ; top the Edomitee could
•'i^wpf a^airi n?rr)"^rtfint country-

UOOK III.] THE OhD ASXi NEW TiLJi'iAMEKJ;:, 4;^«;t

the tribe of Simeon, and also half of that which Irad been
the inheritance of the tribe of Judah, and there dwelt evef
after, till at length, going over into the religion of the Jews,
they became incorporated with them into the same nution."-
And this only is the Idumea, and the inhabitants of it theonj}'-
Edomites, or Idumeans, which are any where spoken of aftei-
the Babylonish captivity. After their coming into this coun-
try, Hebron, which had formerly been the metropolis of the
tribe of Judah, thenceforth became the metropolis of Idumea;
and in the road between tliat and Jerusalem lay Bethsura,at
the distance of five furlongs from the latter, saith the author of
the second book of Maccabees 5*^ but others put it at much
greater distance, and these seem to be nearest to the truth of
the matter.

When the neighbouring nations round about heard that the
Jews had again recovered thecitv and temple of Je- . ,
rusalem, new dedicated the sanctuary, erected a new Juiias Mac-
altar in it, and again restored the Jewish worship in ^^ °^"^'''
that place, they were much moved with envy and hatred
against them hereon 5^ and therefore, taking counsel together
against them, resolved to act in concert together for their
utter extirpation, and began to execute this resolution, by-
putting all of them to death who were found sojourning any
Avhcre among them, purposing to join with Antiochus for the
effecting of all the rest in the utter destruction of tlie whole
race of Israel.

But Antiochus dying in the interim, this broke all the mea-
sures which they had concerted together for this mischief.
For, on his passing into Persia, to gather up the arrears of
tribute which were there due to him, being told, that the city
of Elvmais^ in that country was greatly renowned for its
riches both of gold and silver, and that there was in it a tem-
ple of Diana,*^ in which were vast treasures, he marched
thither, with intent to take the city, and spoil that and the
temple in it, in the same manner as he had done at Jerusa-
lem. But, on fore-notice had of this design, the people of
the country round about, as well as the inhabitants of the
city, joining together in defence of their temple, beat him
off with shame and confusion ; vvhereon he retired to Ecba-
tana in Media, greatly grieved for this baffle and disappoint-

t See an account hereof in the first part of this history, book 1, undnr the
y«ar 740.

u Chap. ii. ver. 5. x 1 JMaccab. v. J,C,

V 1 Maccab. vi. 1, 2, Sic.

a Polybius saith it was a temple of Diana, (in Excerptis Valesii, p. 144.)
and so saith Josephus, (Antiq. lib. 12, c. 1.*?^ ^nf AT>pian. fin Sr\Tiacis.)
saJtli, that it WHS n tfntple of V<*nii^.

140 CrtNNEXION' HF THE HISTORY UP [ KART U-

ment.* On his arrival thither, news came to him of what
had happened to Nicanor and Timotheus in Judea ;'' at which
feeing exceedingly enraged, he hastened back, with all the
speed he was able, to execute the utmost of his wrath upon
the people of the Jews, breathing nothing else but threats of
utter destruction and utter extirpation against them all the
way as he went. As he was thus hastening towards the
country of Babylonia,*^ through which he was to pass in his
return, he met on the road with other messengers,'' which
brought him an account how the Jews had defeated Lysias,
recovered the temple of Jerusalem, pulled down the images
and altars which he had there erected, and restored that
place to its former worship ; at which being enraged to the
utmost fury, he commanded his charioteer to double his speed,
that he might be sooner on the place to execute his revenge
upon this people, threatening, as he went, that he would
laake Jerusalem a place of sepulture for the Jews, wherein
lie would bury the whole nation, destroying them all to a
man. But while these proud words were in his mouth, the
judgments of God overtook him ; for he had no sooner spo-
ken them, but he was smitten with an incurable plague, a
great pain seizing his bowels, and a grievous torment follow-
ing thereupon in his inward parts, which no remedy could
abate. ^ However, he would not slacken his speed ;^ but,
still continuing in (he same wrath, he drove on in the same
haste to execute it, till at length, his chariot overthrowing,
he was cast to the ground with such violence, that he was
sorely bruised and hurt in all the members of his body ;
whereon he was put into a litter; but not being able long to
bear that, he was forced to put in at a town called Tabas,
lying in the mountains of Paraetacene, in the contines of Per-
sia and Babylonia,' and there betake himself to his bed,
where he suffered horrid torments both in body and mind.^
For in his body a filthy ulcer broke out in his secret parts,
wherein were bred an innumerable quantity of vermin con-
tinually flow^ing from it ; and such a stench proceeded from
the same, as neither those that attended him nor he himself
could well bear;' and in this condition he lay languishing and
rotting till he died.'" All this while the torments of his mind
were as great as the torments of his body, caused by the ve-

a 2 Maccab. ix. 3. b 2 Maccab. ibid.

.c 1 Maccab. vi. 4. d 1 Maccab. vi. 6.

e 2 Maccab. is. 6, 6. f 2 Maccab, ix. 7.

g Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 144. hQ. Curtius, lib. v. o. 12-

i Strabo, lib. U, p. 622, 524. k 1 Maccab. vi. 8.

i 2 Maccab. is. 9.

m Appiatxi. in Syriaci>«* 1 ^Vraccab. vi. 9, 10 2 Maccab. ix- 9 — 11-

BOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAftlENTS. 441

flections which he made on his former actions." Polybius
tells us of this," as well as Josephus, and the authors of the
first and second books of Maccabees ; and adds hereto, that it
grew so far upon him as to cotne to a constant delirium, or
state of madness, hy reason of several spectres and apparitions
of evil spirits, which he imagined were continuall) about him
reproaching and stirij;ing his conscience with accusations of
his past evil deeds which he had been guilty of. Pol) bins
saith, this was for the sacrilegious attempt which he made
upon the temple of Diana in El) mais, overlooking that which
be had actuail)' executed upon the temple at Jerusalem.
Josephus reproves him for this, and, with much more reason
and justice lays the whole cause of his suffering in this sick-
ness,P as did also Antiochus himself, '^ to what he did at Jeru-
salem, and the temple of God in that place, and the horrid
persecution which he thereon raised against all that worship-
ped him there. For the sacrilege at Elymais was only at-
tempted, that at Jerusalem was fully committed, with horrid
impiety against God, and with as horrid cruelty against all
those that served him there ; and the former sacrilege, if it
had been committed, had been only against a false deity ;
but the latter was against the true God, the great and al-
mighty Creator of heaven and earth. However, it is a great
contirmation of what is above related out of Josephus and the
two books of the Maccabees, of the signal judgment of God
which was executed upon this wicked tyrant, that Poly bins,
an heathen author, doth agree with them herein as to the
matter of fact, though he ditfers from them in assigning a
wrong cause for it. It seems Antiochus, being at length
awakened by his afflictions, became himself fully sensible,
that all his sufferings in them were from the hand of God
upon him for what he had done against the temple at Jerusa-
lem, and his servants that worshipped him there. For he
acknowledged all this before his death, with many vows of
what he would do for the repairing of all the evil which he
had there done, in case he should again recover.'^ But his
repentance came too late; God would not then hear him :
and therefore after having languished out a while in this mi-
serable condition, and under these horrid torments of bodyand
mind,* he nt length, being half consumed with (he rottenness
©f his ulcer, gave up the ghost and died, after he had reigned

n 1 Maccab. vi. 8 — 13. o In Excerptis Valesii, p. 144.

p Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 13.

q 1 Maccab. vi. 12, 13. 2 Maccab. is. 11 — 17. Joseph, ibid,

s 1 Maccab. vi. 16. 2 Maccab. is. 28. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 13. Ap-
pian. in Syriacis. Polybius in Excerptis Valesii, p. 144. Hieronymus mi
Pan. xi. 3i3. Eitsebius in Cbronico,

4'ii! <.(,'.V-\EXION OF TilE HISTOliY OF [PART 11;^

full eleven years/ And I cannot forbear here remarking,
that most of the great persecutors have died the like death.
hy being smitten of God in like manner in the secret parts.
Thus died Herod, the great persecutor of Christ and the
infants at Bethlehem ; and thus died Galerius Maximiauus,
the author and the great persecutor of the tenth and great-
est persecution agamst the primitive Christians 5 and thus also
died Philip II. knig of Spain, as infamous for the cruelty of
his persecutions, and the numbers destroyed by it, as any of
the other three. As to the manner of Herod's death, I shall
have occasion to speak of it hereafter in its proper place ;
and, as to the death of the other two, that of Galerius
is described by Eusebius" and Lactantius,* and that of
Philip II. by Mezeray ;^ and to these authors I remit the
reader for an account of them.

Antiochus the Great, having attempted the like sacrilege
in the country of Elymais, as Antiochus his son did in the
city of Elymais, and perished in it, as hath been above re-
lated,^ this hath made some think, that the parity of names
hath been the cause of this parity of facts being attributed
to both, and that only one of them was guilty of this sacrile-
gious attempt which is related of both. And, on this suppo-
sition, Scaliger chargeth Jerome with a blunder,* for saying,
in his comment on the eleventh chapter of Daniel, that An-
tiochus the Great, fighting against the Elymeans, was cut off
by them with all his army. For he will have it, that this was
not true of Antiochus the Great, but only of Antiochus Epi-
phanes ; and yet many other authors attest the same thing
with Jerome, that Antiochus the Great was thus cut off in the
sacrilegious attempt, and none say it of Antiochus Epiphanes;
for he escaped from the batlle, though he lost many of his
men in it, and died afterward. So saith Appian,*' and so
saith Polybius,*^ as well as Josephus, and both the authors
of the first and second books of the Maccabees. And
although both the sacrileges were attempted in the country
of the Elymeans, yet it was not upon the same temple
that the attempt was made. That of Antiochus the Great
was upon the temple of Belus, the great god of the East ;

t So saith Porphyry, Eusebius, Jerome, and Sulpitius Severus. But the
author of the 6rst book of Maccabees sailli, lie began his reign in the 137th
year of the kingdom of the Greeks, and died the 149lii year, which makes
him reign twelve years. For the reconciling of this it must be said, that he
began his reign in the ending of the 137th year, and ended it in the beginning
of the 149th yearofliiat era.

u Hist. Eccl. viii. 16. x De Mortibus Persecutorura, c 33--

y History of France, under the year 1698.

z Part 2, book 2, under the year 187.

a In Aniniad. ad Eusebii Cbronicon, sub JVo. 1825, p. 140.

h In Syria<M? <• In Kxcerptis Vale^ii. p. 144.

ilOOK III.] THE OLD AND NEW TE^sTAMENTs. 443

and that of Epiphanes was upon the temple of Diana -,
and there was a Persian Diana, Tacitus tells us •,'^ and, that
this goddess had a temple among the Elymeans, is attested by
Strabo,® who tells us also of it, and that it was very rich; for
he saith, that it being afterward plundered by one of the Par-
thian kings, he took from it ten thousand talents/ This
temple, Strabo tells us, was called Azara, or rather, as Casau-
bons corrects it, Zara. Hence Diana was called Zaretis
among the Persians.*"

Antiochus Epiphanes having been a great oppressor of the
church of God, under the Jewish economy, and the type of
Antichrist, which was to oppress it in after ages under the
Christian, more is prophetically said of him in the prophe-
cies of Daniel, than of any other prince which these prophecies
relate to ; the better half of the eleventh chapter, that is, from
the twentieth verse to the forty -fifth, which is the last of that
chapter, is wholly concerning him ; and there are several
passages also in the eighth and twelfth chapters which relate
to him. The whole may be divided into two parts, whereof
the first is concerning his wars with Egypt, and the second is
concerning the persecutions and oppressions brought by him
upon the Jewish church and nation, and these were all
fulfilled in the actions of his reign.

And first, as to his wars with Egypt, which is said, (chap,
xi. ver. 25, 40, 42, 43,) was accomplished in his second ex-
pedition into thatcountry,and the actions done by him therein,
which are above related. What is in ver. 26, was fulfilled by
the revolt of Ptolemy Macron from king Philometor, and the
treachery and maladministration of Lenaeus, Eulseus, and
other ministers and officers employed under hiai. What is
in ver. 27, had its completion in the meeting of Antiochus
and Philometor at Memphis, where the two kings, both in tl»e
time of the second and of the third expedition of Antiochus
into Egypt, did frequently eat at the same table, and confer-
red together seemingly as friends ; Antiochus pretending to
take upon him the care of the kingdom for the interest of
Philometor, his nephew, and Philometor pretending to con-
fide in Antiochus, as his uncle, in all that he was thus doing.'
But both herein spo^e lies to each other ; for, in reality, they
both intended quite the contrary ; Antiochus's design being,
under the pretence above mentioned, to seize all Egypt to
himself, and Philometor's to take the first opportunity to dis-
appoint him of it, as accordingly at length he did by his agree-
ment with his brother and the Alexandrians, as is jfliove related ^

d Annalinm, lib. 3, c. 63. e Lib. IG, p. 744.

f Strabo, ibid. § In noti.s ad p. 744.

h Hesychius in voce Zn'^xTtr i HieroiiymiB in I^ap; \K

4-14 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II,

Whereon followed what is foretold, (ver. 29, 30,) of the same
chapter. For Antiochus, on his hearing of this agreement,
pulled off his vizard, and openly owned his design for the
usurping of Egypt to himself, and, for the full executing of
it, returned and came again towards the South, that is, into
Eg}pt, in his last expedition into that country. But he did not
then prevail, as in the former and the latter, (i. e. in his two
preceding attempts upon that country,) because of the ships
that came from Chittim, (i. e. the country of the Grecians,)
against him, which brought Popilius Laenas and the other
Roman ambassadors to Alexandria, who made him, to his
great grief return out of Egypt, and quit all his designs upon
that country. However, wliat is foretold, (ver. 42, 43,) o^
stretching forth his hatid upon the land of Egypt, and his having
power over the treasures of gold and silver, and all other the
precious things of that country, had its thorough completion ;
for he miserably harassed and wasted the whole land of
Eygpt in all his expeditions into it, carrying thence vast
treasures of gold and silver, and other riches, in the prey
and spoils taken in it by him and his followers."^ And
there ended all the prophecies of Daniel which relate to the
wars that were between the kings of Syria, and the kings of
Egypt ; for in those prophecies, ^Ac kings of the Korth were
the kings of Syria, and the kings of the South the kings of
Egypt, as hath been above related.

As to the other part of Daniel's prophecies of this king,
which relate to the persecutions and oppressions which he
brought upon the Jewish church and nation, what is said,
(xi. 22,) of the Prince of the covenant being broken before him,
foreshowed what he did to Onias the high-priest, who was de-
posed and banished by him, and at length murdered by one
of his lieutenants; for the high-priest of the Jews was the
prince of the Mosaic covenant. What is said, (ver. 2^,) of
his heart being set against the holy covenant, on his returning %.
from Egypt, and of the exploits which he did thereon, fore- "^
showed wiiat he did to Judah and Jerusalem, on his return
from his second expedition into the said country of Egypt,
when, without a cause, he murdered and enslaved so many of
the Jewish nation, and robbed the city and temple of Jeru-
salem of all their riches and treasure. What is said, (ver.
30,) foretold the grief with luhich he returned from his fourth
and last expedition into Egypt, by reason of the baffle which
he then met with from the Romans of all his designs upon
that country ,<and the indignation -dnd wrath which then, in his
irrational fury, he vented upon the Jewish church and nation.

k Vide \then2eum, lib. 5; p. 195. I'

HOOK ni.J THE OLD AND NEW iKSTAJIliNTS. 445

in sending Apollonius to destroj Jerusalem, and make to
cease the Jewish worship in that place. What is contained
(ver. 31.) and those that follow to ver. 40, agreeable to what
was before prophesied, (viii. 9 — 12, 23 — 25,) foretold Ai5
taking away the daily sacrifice, and all else that he did for the
suppressing of the Jewish worship, and the destroying of the
whole Jewish nation, which is above related. The forty-fourth
and forty-fifth verses of the same eleventh chapter, foretold his
last expedition which he made, first into Armenia, and from
thence into the East, and his there coming to an end, and
perishing in that miserable manner as hath been related
having first planted the tabernacles of his palace, that is, his
absolute regal authority, m the glorious holy mountain between
the seas, that is, in Jerusalem, which stood in a mountainous
situation between the Mediterranean Sea and the Sea of
Sodom ; for it was built in the midway betwixt both, on the
mountains of Judea.

Never were any prophecies delivered more clearly, or
fulfilled more exactly, than all these prophecies of Daniel
were. Porphyry, who was a great enemy to the holy Scrip-
tures, as well of the Old Testament as of the New, acknow-
ledged this.^ And therefore he contends, that they were
historical narratives, written atter tlie facts were done, and
not prophetical predictions foretelling them to come. This
Porphyry"' was a learned heathen, born at Tyre in the year
of Christ 233, and there called Malchus;" which name, on
his going among the Greeks, he changed into that of Por-
rhyry, that signifying the same in the Greek language which
Malchus did in the Phoenician, the language then spoken at
Tyre. He being a bitter enemy to the Christian religion,*
wrote a large volume against it, containing fifteen books,
whereof the twelfth was wholly against the prophecies of
Daniel. These concerning the Persian kings and the Mace-
donian that reigned as well in Egypt as in Asia, having been
all, according to the best historians, exactly fulfilled, he could
not disprove them by denying their completion ; and there-
fore, for the overthrowing of their authority, he took the
quite contrary course, and laboured to prove their truth;
and from hence alleged, that, being so exactly true in all
particulars, they could not therefore be written by Daniel
so many years before ihe facts were done, but by some one

I Apud Hicroriymum in Proofiuin aJ Comrrient. in Daiiififm.

ra Vide Holstenium in Vitii I'orphyrii, et Vossiu.-a de Hist. Giaecis, lib. 2.
c. la.

II .Malchus, from the PhcK'iician or Hebrew word Melee, signitieth Kin^,
and U^ppvpioi; did the same in Greek, that is, one that wore purple, which
no.ne but kings and royal persons then did.

o Hieronyniusin Proccmio ad Comment, in Daju'elem
VOL, :j, .^7

446 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [I'AllT 51.

else under liis name who lived after the time of Antiochus
Epiphanes." For the making out of which, his main argument
was, that all contained in the prophecies of Daniel relating
to the times preceding the death of Antiochus Epiphanes was
true,and that all that related to the times which followedafter
was false. The latter proposition he belaboured, thereby to
overthrow all that the Christians alleged from these prophe-
cies for the Messiah, which he would have thought to be all
false ; and the other proposition he endeavoured to clear-
thereby to make out, that the whole book was spurious, not
written by Daniel, but by some one else, after the facts
therein spoken of were done, as if that could not be prophe-
tically foretold which was so exactly fulfilled. And for this
reason was it, that he took upon him to prove those facts to
be so exactly true as in those prophecies contained. For
which purpose he made use of the best Greek historians then
extant. Such were Callinicus Sutorius, Diodorus Siculu?,
Hieronymus, Polybius, Posidonius, Claudius Theon, and An-
dronicus Alypiusji and from them made evident proof, that
all that is written in the eleventh chapter of Daniel, was
truly, in every particular, acted and done in the order as
there related; and from this exactness of completion endea-
voured to infer the assertion mentioned, that these prophecies
were written after the facts were done, and therefore are
rather historical narratives relating things past, than prophe-
tical predictions /oreshowing things afterward to come. But
f!^ Jerome turns the argument upon him, and with more strength

of reason infers, that this way of opposing these prophecies
gives the greatest evidence of their truth, in that wliat the
prophet foretold is hereby allowed to be so exactly fulfilled,
that he seemed to unbelievers not to foretell things to come,
but to relate things past.' Jerome, in his comments on
Daniel, makes use of the same authors that Porphyry did;
and what is in these comments are all ihe remains which we
now have of this work of that learned heathen, or of most of
those authors which he made use of in it. For this whole
work of Porphyry is now lost, as are also most of the histories
above mentioned which he quotes in it. For the histories
of Callinicus Sutorius, Hieronymus,^ Posidonius*, Claudius

o Hieronymus in Prooptnio ad Comment, in Danielem.

q Hieronymus in Prcemio ad Comment, in Denielem.

r Jerome, speaking of Porphyry as to this matter, hath these words .
< Ciijus Impugnatio testimonium veritatis est. lanta enim dicforum fides
fuil, ut prophela incredulis hominibus non videnlur futura dixisse, sed nar-
ra^se pra;lerita.' In Prooemio ad Comment, in Danielem.

s 'liiis Hieronymus wrote an history of the successors of Alexander. See
of hiiu above, part i,book 8, under the year 311.

i Posidonius was of Apamea in Syria, and wrote, in fifty-two books, a
.^•ontinuatioa of Polybius down to the ware of Casar and Pompey, in which
'itite ia« ffoui'i^jed-.

liOOK ni.j THE OLL> AND NEW TESTAMENTS. ±47

Thcon," and Andronicus Alypius,^ are wholly perished; as is
also the greatest part of Polybius and Diodorus Siculus. Had
we all these extant, we migiit from them be enabled to make
a much clearer and fuller explication of these prophecies,
especially from Callinicus Sutorius/ who lived in the time of
Antonius Pius, the Roman emperor; and having, in ten
books, written an history of the affairs of Alexandria, included
therein much of the Jewish transactions.^ And it is to be
lamented, that not only these authors, and this work of Por-
phyry, in which he made so much use of (hem, are now lost,
but that also the books of Eusebius, Apollonarius, and Metho-
dius,* which they wrote in answer to this heathen adversary,
have all undergone the same fate, and are, in like manner,
to the great damage both of divine and human knowledge,
wholly lost, excepting only some few scraps of Methodius,
preserved in quotations out of him by John Damascen and
Nicetas. For, were these still extant, especially that of Apol-
lonarius,^ who wrote with the greatest exactness of the three,
no doubt, much more of those authors would have been pre-
served in citations from them than we now have of Ihem,
there being at present no other remains of those ancient his-
torians (excepting Polybius and Diodorus Siculus) but what
we have in Jerome's comments on Daniel, and his proem to
them.

Jerome and Porphyry exactly agree in their explication of
the eleventh chapter of Daniel,*^ till they come to the twenty-
first verse. For what follows from thence to the end of the
chapter was all explained by Porphyry to belong to Antiochus
Epiphanes, and to have been all transacted in the time of his
reign. But Jerome here differs from him, and saith, that
most of this, as well as some parts of the eighth and twelfth
chapters of the same book, relate principally to Antichrist ;
that, although some particulars in these prophecies bad a
typical completion inAntiochus Epiphanes, yet they wereali
of them wholly and ultimately fultilled only in Antichrist; and
this, he saith, was the general sense of the fathers of the Chris-
tian church in his time. And he explains it by a parallel
taken from the seventy-first Psalm, (that is, the seventy-
second, according to the Septuagint,) which in some parts ©f

u Who Claudius Theon and Andronicus Alypius wel^, oi- of what (imes
they wrote, we have no account.

X Hieronymus in Dan. xi. 1, 2, 3, &.C.

y For he was contemporary with Galen, who lived in that time. Suidas
in Kjtxwv/Koc.

7. Suidas, ibid. a Hieronymus in Proeenaio praedicto.

b Philostorgius, lib. 8, c. 14.

c Hieronymus in comment, ad Dan xi. 21, &. in P-toceniio ad Comment,
predict.

A4ii •iw.YiP'.XION OF THE HISTORY OP [pART 11.

}t was typically true of" Solomon, and therefore it is called a
psaitn lor Solomon, but was wholly and ultimately only so of
Christ. And therefore he would have these prophecies which
are in Daniel viii. 9—12,23—26; xi.21— 45; xii. 6— 13, to
be fulfilled in the sanrie manner, that is, in part and typically
in Antiochus, but wholly and ultimately only in Antichrist.
The truth of the matter seems to be this, that as much of
these prophecies as relate to the wars of the king of the
North and the king of the South, (that is, the king of Syria
and the king of Egypt) was wholly and ultimately fulfilled in
those wars; but as much of these prophecies as related to
the profanation and persecution which Antiochus Epiphanes
brought upon the Jewish church was all typically fulfilled in
them ; but they were to have their ultimate and thorough
completion only in those profanations and persecutions which
Antichrist was to bring upon the church of Christ in after
times.

One particular mentioned in these prophecies of Daniel,
and fulfilled under Antiochus, is especially taken notice of, as
typifying in him what was to happen under Antichrist in after
times, that is, the profanation of the temple at Jerusalem, and
the ceasing of the daily sacrifices in it. This Daniel said was
to continueybr a time, and times, and an half of time, '^ this is
three years and an half, a time in that place signifying a year,
and times two years, and an half of a time an half year, as all
agree; and so long, Josephus tells us.^ the profanation of the
temple and the interrupting of the daily sacrifices in it lasted,
that is, from the coming of Apoilonius, and his profanation of
the said temple,^ io the purifying of it, and the new dedica-
tion of that and the new altar in it by Judas MaccabsBus.s
This prophecy, therefore,was primarily and typically fulfilled
in that profanation and new dedication of the temple and
altar at Jerusalem : but its chief and ultimate completion
was to be in that profanation of the church of Christ which
it was to suffer under the reign of Antichrist for the space of
those twelve hundred and sixty days mentioned in the Reve-
lation.'' For those days there signify so many years, and three
years and an half, reckoning them by months of thirty days
length, make just twelve hundred and sixty days. These
days, therefore, literally understood, make the three years
and an half, during which the profanation and persecution of
Antiochus remained in the church of the Jews ; and the same,

U Daniel j\\. 7.

e In Praefatione ad Historiam de Bello Judaico, & in ipsa Historia, lib. 1,
r. 1; lib. 6,c. 11.

I 1 Maccab. i. 29 — 40. 2 Maccab. v. 24—26.

2; 1 Maficab iv. 41— 60-, h Rev. xi. 3 ; lii. 6^

BOOK in.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 449

mystically understood, make the twelve hundred and sixty
years during which the profanation and persecution of Anti-
christ was to remain in the church of Christ, at the end
whereof the church of Christ is to be cleansed and purified of
all the profanations ai.d pollutions of Antichrist, in the same
manner as at the end of three years and an half the temple
at Jerusalem was ch ansedand punfiedfromalltheprofanations
and pollutions of Antiochus. One objection against this is,
that Daniel, (xii. 1 1,) reckons the duration of this profana-
tion by the number of twelve hundred and ninety days,
which can neither be applied to the days of the profanation
of Antiochus nor to those of Antichrist, for it exceeds
both by the number of thirty. Many things may be
said for the probable solving of this difficulty, but 1 shall
olfer at none of them. Those that shall live to see the ex-
tirpation of Antichrist, which will be at the end of those
years, will best be able to unfold this matter, it being of
the nature of such prophecies not thoroughly to be under-
stood till they are thoroughly fulfilled.

But in the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, all the prophecies
of Daniel that were concerning him, or any other of the Ma-
cedonian kings that reigned either in Egypt or Asia, having,
as far as they related only to them, a full ending, 1 shall here
also end this book.

THE

OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS

CONNECTED, &c.

BOOK rv.

ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES being dead, was succeeded
^ in the kingdom b) Antiochus his son, a reiinor of nine
judai Mac- years old.* Before his death, he called to hinrj"
'^ "" ' Philip, a favourite of his, aiid one of (hose who had
been brought up with him, and constituting him regent of
the Syrian empire, during the minority of his son, delivered
to him his crown, his signet, and all other his ensigns of
royalty, giving him in especial charge carefully to bring up
his son in such manner as should best qualify him to reign.
But when Philip came to Antioch, he found this oflice there
usurped by another. For Lysias, as soon as he heard of the
death of Epiphanes, took Antiochus his son, who was then
under his care, and placed him on the throne, giving him the
name of Antiochus Eupator, and assumed to himself the tuition
of his person, and the government of his kingdom, without
any regard had to the appointment of the dead king.' And
Philip, finding himself too weak to contend with him about
it, fled into Egypt, hoping there to have such assistance as
should enable him to make good his claim to that which Ly-
sias had usurped from him.*^

At this time Ptolemy Macron,** governor of Coelo-Syria
and Phoenicia, from being a great enemy to the Jews, be-
coming their friend, remitted of the rigour of his persecutions
against them, and, as far as in him lay, endeavoured to have
peace made with them; which handle being laid hold of by some
the courtiers to accuse him before the king, they set very

a Appianus ia Syriacis. Euseb. in Chron. 1 Maccab. vi. 17. 2 Maccab.
is. 29 ; X. 10, 11. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 14.

b 1 Maccab. vi. 17. 2 Maccab. x. 11. Appian & Joseph, ibid.
c 2 Maccab. ix. 29 d 2 Maccab. x. 1 1—13.

THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS CONNECTED. 451

hard upon him, calling him traitor at every word, because,
having been trusted by Ptolemy Philometor with the govern-
ment of Cyprus, he had gone over to Antiochus Epiphanes,
and treacherously delivered up ihat island unto him : for it
seems, how beneficial soever the treason was, the traitor was
still odious unto them for it. Whereon he was deprived of
his government, and L)sias was placed in it in his stead ; and,
no other station bemg assigned him where he might be sup-
ported with honour, or suthciency of maintenance suitable to
his degree, he could not bear this fall, and therefore poisoned
himself and died. Ar.d this was an end which his treachery
to his former master, and the great hand he had in the cruel
and unjust persecution of the Jews siilhciently deserved.

hi the interim, Judas Maccaba^.us was not idle: for hearing
how the neighbouring nations of the heathen had confederated
to destroy the whole race of Israel, and had already begun it
by cutting off as many of them as were within their power,
(as hath been above mentioned.) he marched out with his
forces to be revenged on them i*^ and whereas the Edomites
had been the forwardest in this conspiracy, and, having joined
with Gorgias, who was governor for the king of Syria in the
parts thereabout, and had done them much mischief,*" he be-
gan first with them, and, having fallen into that part of their
country which was called Acrahattene, he there slew of them
no fewer than twenty thousand men. 2 From thence he led
themagainst the children of Bean, another tribe of the Edom-
ites that had been very troublesome to them . and, having
beaten them out of the field, shut them up in two of their
strongest fortresses ; and, after having besieged them there
for some time, at length took them both, and put all he found
in them to the sword, who were above twenty thousand
more.*^ Some few were saved from this carnage by bribing
some of the soldiers to let them escape; but Judas, havin**-
gotten knowledge of it, convicted them of the treachery
before the rest of the people of the Jews that were with him,
and caused them to be put to death for it.*

After this Judas passed over Jordan into the land of the
Ammonites, where he had many conflicts with the enemies
of the Jews; and, having slam great numbers of them, took
Jazar, with the villages belonging thereto, and then returned
again into Judea.''

Timotheus, who was governor for the king of Syria in
those parts, the same whom Judas had overcome two years

e 1 Maccab. v. 1, 2. f 2 Maccab. x. 14, 15.

g 1 Maccab. v. 3. 2 Maccab. x. 16, 17.

h 1 Maccab. v. 4, 6. 2 Maccab. x. 18—23.

i 3 Maccab, x. 21, 22, k I Maccab. v. 6— -8

452 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART 11.

before, being much exasperated by this inroad made upon his
province, gathered together all the forces he was able, even
a very great army both of horse and foot, and with them in-
vaded Judea, purposing no less than utterly to destroy the
whole nation of the Jews. Whereon Judas went forth with
his army to meet him, and having all, with humble supplica-
tion and earnest prayer, recommended their cause to God,
in confidence of his merciful assistance, engaged these nume-
rous forces with such courage and vigour, that they overthrew
them with a great slaughter, there being then slain of them
twenty thousand five hundred foot, and six hundred horsemen.
Whereon Timotheus fled to Gazara, a city of the tribe of
Ephraim near the field of battle, where Chereas his brother
was governor. Judas, pursuing them thither, beset the place ;
and, having taken it on the fifth day, there slew Timotheus,
Chereas his brother, and Apollophanes, another prime leader
of the army.'

The heathen nations that lived about t!ie land of Gilead
hearing of this overthrow, and the death of so many of their
friends that were slain in it, for the revenge hereof, gathered
together with purpose to cut off and destroy all the Jews in
those parts :'" and, falling first on those that dwelt in the land
of Tob, which lay to the east of Gilead, slew one thousand
men of them, took their goods for a spoil, and carried their
wives and children into captivity. VVhereon most of the
other Jews that dwelt in those parts, for the avoiding of the
like ruin, tied to a strong fortress in Gilead called Dalhema,
and there resolved to defend (heinselves : which the heathen
hearing of, forthwith drew thither in a great body, under the
command of another Timotheus, the successor, and most
likely the son of the former Timotheus that was slain at Ga-
zara, to besiege them. At the sarne time the inhabitants of
Tyre, Sidon, Ptolemais, and the other heathen thereabout.
were drawing together, to cut ofTand destroy all the Jews of
Galilee, in tlie same manner as had been attempted in Gilead. °
Judas being hereon sent to for help both from Gilead and Ga-
lilee on this exigency, by the advice of the sanhedrim, or ge-
neral council of the Jews, whom he consulted on this occa-
sion, divided his army into three parts." With the first part,
consisting of eight thousand men, he and Jonathan his brother
marched for the relief of the Gileadites f with the second,
consisting of three thousand, Simon, another of his brotliers,
was sent into Galilee ;P and the rest were left at Jerusalem,
under the command of Joseph and Azarias, two prime lead-

1 2 Maccab. x. 24— 3S. m 1 Maccab. v. 9— I'i.

n 1 Maccab. v. 13, 14- o 1 Maccab. v. 16, 17

10 1 Maccab. v. 20

liOOK IV.] TilK OLD AND KEVV TESTAMEX'i ,i. 453

ers, for the defence of that place and the country adjacent,
to whom Judas gave strict charge not to engage with any of
the enemy, hut to stand wholly on the defensive, till he and
Simon should be again returned.'*

Judas and Jonathan passing over Jordan, in their way
from thence to Gilead, marched through some part of the
country of the Nabatheans 5 with whom having peace, they
learned from them the great distress which their friends were
then in ; for tiot only those in Dathema were hardly pressed
hy a strict siege, but ail the rest of the Jewish nation that
were in Bossora, Bosor, Casphon, Maked, and the other
cities of Gilead, were there closely shut up and imprisoned,
with intention, on the taking of the fortress of Dathema, to
have them all put to death in one day.'' Whereon Judas and
Jonathan, immediately falling on Bossora, surprised the city,
and, having slain all the males, taken their spoils, and freed
their brethren who were there imprisor.ed for slaughter, set
the city on tire ; and then, m.arching all night from thence
towards Dathema, came thither tlic nest morning, just as Ti-
motheus and all his forces were storming the place ; where-
on, falling on them behind, they put them all to the rout;
for, being surprised with this sudden and unexpected assault,
and terrified with the name of Judas, they were seized with
a panic fright, and therefore immediately flung down their
arms and fled ; and Judas slew of them in the pursuit about
eight thousand men. After this, Judas took Maspha, Cas-
phon, Maked, Bosor, and all the other cities of Gilead where
the Jews were oppressed; and, having thereby delivered
them from the destruction designed for them, he treated all
those places in the same manner as he had Bossora, that is,
slew all the males, took their spoils, and iet the cities on fire,
and then returned to Jerusalem.

And Simon's success in Galilet! was not much inferifir : foi-,
on his coming into that country, he had there miijy conflicts
and encounters with the enemy, in all which carrying the
victory, he at length drove all those oppressors out of the
country, and, having pursued them to the very gates of Pto-
lemais, slew of them in that pursuit about three thousand
men, and took their spoils. But, finding that the Jews of
those parts could not well be any longer there protected, by
reason of the great number of their enemies in the regions
round about them, and the difliculty of succouring them at
so great a distance from Jerusalem, he gathered them all to-
gether, men, women, and children, with their stuff and all
other their substance, to carry them with hira into the land

l 1 Maccab. v. 18, 19- r 1 Maccab. v. 24-r36.

y''>t, H. 58

454 co»]srfiX!ON ov the history of [part li.

of Judab, where, being nearer to the protection of their bre-
thren, they might live under it in better security. And he
having accordingly, on his return, brought them thither with
him, they were disposed of for the repeopHng those places
which had been desolated by the enemy during the persecu-
tion of Antiochus Epiphanes.^

Thus the two parties, that were sent forth on the two ex-
peditions mentioned, had both full success in them, and re-
turned with honour and triumph. But it did nftt so happen
to the third party that was left at home. For Joseph and
Azarias, who were intrusted with the command of them,
hearing of the noble exploits which Judas and Jonathan did
in Gilead, and Simon in Galilee, thought to get them also a
name by doing the like ; and therefore, contrary to the orders
that had been strictly given them by Judas on his departure,
not to fight with any till he and Simon should be again re-
turned, led forth their forces in an ill-projected expedition
against Jamnia, a sea-port on the Mediterranean, thinking to
take the place. But Gorgias, who commanded in those parts
for the king of Syria, falling upon ihem, put their whole army
to flight, and slew of them in the pursuit about two thousand
men. Thus this rash attempt, made contrary to orders given,
ended in the confusion of those that undertook it.*^ But Ju-
das and his brothers, for their noble deeds and many valiant
exploits, grew greatly renowned in the sight of all Israel, and
also amtjng the heathen wherever their names were heard of.'*

Demetrius, the son of Seleucus Philopater, who had, fronj
the year in which his father died, been an hostage at Rome^
and was now grown up to the twenty-third year of his age,
hearing of the death of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the succes-
sion of Eupator his son in the kingdom of Syria, which of
right belonged to him, as son of the elder brother of Epi-
phanes, moved the senate for the restoring of him to his fa-
ther's kingdom ; and, for the inducing them hereto, alleged,
that having been bred up in that city from his childhood, he
should always look on Rome as his country, the senators as
his fathers, and their sons as his brothers. But the senate,
having more regard to their own interest than to the right of
Demetrius, judged it would be more for the advantage of the
Romans to have a boy reign in Syria than a thorough grown
man, and one of mature understanding, as Demetriu.s was then
known to be ; and therefore decreed for the confirming of
Eupator in the kingdom, and sent Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucre-
tius, and L. Aurelius, ambassadors into Syria, there to settle
i>is aftairs, and regulate them according to the articles of the

s 1 Macc.ab. v. 21- 23- l 1 Maccab. v. 55—62

IX 1 Mfif^caV. V. »i3*

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NKW TESTAMENTS. 455

peace which they had made with Antiochus the Great, his
grandfather.^

Lysias, having received an account of the expioits of the
Jews in Gilead and Galilee, was thereby much exas-
perated ajt;ainst them ; and therefore, for the reven- Judas kad
ging hereof, having gotten together an army of eighty
thousand men, with all the horse of tlie kingdom, and eighty
elephants, marched with ail this power to invade Jndea, pur-
posing to make Jerusalem an habitation for the Gentiles, and
to make a gain of the temple as of the other temples of the
hPBthen, and to set the high-priesthood to sale ; and, being
entered the country, he began the war with the siege of
Bethsura, a strong fortress lying between Jerusalem and
Idumea, which hath been betore spoken of. But there Judas
falling upon him, slew of his army eleven thousand foot, and
sixteen hundred horsemen, and put ail the rest to flight.
Whereon Lysias, growing weary of so unprosperous a war,
came to terms of peace with Judas and his people, and An-
tiochus ratified the same, in which matter the Jews found Q.
Memmius and T. Manlius, who were then ambassadors from
the Romans in Syria, to be very friendly and helpful to them.
By the terms of this peace, the decree of Antiochus Epiphanes
for the obliging of the Jews to conform to the religion of (he
Greeks was wholly rescinded, and liberty was granted them
every where to live according to their own laws. This treaty
was managed on the part of Judas by two Jews, named John
and Absalom, whom he sent to Lysias with his demands. ^
The letter which Lysias wrote back in answer hereto bore
date in the month Diuscorinthius,'^ (or, as in the vulgar Latin,
Dioscorus) in the year 148. But there is no such name of a
month to be found either in the Syro-Macedonian, or in any
other calendar of those times. Scaliger* and archbishop
Usher** conjecture, that it was an intercalary month cast in
between the months Dystrus and Xanthicus in the Chaldean
calendar, in the same manner as the month Veadar was cast
in between the months Adar and Nisan in the Jewish calen-
dar. And they are the more confirmed in this opinion, be-
cause the month Xanthicus, which seems to have followed
immediately after the said month called Dioscorinthius, or
Dioscorus, (for all the other letters and instruments that after
followed relating to this peace are dated in the month Xan-
thicus in the same year,) answered to the Jewish month Ni-

X Polyb. legat. 107, p. 937. Justin, lib. 34, c. 3. Appiau. in Syriacis.
y 2 Maccab. xi. 1—38. z 3 Maccab. si. 21.'

a De Emendatione Teraporum, lib. 2, c. cle Period© Svro-Macedonuai>
p, 98.
b In Annalibus sub anno J. P. 4551 .

4o6 CO.NXEXtO.V OP THE HISTORY OF [PART II*

san, and, beginning about the same time with it, was the first
month of" the spring among the Sjrians, as Nisan was among
the Jews. But neither the Syrians, Macedonians, nor Chal-
deans, having any such intercalary month in their year, it
seems more hkely, that Dioscorinthius, or Dioscorus, was a
corrupt writing for Dystrus (the month immediately prece-
ding Xanthicus in the Syro-AIacedonian calendar,} made by
the error of the scribes. If any one will say, that the month
Dius among the Corinthians did answer to the month Dystrus
of the Syro-Macedonians, because Dais among the Bithyni-
ansdid so •,'^ and that, for this reason, it is in the place above
eited called A«o« Ko^ivho^, I have nothing to say against it, be-
cause it is not any where said, that I know of, what form the
Corinthians framed their year by. And it is further to be
taken notice of, that, whereas the dates of all the instruments
concerning this peace, as registered in the places cited,*^ are
in the 148th year of the Seleucidae, this is to be understood
according to the style of Chaldea, and not according to the
style of Syria. For the style of Chaldea began one year
after the style of Syria, as hath been before observed f and
therefore, what is here said to have been done in the 143th
year of the Chaldean reckoning, was in the 149th year of the
Syrian. And whereas, in the Chronological 'J'able at the end
of this work, the 150th year, and not the 149th year, of the
era of the Seleucidai, is put over against the 1 G3d } ear before
Christ, under which I place this treaty, it is not to be under-
stood that these two years run parallel with each other from
beginning to end, so as exactly to answer each other in every
part, but only, that the said 150th year had its beginning in
the said lG3d year before Christ, though not at the same time
with it ; for the Julian year, by which 1 reckon the years
before Christ, begins from the tirst of January ; but the years
of the era of the Seleucida?, according to the reckoning of
the first book of Maccabees, did not begin till about the time
of the vernal equinox, three months after, and, according to
the reckoning of the second book of Maccabees, not till about
the time of the autumnal equinox, nine months after. And
therefore the said three months of the 163d year before
Christ, which precede the beginning of the 150th year, ac-
cording to the reckoning of the first book of Maccabees, and
the said nine months of the same 163d year before Christ,
which precede the beginning of the same 150th year, accord-
ing to the reckoning of the second book of Maccabees, are
not to be accounted to the said 150th year, but to the year

c Vide Jacobum Ussenum Anaachanum de Macedonum &. Asianorum
Anno Solari, c. 4.

d 2 Maccab. xi. 21, 33,38, p Fait 1, book 8, sub annis 312, 311,

BOOK IV.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 457

preceding, thai is, to the 149th year according to the style of
Syria, which was the l43th year according to the style of
Chaldea. And what is said in this place of this 163d year
before Christ, and of the said 150th year of the era of the
Seleuciciae. is to be understood of all the rest of the years of
the said two eras as placed against each other in the said
tables, for they no otherwise answer each other than is here
expressed.

But this peace £jranted the Jf ws was not long lived,
Thoae^ whogi'Verned ui the neighboming places round about
them, not being piea^<'d with it, broke it as soon as Lysias
was gone again to Antioch, and look ail opportunities to
Tiiiu'.w their t'ormer vexations against them, among whom Ti-
molheus, Ni» anor, and Apollouius, the son of Cennaeus, were
the most tbrward and active in troubling them. But that
war was tirst begun by the men of Joppa ; for they having
there drowned in the sea two hundred of the Jews that dwelt
among them in that city, Judas, for the revenging of this cru-
elty, fell upon them by night, and burned their shipping,
slaying all those whom he found therein ;° and then turning
upon the Jamnites, who intended to do the like, he set tire to
their haven, and burned all their navy, that was there laid up
in it.*"

After this he was called again to help the Jews of Gilead
against i imotheus.' In his march thither, he was encoun-
tered by some of the Nomad, or wandering Arabs ; but, he
having vanquished them, they were forced to sue for peace ;
which Judas having graiited to them, marched on against Ti-
motheus -^^ but meeting with obstructions in his march, from
the men of Caspis, a city that lay in his way, he fell upon
them, and, having taken their city, slew the inhabitants, took
their spoils, and destroyed the phice.^ After this he came to
Caraca in the land of Tob ; but tii»ding that Timotheus was
gone from thence, leaving strong garrisons in the fenced places
of that country, he sent Dositheus and Sosipator, two of his
captains, with a detachment against those garrisons, and he
himself marched with the main army to find out Timotheus.™
Dositheus and Sosipator soon aiade themselves masters of
those fenced places which they were sent against, and slew
those that were garrisoned in them to the number of tea
thousand men. In the meanwhile Timotheus, having drawn
all his forces together, to the number of one hundred and
twenty thousand foot, and twenty-five hundred horse, sent

m 2 Maccab. xii. 17 — 19.

i" 2 Maccab. xii. 2 — 4. g 2 Maccab. xii. 5, 6,

h 2 Maccab. xii. 8, 9. i 2 Maccab. xii. 10.

k 2 Maccab. xii. 11. 12. 12 Maccab. xii. 13— ]«

458 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PAET U,

the women and children that followed the army, with the
baggage, into Carnion, a strong city in Gilead, and then pitch-
ed his camp not far from it, at a place called Raphon, lying
on the river Jabboc. There Judas having found him, with
his numerous army, passed over the river, and fell upon him ;
and, having gained the victory, slew of his army thirty thou-
sand men ;° and Timotheus himself, as he fled, falling into
the hands of Dositheus and Sosipator, then reUirning from
their conquests in the land of Tob to the rest of the avmy , was
taken prisoner by them. But having promised, for the saving
of his life, the release of many Jews then captives in the
places under his command, who were several of them parents
or brothers to some then present in the Jewish army, upon
this condition they gave him both his life and his liberty, and
permitted him to go freely otf." A great part of the rest of
the vanquished army fled to Carnion, where Judas pursuing
them, took the place ;P and whereas many of them thereon
fled to the temple of Atargatis,i which was in that city, thmk-
ing there to find safety, "" he set fire to it, and burned it with
all that were therein, and then, with fire and sword desolating
the rest of the city, there slew in the whole twenty-five
thousand more of Timotheus's forces that had taken refuge
in it. And then gathering together all of the race of Israel
that were in the land of Gilead, or any of the parts adjoining,
he carried them with him, in his return to Judea, in the same
manner and for the same reason that Simon had the Israelites
of Galilee the year before, and, for the same end as he did,
planted them in the desolated places of the land of Judah.*
But, being in his way thitherto pass through Ephron, which
lay directly in the road, so as not to afford any other passage
either to the right-hand or the left, through which he might
else march his army, he was necessitated to take his way
through the city itself;' but it being a great and strong city,
and well garrisoned by Lysias, they refused him passage,
though he prayed it of them in a peaceable manner: where-

n 1 Mdccab. v. 37—43. 2 Maccab. xii. 20 -23.

o 2 iMa. cab. xii. 24, 25.

p This city, in the first book of Maccabees, is called Carnaim. Strabo
and Ptolemy make mention of it by the name of Carno. a city in Arabia.

q This deity is by Straho (lib. 16, p. 748,) said to be a Syrian goddess.
Pliny (lib. 5, c. 23,) saith, that she aas the same with Dorcelo ; and he (ells
us (c. 13,) that she was worshipped at Joppa ifi Phoenicia Diodorus Sicu-
lus (lib 2,) saith, that she was worshipped at Ascalon, and was there repre-
sented by an image having the form of a woman in the upperpar, and that
of a fish in the lower part. Hence this deity is conjectured to have been
the same with Dagon of the Philistines. See Selden de Diis Syris, syntag.
2, c. 3.

r 1 Maccab. v. 44. 2 Maccab. xii. 26.

s 1 Maccab. v. 45.

^ 1 Maccab. v. 46 — 51. 2 Maccab. sii. 27, 2P.

UOOK IV.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 4BQ

on he assaulted the place, and, having taken it by storm, put
all the males to the sword, to the number of twenty-five
thousand persons, took their spoils, and razed the city to the
ground, and then, marching over the bellies of the slam, re-
passed Jordan into the plains of Bethsan, then called Scy=
thopolis ; * and from thence returning to Jerusalem, he and
all his company went up to the temple in great joy to give
thanks unto God for the great success with which he had been
pleased to prosper this expedition, aud especially for that
they were all of them returned in safety, without losing any
one man of all their whole number, notwithstanding the ha-
zardous march and the many dangerous enterprises they had
been engaged in, which was a very extraordinar) instance of
God's merciful protection over them.^ This their return
happened about the time of Pentecost."

After the festival was over, Judas led forth his forces again
to make war upon Gorgias and the Idumeansi, who had beea
very vexatious to the Jews.^ In the battle which he fought
with them several of the Jews were slain •/ but in the result
Judas got the victory, and Gorgias, difficultly escaping, fled
to Marisa. The next day after being the sabbath, Judas
withdrew with his forces to Odollam, a city near the field of
battle, there to keep the day in all the duties of it.^ The
next day following, gomg forth to bury such of their brethren
as were slain in the battle, they found about every one of
them some of the things that had been dedicated to the idols
of the heathen f which, though taken by them among the
spoils of that war, were forbidden by the law to be kept by
them ;^ whereby perceiving for what cause God had given
them up to be slain, Judas and all his company gave praise
unto him, and humbly offered up their prayers for the pardon
of the sin. And then making a collection through the whole
camp, which amounted to two thousand drachms, sent it to
Jerusalem to provide sin-offerings, there to be offered up for
the expiciting of this offence, that wrath for it might not fall
upon the whole congregation of Israel, as formerly it had in
the case of Achan.

After this Judas,*^ carrying the war into the southern parts
of Idumea, smote Hebron and all the towns thereof; and,
after having dismantled this city, then the metropolis of Idu-
mea, he passed from thence into the land of the Philistines ;
and, having taken Azotus, formerly called Ashdod, he pulled

s 1 Maccab. v. 52. 2 Maccab. xii. 29—31. t 1 Maccab. v. 64.

u 2 Maccab. sii.31.

X 1 Maccab. v. 65. 2 Maccab. xii. 32, 33. y 2 Maccab. xii. 33—37.

z 2 Maccab. xii. 38. a 2 Maccab. xii. 39—45,

H Deut. vii. 25,26. <; 1 Maccab. vi. 19, 20.

460 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [pART 11.

down their heathen altars, burned their carved images, and
took the spoils of the place ; and, having done the same to
the rest of the cities of that country over which he had pre-
vailed, he led back his men, loaded with the spoils of their
enemies, again into Judea.

But the garrison of the Syrians still holding the fortress of
Acra in Jerusalem, they were a great thorn in the sides of
the Jews, often sallying out upon them as they passed up to
the temple to worship, and cutting several of them oiK as often
as they had the advantage so to do. Wherefore Judas, for the
removal of this mischief, called all the people together, and
laid siege to the place, purposing to destroy it ; and, iti order
hereto, having provided all manner of engines of war (it for
the purpose, he pressed on hard all the methods of assault
whereby he might take it.*^ Hereon some of the apostate
Jews who had listed themselves in (he garrison, knowing they
were to have no mercy, should the place be taken, found
means to get forth, and, flying to Antioch, there made known
to the king and his council the dis(ress which this garrison at
Jerusalem was in,® and moved so etFectually for their relief,
that forthwith an army was draw^n together of one hundred
thousand foot, and twenty thousand horse, with thirty-two
elephants, and three hundred armed chariots of war; and the
king in person, with his tutor Lysias, havinj^ put himself at the
head of them, marched with them into Judea, and, passing on
to the borders of Idumea, there began the war with the siege
of Bethsura.*^ Judas, having gotten his forces together,
though far inferior to those of the enemy, there fell on them
in the night, and, having slain four thousand of them before
they had light enough to see where to oppose him, and there-
by put the whole camp into confusion, he retreated, on break
of day, without sutfering any loss in the attempt.^ But, as
soon as morning was up, both sides prepared for an open
battle, and Judas and his men, with great fierceness, began
the onset;'' but, after having slain about six hundred of the
king's men, finding they must be overpowered at length by so
great a number, they withdrew from the fight, and made a safe
retreat to Jerusalem.' In this fight Eleazar,*^ surnamed Ave-
ran, one of Judas's brothers, was lost by a very rash and
desperate attempt which he made upon one of the king's ele-
phants. For, seeing it to be higher than all the rest, and
armed with royal harness; he supposed that the king himself

d 1 Maccab. vi. 2S— 31 2 Maccab. siii. I, 2, 9.

e 1 Maccab. vi. 2. Maccab. viii. 16—17.

f 1 Maccab. v. 65—68. g 1 Maccab. vi. 21—27-

h 1 Maccab. vi. 33 — 42. i 1 Maccab. vi. 47-

k 1 Maccab. vi. 43—46.

BOOK IV. j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEJfTS, 46 j

was upon it ; and therefore thinking, that, by slaying this
elephant, he might with the fall of it cause the death of the
king also, and thereby deliver his people, and gain to himself
a perpetual name, he ran furiously to the beast, slaying on
each hand all that stood in his way, till, being gotten under
its bellj, he thrust up his spear and slew him; whereon the
beast falling dead upon him, crushed him to death with the
weight thereof. After this Antiochus returned to the siege
of B.thsura ; and, although the besieged defended themselves
with great valour, and in several sallies beat back the enemy,
and burned their engines of battery, yet at length, their pro-
visions failmg them, they were forced to yield, and surren-
der the place upon articles of safety to their persons and
effects.'

From thence Antiochus marched to Jerusalem, and there
besieged the sanciuary ;"' and, when they within were almost
reduced to the same necessity of surrendering that those of
Bethsura had been, by reason of the like failure of provisions,
they were relieved by an unexpected accident. For Lysias,
hitving received an account, that Philip, whom Antiochus
Epiphanes had at his death appointed guardian of his son,
had, in his absence, seized Antioch, and there taken upon
him the government of the Syrian empire," he found it ne-
cessary to make peace with the Jews, that he might thereby
be at liberty to return into Syria for expelling of this intru-
der; and accordingly peace being granted to them upon ho-
nourable and advantageous conditions, and sworn to by
Antiochus, he was admitted within the fortifications of the
sanctuary ;° but, when he saw how strong they were, he
caused them, contrary to the articles he had sworn to, to be
all pulled down and demolished, and then returned towards
Syria.P

Menelaus the high-priest, in expectation not only of reco-
vering his station at Jerusalem, but also of being made go-
vernor there, accompanied the king in this expedition, and was
very forward and busy in offering him his service in it against
his own people. 'I But Lysias, when he found what great incon-
veniences attended this war, and was, by the ill consequen-
ces of it, forced to make the peace I have mentioned, being
much exasperated against this wretch, as the true and origi-
nal author of all this mischief, accused him to the king for
it ; whereon he was condemned to death, and, being carried

1 1 Maccab. vi. 49, 50. 2 Maccab. xii. 18 — 22.
m 1 Maccab. vi. 48, 51 — 54.
n 1 Maccab. vi. 55, 56. 2 Maccab, xiii. 23.

o 1 Maccab. vi. 57—61. p 1 Macca^^. vi. 62,

q 2 Maccab. xiii. 3->-S.
VOL. II. 59

462 CONNEXION OP THE MISTORV OF [VAIIT I.'.

to Berhcea,* a city of Syria, was there cast headlong into a
tower of ashes which was in that place, and there miserably
perished. This was a punishment then used for sacrilege,
treason, and such other great crimes which this wretch was
very signally guilty of: in what manner it was executed hath
been before described. On his death, the office of high-
priest was granted to Alcimus, who was called also Jacimus,
a man altogether as wicked/ Whereon Onias, the son of
thatOnias, who, by the procurement of Menelau?, was slain
at Antioch, whose right itwasto havesucceeded in this office,
not being able to bear the injustice whereby he was disap-
pointed of it, fled from Antioch, where he had hitherto resi-
ded since his father's death, and went into Egypt ; where,
having insinuated himself into the favour of Ptolemy Phi-
lometor, and Cleopatra his queen, he lived there all the rest
of his life, and will hereafter more than once be again spoken
of in the future series of this history.*^

This expedition into Judea is said, in the second book of
Maccabees," to have been begun in the 149th year, that is,
of the era of the Seleucids, and, in the first book of Macca-
bees, its beginning is placed in the 150th of same era.^ But
what hath been before observed, that the first book of Mac-
cabees reckons the beginning of these years from the time of
the vernal equinox, and (he second book of Maccabees from
the time of the autumnal equinox, easily reconciles this dif-
ference ; for the six months of this very same year which
were between these two equinoxes will be in the 150th year,
according to the reckoning of the first book of Maccabees,
and in the 149th, according to the reckoning of the second.
And therefore all that can be inferred from hence is, that this
expedition was first made within the time of these six months,
and I reckon it was so towards the latter end of them.

On the king's return to Antioch, Philip was driven thence
and suppressed-^ I have before mentioned the flight of this
Philip into Egypt, in expectation there to be assisted against
Lysias. But the two brothers who there Jointly reigned at this
time, being then fallen out, and at great variance with each other,
he found nothing could be there done for him ; and therefore
returning again into the East, and having there gathered toge-
ther an army out of Media and Persia, took the advantage of
the king's absence on this expedition into Judea to seize the
imperial city, but, being on the king's return again expelled

r The same that is now called Aleppo.

s 2 Maccab. xiv. 3. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 15 ; lib. 20, c. 8.

t .Tosephus, ibid. u 2 Maccab, xiii. 1.

X 1 Maccab. vi. 26.

y 1 Mnrrab. vi, f>!?. .Toseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 3^.

«00K IV.] THE OLI> AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 4Go

thence, he failed of success in this attempt, and perished
in it.^

The variance between the two Ptolemies in Egypt, which
1 have last above mentioned, running to a great height, the
senate of Rome wrote to their ambassadors Cneius Octavius,
Spurius Lucretius, and Lucius AureHus, whom they had a
little before sent into Syria, to pass from thence to Alexandria
for the composing of it.* But, before they could go thither,
Physcon, the younger brother, prevailing over Philometor,
the elder, had driven him out of the kingdom.*^ Whereon,
taking shipping for Italy, he landed at Brundusium, and from
thence travelled to Rome on foot in a sordid habit, and, with
a mean attendance, there to pray the help of the senate for
his restoration.*^ Demetrius,*^ the son of Seleucus Philopa-
ter, late king of Syria, who was then an hostage at Rome, as
above mentioned, having gotten notice hereof, provided a
royal equipage, and royal robes for him, that he might appear
at Rome as a king, and rode forth to carry all this to him ;
but, on his meeting him on the road, at twenty-six miles dis-
tance from Rome, and presenting him with it, Ptolemy,
though he very much thanked him for the kindness and res-
pect hereby offered unto him, yet was so far from accepting
any thing of it, that he would not permit him so much as to
accompany him the remainder of the journey, but entered
Rome on foot, with no other than the same mean attendance
and the same sordid habit with which he first put himself oa
this journey, and took up his lodging in the private house of an
Alexandrian painter then living at Rome. Thus he chose to
do, that, by his coming inso low and mean a manner, he might
the better express the calamity of his case, and the more ef-
fectually move the compassion of the Romans towards him.
As soon as the senate heard of his arrival, they sent for him
to the senate-house, and there excused themselves to him,
that they had not provided him with lodging-, nor received
him with those ceremonies which were usual in this case, tell-
ing him, that this was not from any neglect of theirs, but
merely that his coming was so sudden and private, that they
knew not of it till his arrival. And then, having exhorted
him to lay aside his sordid habit, and ask a day to be publicly
heard concerning the matter he came thither about, they, by
someof their body, conducted him to lodgings suiting his royal
dignity, and appointed one of their treasurers there to attend
him, and provide him with all things fitting at the public
charge, as long as he should stay in Rome. And whenhehad

z 1 Maccab. vi. 56. a Polyb. legat. lOV, p. 938.

b Porpbyrius in Gr«cis Euseb. Scalig. p. 60, 68.

«: Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesir, p. 323. Va! M9J{yn«S, lib. 6, c. 1.

464 CONNEXIOiN OP THE HISTORY OF [pART II.

a day of audience, and made known his case, they immedi-
ately decreed his restoration, and sent Quintus and Canuleius,
two of their body, ambassadors with him to Alexandria, there
to see it executed ; who, on their arrival thither, compounded
the matter between the two brothers, by assigning to Phys-
con the country of Libya and Cyrene, and to Philometor
Egypt and Cyprus, there to reign apart, without interfering
with each other in the government.''

Cn. Octavius, Sp. Lucretius, and L. Aurclius, the Roman
. ,„- ambassadors above mentioned, beiuij come into Syria,

An. 162. 1^1- II- 11 1 • ■ 1 •

Judas Mac- and finding that the kn)gnad more ships in his navy,
*^'*"^ and more elephants in his army, than the treaty
made with Antiochus the Great, after the battle of Mount
Sipylus, allowed him to have, they caused those ships to be
burned, and those elephants to be slain, that exceeded the
number allowed, and settled all other things there according
as they thought would best be for the Roman interest ; which
many not being able to bear, and great heart-burning and dis-
contents being thereby caused among the people, one of them,
called Leptines, out of a more than ordinary indignation
which he had conceived hereat, fell upon Octavius, while he
was anointing himself in the gymnasium at Laodicea, and
there slew him.*^ This Octavius had been a little before con-
sul of Rome, and was the first that brought that dignity into
his family/ From him was descended Octavius Caesar, who,
under the name of Augustus, was afterward made emperor
of Rome. Lysias was thought underhand to have excited
this act. However, as soon as it was done, he took care that
ambassadors were sent to Rome, to purge the king with the
senate from having had any hand in it. But the senate, after
having heard those ambassadors, sent them away without
giving them any answer, seeming thereby to express their
resentment for the murder of their ambassador by an angry
silence, and to reserve their judgment as to the authors of it
to a future inquiry.

Demetrius, thinking this murder of Octavius might so far
have alienated the senate from Eupator, as that they would
no longer for his sake retard his dismission, addressed himself
the second time to them for it.? Apollonius, a young no-
bleman of Syria, who was bred up with him, and son to that
Apollonius who was governor of Coelo-Syria and Phoenicia
in the reign of Seleucus Philopater, advised him to this ad-
dress, contrary to the advice of his other friends, whose opinion

dPolyb.legat. 113. 114, p. 291,298. Epit. Livii, lib. 46. Zouur. lib. 2-
e Appian. in Syria is. Poly, legat. 114, p. 944, ad legal. 122, p. 954. Ci
<^eroni9 Philippic. 9. f Cicero, ibid.

<: Polyb. legat. 114, p. 943. Ap|,ian.in Syriacis. ,Iu«tin. lib. 4, c. 33

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 46i>

was, that he had nothing else to do for his getting away but to
make his escape as privately as he could.'' And the second
repulse which he had from the senate (for they, still having
the same reason for their interest to detain him, persisted still
in the same resolution so to do) soon convinced him, that this
last was the only course he had to take for his return into his
own country, and the recovering of the crown which was
there due unto him. And Polybius the historian, who was
then at Rome, and with whom Demetrius consulted in all
this matter, earnestly pressed him to the attempt. Whereon
having, by the help of Meriithyllus of Aiabanda, hired pas-
sage in a Carthaginian ship, then lying at Ostia, and bound for
Tyre, he sent most of his retinue, with his hunting equipage
to Anagnia, making show of following them the next day
thither to divert himself in that country for some time in
hunting. But, as soon as he was risen from supper, getting
privately that night to Ostia, he there went on board the Car-
thaginian ship, and, causing it forthwith to set sail, made his
escape therein. For, it being thought that he had been at
the place where he had appointed his hunting, it was the
fourth day after he had sailed from Ostia before his escape
was known at Rome ; and, when on (he fifth da} the senate
was met about it, the; computed, that by that tin.i- he had
passed the straits of Messina, and got on from thence in his
voyage too far to be overtaken, and therefore took no further
notice of it. Only !^ome few days alter, they appointed Ti-
berius Gracchus, L. Lentulus. and Serviiiu* GUucias, their
ambassadors, to pass into Syria, to observe what effect
the return^pf Demetrius into that country would there pro-
duce.

The occasion which brought Menithyllus of Aiabanda to
Rome at this time, was an embassy on which he was sent
thither by Ptolemy Philometor to defend his cause before
the senate against Physcon his brother :' for Physcon, not
being contented with the share allotted him in the partition
of the Egyptian empire between him and his brother, desired
that, besides Libya and Cyrenc, he might have Cyprus also
assigned to him. And, when he could not obtain this of the
ambassadors, he went himself to Rome, there to solicit the
senate for it. When he appeared before the senate with his
petition, Menithyllus made it out, that Physcon owed not
only Lybya and Cyrene, but his life also, to the favour and
kindness of his brother. For he had made himself so odious
to the people, by his many flagitious mal-administrations in
the government, that they would have permitted him neither

h I Maccab. ii. 3, 5.

i Polyb. legat p. 941,&.legat. 117, p. 950

466 CONNEXION OP THE UlSTORY OF [PART ii.

to reign nor live, had not Philometor interposed, to save him
from their rage. And Quintus and Canuleius, who were the
ambassadors that made the agreement between the two bro-
thers, being then present in the senate, did there attest all
this to be true; yet, notwithstanding, the senate, having more
Fegard to their own interest than the justice of the cause,
decreed Cyprus to be given to Physcon, because ihey thought
Philometor would be too potent with that and Egypt together :
and therefore they appointed Titus Torquatus and Cneius
Merula to go with him as their ambassadors for the putting
him in possession of it, according as they had decreed.

While Physcon was at Rome on this occasion, he courted
Cornelia, the mother of Gracchi, desiring to have her for his
queen : but, being the daughter of Scipio Africanus, and the
•widow of Tiberius Gracchus, who had been twice consul,
and once censor of Rome, she despised the offer, thinking it
to be a greater honour to be one of the prime matrons of
Rome, than to reign with Physcon in Libya and Cyrene.''

In the interim Demetrius, landing at Tripolis in Syria,
made it believed, that he was sent by the Roman senate to
take possession of the kingdom, and that he would be sup-
ported b> them in it.' Whereon Eupator's cause bemg in the
general opinion given for lost, all deserted from him to De-
metrius ; and Eupator, and Lysias his tutor, being seized by
their own soldiers, in order to be delivered up to the new
corner, were by his order both put to death. And so without
any further opposition he became thoroughly settled in the
whole kingdom.

As soon as Demetrius was fixed on the throne, ^pne of the
first things he did was to deliver the Babylonians from the ty-
ranny of Timarchus and Heraclides. These being the two
great favourites of Antiochus Epiphanes, he made the first
of them governor, and the other treasurer of that province.
Timnrchus having added rebellion to his other crimes, De-
metrius caused him be put to death, and the other he drove
into banishment."" This was so acceptable a deliverance to the
Babylonians, whom these two brothers had most grievously
oppressed, that they from hence called him Soter, that is, the
Saviour ; which name he ever afterward bore.

Alcimus, who, on the death of Menelaus, was by Antio-
chus Eupator appointed high-priest of the Jews," not being
received by them, because he had polluted himself, by con-
forming to the ways of the Greeks in the time of Antiochus

k Plutarch, in Tiberio Graccho.

1 1 Maccab vii. 1 — 4. 2Maccab. xiv. 1,2. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c.
J6. Appianus in Syriacis. Justin. lib, 34, c. 3.
m Appianus in Syriacis. n 2 Maccabees xiv. 3.

r.OOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 467

Epiphanes, got together all the other apostate Jews, then
living at Antioch, who had for their apostacy been expelled
Judea, and went on at the head of them to the new king, to
pray his relief against Judas and his brethren, accusing them
of slaying many of the king's friends, and driving others out
of the country, as particularly they had them his petitioners,
for no other reason, but that they had obeyed the royal edicts
of Antiochus Epiphanes his uncle, who had reigned before
him." At)d hereby he so exasperated Demetrius against Ju-
das and the people with him, that he forthwith ordered Bac-
chides, governor of Mesopotamia, with an army into Judea,
and having contirmed Alcimus in the office of tiitjh-priest,
joined in the same commission with B icchides for the carrying
on of this war.P On their first coming to Judea. they thought
to have circumvented Judas and his brethren, and, by fair
words, under the show of making peace with them, to have
drawn them into their power, and so have taken them. But
they being aware of the fraud, kept out of their reach ; which
others not being so cautious of, fell into their snare, and being
taken in it, were all destroyed by them ; among whom were
sixty of the Asidaeans, and several of the scribes or doctors
of their law. For being fond of having an high-priest again
settled among them, and thinking they could suffer no wrong
from one that was of the sons of Aaron, they took his oath of
peace, and trusted themselves with him. But he had no
sooner gotten them within his power, but he put them all to
death ; with which the rest being terrified, durst no more
confide in him. After this Bacchides returned to the king,
leaving with Alcimus part of his forces, to secure him in the
possession of the country ; with which prevailing for a while,
and drawing many deserters to him, he much disturbed the
state of Israel.'' For the remedy whereof, Judas, after Bac-
chides was fully gone, comijig out with his forces again into
the field, went round the countr} , and took vengeance of those
that had revolted from him, so that Alcimus and his party
were no more able to stand against him.'' Whereon that
wicked disturber of his people, went again to the king, and
having presented him with a crown of guld and other gsfts,
renewed his complaints against Judas and his brethren, tell-
ing him, that, as long as Judas lived, his authority could ne-
ver be quietly settled in that country, or matters be there
ever brought to a lasting state of peace f and all that were
about the king, out of hatred to the Jews, saying the same

o 1 Maccab. vii. 5—7. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 16.

p 1 Maccab. vii. 8 — 20. q 1 Maccab. vii. 21; 22»

r 1 Maccab. ii. 23, 24.

s 1 Maccab. vii. 25. 3 Maccab. xiv. 3, 11.

468 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

thing, Demetrius was hereby so incensed, that he sent ano-
ther army against the Jews, under the command of Nicanor
their old enemy, commauding him, that he should cut off
Judas, disperse his followers, and thoroughly establish Alci-
mus in his office of high-priest.t But Nicanor, knowing the
prowess of Judas, as having been vanquished b) him in a
former expedition, was loath to make anotuer trial o( it for
fear of another defeat; and thi refore efidcavoured to com-
pos«'. matters by a treaty ; and accordingly articii.s of peace
were agreed on between them." And after this Juda» and
Nit:anor conversed in a friendly manner together : but Al-
cimus not iiking this peace, as thinking his interest not suffi-
cientl) provided for in it, went the tnird time (o the king,
and so prepossessed him against it, that he refused to ratify
what Was agreed, and sent his positive orders to Nicanor, to
go on with the war, and not to cease prosecuting it, till
he should nave slam Judas, or taken Inm prisoner, and sent
him bound to Antioch.^ Whereon Nicanor was forced, much
against his will, again to renew his former hostilities against
Judas and his brethren.

Ptolemy Ph^scon, having had the island of Cyprus assign-
ed to him by the determination of the senate of «iome, re-
turned Ihith* rward with ihe two Roman ambassadors, Cneius
Merula and Titus i orquatus, who were sent to see him put
in possession of it.^ On his coming into Greece, in his way
to It, he hired a great number of mercenaries, thinking by
the ,! forthwith to possess himself of the island.^ But the
ambassadors, having acquainted him, that they were sent to
introduce him into it, only b) way of treaty with his brother,
and not by arms, persuaded him again to dismiss all his
forces. Whereon, taking .Vlerula with him, he returned into
Libya, and Torquatus went to Alexandria. T'le purpose of
these two amods.-ailor: was to ori.ig the i.wo brothers to meet
on the borders of tiieir dominions, i ; i ifieie agree the mat-
ter between them according to the sentimenis ol the Humaa
senate. But when Torquatus came to Alexandria, he lound
Philometor not easily to be brought to comply with what the
senate had decreed couc. rning this matter. He insisted
upon the former agreement made between him and his
brother by Quintus and Canuleius the former ambassadors,
which assigned Cyprus to him ; and therefore thought it
very hard, that it should, contrary to the tenor of that agree-
ment, be now taken from him, and given to his brother.
However, he did not at first peremptorily refuse to yield to

t 1 Maccab. vii. 26 — 29. 2 Maccab. xiv. 17—25.

u 1 Maccab iv, 2 Maccab. viii. x 2 Maccab. xiv, 26 — 29.

y Polyb. legat. 113, p. 942. z Polyb. iegat. 115, p. 948.

BOOK IV.3 THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 469

the decree of the senate, but wiredrew the treaty to a great
length, and between promising as to some things, and excu-
sing himself as to others, he did artfully beat the bush at a
distance, and so wasted away the time, without coming to
any determination about the matter in hand. In the interim
Physcon, with the other ambassador, lay at the port of Apis
in Libya, there expecting the result of Torquatus's agency:
after long waiting, receiving no intelligence from him to his
content, he sent Merula also to Alexandria, thinking, that
both the ambassadors together might act the more elfectually
with Philometor to bring him to their bent. But Philometor
still observed the same conduct, treating them both with all
manner of kindness and complaisance, flattering them v.ith
courtly words, and endeavouring in all things to please them
with as courtly actions ; and by this means drilled on the
matter with them, for forty days together, without coming to
the point, which was the end of their embassy to him, detain-
ing them all this while at his court rather by force than with
their good liking, till at length, finding they could be put oif
no longer, he plainly declared, that he would stand by the first
agreement, and would not yield to the making of any other.
And, with this answer. Morula returned again to Physcon and
Torquatus to Rome. In the interim, the Cyrenians,understand-
ing how ill Physcon had behaved himself while he reigned at
Alexandria, entertained from hence such an aversion against
having him for their king.that they rose in arms to keep him out
of their country. Whereon Physcon, fearing lest while he tar-
ried at Apis, in expectation of the investiture of Cyprus, he
should lose Cyrene, he hastened thither with all his forces,
which he had then with him ; but he had the misfortune at
first to be overthrown by his rebel subjects, and it is not to
be doubted, but that Philometor had an hand in the raising of
this combustion, and that it was with a view hereto, that he
had delayed so long to give an answer to the Roman ambas-
sadors, that thereby he might give scope for these designs to
ripen to execution. Physcon being hereby involved in
great difiiculties, Merula found him under the pressures of
them on his return to him ; and they were not a little aggra-
vated by the account, which he brought him of his brother's
final refusing to yield any more to him, than what was given
him by the first agreement. He durst not himself go again
to Rome, to renew his complaint against his brother about
this matter, till the troubles raised against him in Cyrene were
again appeased. All, therefore, that he could at present do,
was to send two ambassadors with Merula in his stead.* to

a PoJybius.legat. n6,p.95n
VOL. II. * 60

470 CONNEXION Oy T»E history op [part 11.

solicit his cause with the senate. These and Merula meeting
withTorquatus, on his return from Alexandria, they went all
four together to Rome, and there all made their report of the
case, much to the disadvantage of Philometor ; so that, when
the cause came to be heard in the senate, though Menithyl-
lus, Philometor'sambassador, spoke much in his behalf, he was
notheard with any regard, the senators being generally prepos-
sessed against him, because of his refusal to submit to their
decree about Cyprus.^ And therefore, to express the anger
they had conceived against him on this account, they re-
nounced all friendship and alhance with him, and ordered his
ambassador to depart Rome within live days, and sent two
ambassadors from them to Cyrene, to acquaint Physcon with
what they had done.

In this year Bucheriusplaceth the beginning of the cycle of
eighty-four years, by which the Jewgsettled the times of their
new moons, full moons, and festivals.*^ I have before shown, iu
the Preface to the first part of this history, how they anciently
went by the phasis orappearance of the new moon for all this
matter : and according hereto the new moons and festivals
were then constantlj settled by the sanhedrim at Jerusalem.
Towards the end of every month they sent out persons into
places of the greatest height and eminence about Jerusalem,
to observe the appearance of the new moon ; and as soon as
ihey saw it appear, they returned and made report thereof
to that assembly ; and according thereto they appointed their
new moons, or tirst days of every month -, and immediately by
signs from mountain to mountai!i,gave notice thereof through
the whole land of Judea : according to their n€w moons and
full moons were all their other festivals fixed.*^ And all this
might well enough be done as long as the Jews lived within
the narrow bounds of Judea. But when, after the time of
Alexander the Great, they became dispersed through all the
Grecian Colonies in the East, and had in great numbers set-
tled at Alexandria, Antioch, and other cities of Egypt, Ly-
l)ia, Cyrene, Syria, and Lesser Asia, under the Syro-Mace-
donian and Egypto- Macedonian kings ; this method grew im-
practicable as to them. And therefore from that time they
were necessitated to come to astronomical calculations, and
the use of cycles, for the settling of this matter, that so they
might know at all distant places when to begin their months,
when to make their intercalations, and when to solemnize
their festivals, all in a uniform manner at the same time.

b Polybius, legal. 117, p. 950, 951.
c De Antiquo .lud.Toriim Pascliali CJyclo, c. 5, p. 377.
d Mishna in Rosh Hasbana. Maimonides in Kiddush Hachodesfj.. l/ight-
foot'8 Temple S^rvit-e.c. 11.

ROOK IV.] THE OLn ANI^ NEW TESTAMENTS. 471

How the eastern Jews, who had ever since the Assyrian and
Babolynish captivities been settled in Babylonia, Persia, Me-
dia, and other eastern provinces beyond the Euphrates, or-
dered this matter is uncertain. But, since they had in Baby-
lonia a prince of the captivity for the governing of them in
all things according to their law, and a sanhedrim there to
assist hira herein, no doubt they had fixed methods for the
settling of this matter according to the truest rules of astro-
nomy, especially since that science was in those parts culti-
vated beyond what it was in any other country.^ Most likely
it is, that they had an astronomical cycle by which they fixed
the new moons, and according to them regulated all the rest.
But as to the other Jews, that they all made use of the cy-
cle of eighty-four years for this purpose, is certain. For
several of the ancient fathers of the Christian church make
mention of it, as that which had been of ancient use among the
Jews,and was afterward borrowed from them by the primitive
Christians for the fixing of the time of their Easter, and was
the first cycle which was made use of by them for this pur-
pose.^ It seems to have been made up of the Calippic cy-
cle and the Octoeteris joined together. For it contains just
so many days as both these cycles do when added to each
other, reckoning the eight years of the Octoeteris and the
seventy-six years of the Calippic cycle by Julian years. For
eight Julian years contain two thousand nine hundred and
twenty-two days, and seventy-six Julian years twenty-seven
thousand seven hundred and fifty-nine days, and these being
added together, make thirty thousand six hundred and eighty-
one ; which is exactly the number of days that are contain-
tained inieighty-four Julian years, which was the number of
this cycle. And therefore it is most likely, that the Jews
first began with the use of the Calippic cycle, or, more pro-
perly speaking, of the Calippic period; (for, in the language
of chronologers, a cycle is a round of several years ; and a
period, a round of several cycles) and afterward added the

e The Jews anciently had, in most countries of their dispersion, a chief
magistrate over them of their own, by whom they were governed in all mat-
ters relating to their law, and for whose superintendency they usually pur-
chased a commission from the kings under whom they lived. This maj;is-
trate in Babylonia, was called in the Jewish language Rosh Golah, that is,
The head of the captivity ; in Greek, JEmololarcha, whicii is a name of the
same signitication ; and it is pretended that all that bore this office there
were of the seed of David. And so in like manner the Jews of Alexandria
had their Alabarcha, and the Jews of Antioch their Ethnarcha; and
after this they had in most places of their dispersions their patriarchs for
the same purpose ; and there are, in the imperial laws, edicts concerning
them.

f Annatolius, Cyrillus Alexandrinus, Kpiphanius, Prosper, Victoriu?! Bcda,
aliifjue.

472 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART W.

Octoeteiis to it, both to render it the more proper for their
purpose, and also to make it look as wholly their own. And
it is possible so much might have been done this year. But
that the Jews at this time, when, after having newly reco-
vered their temple, and restored the true worship of God in
it, they were mostly zealously employed in extirpating all
heathen rites from among them, should first introduce this
cycle borrowed from the heathen, and employ it to a reli-
gious use, that is, for the fixing of the times of their new moons
and festivals, seems utterly improbable. That which seems
most probably to be conjectured concerning this matter,
(for nothing but conjecture can be had in it) is, that, when
the Jews, in the dispersions after the time of Alexander the
Great through the countries I have mentioned, saw a neces-
sity of coming to astronomical calculations, and settled rules
for the fixing of their new moons and festivals, that so they
might observe them all on the same day in all places, they
borrowed from the Greeks the cycle or period of Calippus,
which they found used among them for the same purpose.
For the Greeks reckoning their months by the course of the
moon, and their years by that of the sun, and thinking them-
selves also obliged, for the reason which I have already men-
tioned, annually to keep all their festivals on the same day
of the month, and on the same season of the year, in like
manner as the Jews were, had long been endeavouring to
find out such a cycle of years, in which, by the help of interca-
lations, the motions of the sun and the moon might be so ad-
justed to each other, that both luminaries setting forth to-
gether at the same point of time, might come round again
exactly to the same, and all the new moons and full moons
come over again in every cycle in the same manner as they
had in the former. For could such a cycle be once fixed,
the observing how the new moons and full moons happened
in any one of them, would be sufficient to direct where to
find them for ever in all cycles after, and there would need no
more to be done than to know what year of the cycle it is,
in order to know and discover the very moment of time when
every new moon and full moon should happen therein through
each month of it ; because, in every year of the said cycle,
the new moons and full moons would all come over again at
(he same points of time as they had in the same year of the
former cycle, and so on in all following cycles for ever. Of
the attempts which had been made to come at such a cycle
by the Dieteris, Tetraetcris, Octoeteris, and Enneadecae-
teris, and how they all failed hereof, mention hath been
already made. The last came nearest to it of any ; theau-
thoF whereof was Mcto, an Athenian, who published it at

1500K IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 47S

Athens, in the year before Christ 432, which was in the year
immediately preceding the Peloponnesian war, where I have
at large treated of it. But Meto having reckoned, that the
nineteen years of his cycle contained just six thousand nine
hundred and forty days, it was found, after one hundred
years usage of it, that, in this computation, he had overshot
what he aimed at by a quarter of a day. For nineteen Ju-
lian years contain no more than six thousand nine hundred
and thirty-nine days and eighteen hours ; and therefore, to
mend this fault, Calippus invented his cycle, or period of se-
venty-six years, which consisting of four Metouic cycles
joined together, he thought to bring all to rights, by leaving
out one day at the end of this cycle, making it to consist of
no more than twenty-seven thousand seven hundred and
fifty-nine days, whereas four Metonic cycles joined to-
gether make twenty-seven thousand seven hundred and
sixty days. This Calippus was a famous astronomer of Cy-
zicus in Mysia, and published his cycle in the year before
Christ 330, beginning it from the summer solstice of that
year, which was the sameyear in which Alexander overthrew
Darius at the battle of Arbela. And this being the cycle
which was most in reputation among the Greeks, for
the bringing of the reckonings of the sun and moon's mo-
tions to an agreement at that time, when the Jews wanted
such a cycle for the settling the time of their new moons and
full moons and festivals by certain rules of astronomical cal-
culations, it is most likely they then borrowed it from them for
this use; and that they might not seem to have any thingamong
them relating to their religion which was of heathen usage,
they added the Octoeteris to this period of seventy-six years ;
and thereby, making it a cycle of eighty-four years, by this
disguise rendered it wholly their own. For no other nation
but the Jews alone used this cycle, till it was borrowed from
them by the primitive Christians for the same use, that is,
to settle the time of their Easter. But the Jews by this ad-
dition rather marred than any way mended the matter. For,
although the period of Calippus fell short of what it intend-
ed, (that is, of bringing the motions of the two greater lu-
minaries to an exact agreement) yet it brought them within
the reach of five hours and fifty minutes of it. But the ad-
dition of the Octoeteris did set them at the distance of one
day, six hours, and fifty-one minutes. However, this they
used till Rabbi Hillel's reformation of their calendar, which
was about the year of our Lord 360; during all which time
they must necessarily have made some interpolations for^the
correcting of those excesses whereby one of those lamma-
ries did overrun the other according to that cycle. For other-

474 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

wise the phasis or appearances of the new moons and full
moons would have contradicted the calculations of it to every
man's view. But what these interpolations were, or how
or when used, we have no account any where given us.
Prosper placeth the beginning of the first of those cycles
which was used by the Christians in the year of our Lord
46 ; and, if we reckon backward from thence, we shall find
one of them to have its beginning in the year before Christ
291, which was the first year of the pontificate of Eleazarat
Jerusalem, and the seventh before the reign of Ptolemy Phi-
ladelphus, king of Egypt. And then it seems most probable
that the Jews began the use of this cycle. For about this
time their dispersions, especially in Egypt, made it neces-
sary for them to settle the times of their new moons, full
moons, and festivals, by astronomical calculations ; because
at such distances they could not have the order of the sanhe-
drim at Jerusalem for the directing of them in this matter.
But had they then taken the period of Calippus without dis-
guising it by the adding of the eight years of the Octoeteris,
to make it look as their own, it would much better have ser-
ved their purpose. Though I have above said, it is possible
that the eight years might have been added were Bucherius
placeth the first use of this cycle, yet I mean no more there-
by than a bare possibility, and not but that I think it most
probable that it was otherwise. For it seemeth to me most
likely, that as the Jews first began the use of this cycle at
the time I have mentioned, that is, anno ante Christum 291,
so also doth it, that from that very beginning they fixed it to
be a cycle of eighty four years, and no otherwise used the
Calippic, but with the addition of eight years after it to make
up that number. If we place the beginning of the first cy-
cle of these eighty-four years, at the year before Christ 291,
the second C}cle will begin A. D. 207, the third cycle, A.
D. 123, the fourth cycle, A. D. 39, and the fifth cycle, at
the year after Christ 46 ; and there it will meet with the be-
ginning of the first cycle of Prosper ; that is, the first of these
eighty-four year cycles, which was used by the primitive
Christians for the finding out and settling the time of their
Easter. The second of these cycles, according to the same
Prosper, began A. D. 130 ; the third, A. D. 214 ; the fourth,
A. D. 298 ; the fifth, A. D. 382, (which was the last of
these cycles mentioned by Prosper;) the sixth, A. D. 466 ;
the seventh, A. D. 550; the eighth, A. D. 634; the ninth,
A. D. 718 ; and the tenth, A. D. 802 ; and about that time
the use of it wholly ceased.

In the first age of the church. Christians generally follow-
ed the Jews in the settling the time of their Easter, some

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, 475

beginning their c)b?ervance of it at the same time the Jews did
their passover, that is, on the fourteenth daj of their first ver-
nal moon, or month called Nisan,s on what day of the week
soever it happened to fall, but others not till the Sunday af-
ter. Those who were for the first way, alleged that they
followed therein St. John and St. Philip the apostles ; and
those who followed the other way \irged for it the practice of
St. Peter and St. Paul ; who, they said, always began this
festival, not on the fourteenth day of the first vernal moon,
as the Jews did their passover, but on the Sunday after.
And as long as those who came out of the circumcision into
the church of Christ, and observed the law of iNloses with
that of the Gospel, held communion with the church, this
made no difference in it. But when they separated from it,
then the church began to think it time to separate from them
in this usage ; and, after several meetings and councils held
about it, they came to this resolution, that Easter should
always be kept, not on the fourteenth day of the moon, as the
Jews did their passover, but every where on the Sunday af-
ter: and all conformed hereto except the Asian churches;
who, pretending for the other usage the example of St. John
and St. Philip the apostles, and the holy martyr St. Polycarp,
would not recede from it. Whereon, Victor, bishop of Rome,
sent out a libel of excommunication against them for it. So
early did the tyranny of that see begin : for this happened
in the year of our Lord 197. But Irenaeus, and most other
Christians of that time condemned this as a very rash and un-
justifiable act in Victor. However the controversy still went
on, and the Christians of the Asian way being thenceforth
called Quartodecimani, for their observing of the festival at
the same time with the Jews guarta decima luna, that is, on
the fourteenth day of the moon, persisted in their former
practice, till at length, in the ISicene council, A. D. 325,
they all gave up into the other way, and an end was put
to this controversy. And from that time the first day of the
week, in commemoration of the resurrection of Christ thereon,
hath been among all Christians every where the first day of
their Easter solemnity. But, in the interim, both parties still
made use of the eighty-four years' cycle, till that also was
put under another regulation by the same council of Nice.
In the year of Christ222, this eighty four years' cycle being
found faulty, Hippolitus,'' bishop of Pontus in Arabia, invent-
ed a new one, by joining two Octoeterises together ; but,
this soon appearing more faulty than the other, Anatolius,'

g Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast. lib. 5, c. 22—24.

h Anatolius in Prolog© ad Canon. Paschalem. Euseb. Hist. Ecclesiast
lib. 6, c. 22. Isodorus Originum, lib. 6, c 17
i EusT?b. HistEccles. lib. 7, c, 32.

476 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 11*

bishop of Laodicea in Syria, did, in the year 276, propose
another way. All that was commendable in it was, that he
first introduced the use of the nineteen years' cycle for this
purpose ; but he applied it so wrong, that it was in his method
by no means useful to the end intended. In the year 325
sat the Nicene council, wherein as to Easter these following
particulars were agreed :^ 1st. That Easter should every
where be begun to be observed on the first day of the week,
that is, Sunday. 2dly. That it should be on the Sunday that
should follow next, immediately after the fourteenth of the
moon that should happen next after the vernal equinox
(which was then on the 21st of March.) And, 3dly. That
it should be referred to the bishop of Alexandria, to calculate
every year, on what day, according to these rules, the fes-
tival should begin.

The Alexandrians being then, of all others most skilful in
astronomy, for this reason the making of this calculation was
referred to the bishop of that place.^ And they having ap-
plied the nineteen years' cycle in a much better method to
this purpose than Anatolius had before done, found it the best
rule that could be made use offer the settling of this matter ;
and accordingly went by it for the discharge of what was re-
ferred to them by the council. And therefore they having
every year hereby fixed the day, the custom was for the bishop
of that church to write of it to the bishop of Rome ; who
having the day thus signified unto him, first caused it by his
deacons to be published in his patriarchal church on the day
of Epiphany preceding the festival, and then, by paschal epis-
tles, notified it to all metropolitans, through the whole Chris-
tian world ; and they, by like epistles, to their suffragans ;
and by this means the day was every where known, and
every where observed, in an exact uniformity of time by Chris-
tians all the world over. But the pride of the see of Rome
not bearing long their being directed in any thing from abroad,
after some years observance of this order, they returned
again to their old cycle of eighty-four years ; and the use of
it was thereon again resumed all over the western church.
But this again making the same fault as formerly, by reason
of the one day, six hours, and fifty-one minutes, by which the
eighty-four lunar years in this cycle, with its intercalated
months, did overrun the solar years in it, Victorius, a pres-
byter of Limoges in Aquitain, was employed by Hilarius,
(who was first Archdeacon, and afterward bishop of Rome)

k Socrates Schol. Hist. Eccles. lib. 1, c. 9.

1 Leo Magnus Papa in Epistola 94.

m Ambrosius in Epistola ad Episcopos ilimiliano!.

BOOK IV.} THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 477

to make a new cycle ;° who, following the Alexandrians, first
introduced into the western church the rule of fixing the
time of Easter by the nineteen years cycle, called the cycle
of the moon ; and, having multiplied it by the twenty-eight
years' cycle of the dominical letters, called the cycle of the
sun, hereby made the period of five hundred and thirty-two
years, called from him the Victorian period ; after the expi-,
ration of which, he reckoned, that the same new moons, the
same full moons, and the same dominical letters, and the
same times of Easter, would all come over again in the same
order of time, as in the former cycle, and so in all the follow-
ing cycles forever. And accordingly they would have done
so, had the same new moons and full moons come over again
at the same point of time in every cycle of the moon with the
same exactness as every dominical letter did again in every
cycle of the sun. But the nineteen lunar years, and seven
intercalated lunar months, of which this cycle consisted, fall-
ing short of nineteen Julian years by one hour, twenty-seven
minutes and forty seconds ;° hence it hath followed, that
in every one of the years of these nineteen years' cycles, the
new moons and full moons have happened just so much soon-
er each month than in the same years of the cycle immedi-
ately preceding. And hereby it hath come to pass, that af-
ter the elapsing of so many rounds of that cycle as have re-
volved from the time of the Nicene council, to the present
year 1716, the new moons and full moons in the heavens have
anticipated the new moons and full moons in the calendar of
our Common Prayer-book four days, ten hours and an half;
because the new moons and full moons are there slated not
according to the present times, but according to the times of
that council. However, a better cycle for this purpose, than
the nineteen years' cycle, not being to be found, because
none other can bring the course of the sun and moon to a
nearer agreement, the Alexandrians for this reason pitclied
on it for the fixing of their Easter as the best rule they could
follow for it. And TheophilusP and Cyrillus,'' who were both

n Synodus Aurelionensis 4, can. 1. Gennadius de Viris IlhisUibus, c. 8S.
Sigebertus Gemblacensis de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis. c. 20. Isodonis
Orig. lib. 6, c. 17.

o For, whereas nineteen Julian years contain six thousand nine hundred
and thirty-nine days, and eighteen hours; nineteen lunar years with
their seven intercalated months contain only six thousand nine hundred
and thirty-nine days, sixteen hours, thirty-two minutes, and twenty se-
conds.

p Bedae Hist. Eccles. lib. 5, c. 23. Videas etiam Bucherium de Doctrina
Temporura, Petavium, aliosque chronologos.

q Beds, ibid. Bucherius Petavius aiiique. Cyrillus was nephew to
Xheophilus, and succeeded him in the see of Alexandria. He abolished bis
uncle's cycle, and substituted his of uinety-five years in its stead, whith

VOL. J I. 61

478 CONNEXION OF THE KlsTORY OP [PART M.

patriarchs of Alexandria andmadeeachof them periods for the
determining the times of this festival, the first of one Iiundred
years, and the other of ninety-five years, founded all their cal-
culations hereon. And Victorius, when he undertook to form
a like period for this end, for the use of the western Christians,
as the other had done for the use of the eastern, built it all
upon the same foundation/ For, fixing all the first vernal
fourteen moons (which were the paschal terms) according to
the cycle of the moon, and the next Sunday after, in every
year, (which was the day when the festival began,) according
to the cycle of the sun, he compounded out of both these cy-
cles, by multiplying them into each other, his period of five
hundred and tliirty-two years, beginning it from the twenty-
eighth year of our Lord, according to the vulgar era; and
herein, according to both these cycles, he fixed the times of
Easter in every year throughout that whole period, and so
in all succeeding periods, on the same days over again in
each of them for ever. This, after several years labour in it,
he finished and published in the year of our Lord 457 ;
which Dyonysius Exiguus, a Roman abbot, having, in the
year of our Lord 527, corrected in some particulars, and fix-
ed the equinox and new moons at the same points of time, in
which they were at the holding of the council of Nice, the
whole western church went hereby for many ages, till Gre-
gory XIII, bishop of Rome, in the year 1582, reduced it by
his corrections to that form in which it is now used under the
name of the Kczv Style, in foreign countries/ And it is to be
wished that this church would reform all things else that are
amiss among them, as well as they have done this. How-
ever, we in England, and all the dominions belonging thereto,
still retain the old form. And as we are the last to recede
from this form, so were we anciently the last to receive it.
For, although Dionysius published his form in the year of our
Lord 527, it was not till the year 800 that it was universally
received by all the churches of Britain and Ireland ; and great
controversies were in the interim raised among them about
it, the occasion of which was as followeth.

Till the Saxons came into this island, (which was A. D,
449) the British churches having always communicated with
the Roman, and received all its usages, as having been till
about that time a province of the Roman empire, they agreed

was truly a cycle, for it consisted of five metonics ; but the other was
rather a table, in which Easter was calculated for one hundred years, than
a cycle.

r Bedae Hist. Eccles. lib. 5, c. 22. Bucher. in Canon Paschal. Victorii.

s Videas de hac re duas ejas epistola? in fine operis Bucherii de Doctrin?-
rem porn m

BOOK IV.j THE OLD AND NF:W TESTAMENTS. 479

with it in the use of the same rule for the fixing of the time
of their Easter. And the Irish, who had not long before
been converted by St. Patrick,' who was sent to them from
Rome, followed the same usage. But afterward, when the
Saxons, havingmade themselves masters of all the eastern and
southern coasts of this island, had thereby cut olFall commu-
nication with Rome, all that correspondence, which till then
the British and Irish churches had held with the Roman,
thenceforth ceased, and was wholly interrupted, till the com-
ing hither of Austin the monk, to convert the F^nglish Sax-
ons, which was about one hundred and fifty years after. And
therefore, neither the British nor the Irish knowing any thing
of the reformation that had in the interim been made in this
rule concerning Easter, either by Victorius or Dyonysius,
went on with the observing of the said festival according to
the old form of the eighty-four years' cycle, which they had
received from the Romans, before the Saxons came into this
land. And in this usage Austin found them on his arrival
hither. And they having been long accustomed to it, could
not easily be induced to alter it for the new usage of the Ro-
manists, which Austin then proposed to them.*^ And hence
arose that controversy about Easter, which from that time
was between the old Christians of Britain and Ireland, and
the new Christians which were here converted by the Ro-
manists, and lasted full two hundred years, before it was ful-
ly suppressed. The ditTerence between them about this mat«
ter was in two particulars. For, 1st. Whereas the B.oman-
ists, according to the rule of Dionysius, fixed the time of
Easter by the iiineteen years' cycle of the moon, and the
twenty-eight years' cycle of the sun, the iust showing them
the paschal term, and the other, what day was the next Sun-
day after, the Britons and Irish adhered to the use of the oJd
cycle, that of eighty-four years for this matter.^ And, 2dly.
Whereas the Romanistsobserved the beginning of the festival,
from the fifteenth day of thetirst vernal moon, to the twenty-
first inclusive, according as the Sunday happened within
the compass of those day?, the Britons and the Iri.-sh observed
it from the fourteenth to the twentieth ; that is, the Roman-
ists laying it down for a principu^. in this case never to begin
the paschal festival at «hc same time v/ith the Jews, for the
avoiding of it, would never begin the solemnity on the four-

t St. Patrick was sent by Ctelestin, bishop of Rome, to convert tiie Irisii,
A. D. 432. He was then sixty years old, when he first undertook the work
of this apostleship, and continued in it sixty years after, and wifii such suc-
cess, that he converted the whole island, and died at the age of one hun-
dred and twenty.

u Austin first landed in Kent, A. D 597.

X Bedse Hist. Eccles, lib, 3, c. 2. y Bedae Hist. Eccl«s. lib. 2, c. 2. 4.

430 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART lU

feenth day of that moon, though it happened to be on a Sun-
day, but referred it to the next Sunday after, though in this
case that Sunday did not happen till the twenty-first day of
the said moon. But the Britons and lri?h, if that fourteenth
day happened to be on a Sunday, did then begin the festival
Avithout making any such 'scruple, as the Romanists did in
this case, and so proceeded to observe it in the following
years onthefifttenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, nine-
teenth, and twentieth, according as the next Sunday after fell
on any of those days of that moon. But the Romanists not
beginning the festival on any Sunday till the tifleenth of the
said moon, observed it the following years, on the sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenih, twentieth, and twenty-
first of the moon, according as the next Sunday fell on any of
them in any of the said years. So that, as the former never
carried the beginning of this festival beyond the twentieth'
day of the first vernal moon, so the latter never commenced it
till the fifteenth day of the same. And they were so zea-
lously set this way, that they would not hold communion with
those of the British and Irish churches that did otherwise,
but, looking on them as heretics, called them by way of re-
proach, quarto-decimans, whereas the ancient quarto-deci-
mans were only those who began the festival on the four-
teenth day of the moon, at the same time with the Jews, on
■what day of the week soever it happened. But the Britons
and the Irish never began it on that day, but when it happen-
ed to be on a Sunday.

On the receding of Paulinus from the archbishopric of
York, after the death of Edwin king of the English Saxons
beyond the Humber, (which happened in the year of our
Lord 633,^) the churches of those parts having had their
bishops from the monastery of St. Columbus in the island of
Hy, (which was then the chief university of the Irish
for the educating and breeding up of their divines,) and
Aidan,'* Finan,^ and Colman,'^ who had been all three monks
of that monastery, having, in succession to each other, go-
verned those churches thirty years, they during that time had
introduced into them the Irish usage for the observing of
Easter ; whereby the controversy being brought among the
English Christians, and a schism made among them about it,
for the putting of an end to it, a council was called to meet
at the monastery of the Abbess Hilda, at Whitby in York-
shire, then called Streonshale.'^ And there a long disputa-

Y. Bedae Hist. Eccles. lib. 2, c. 10. a Bedae Hist. lib. 3, c. 3.

b Bedae Hist. lib. 3, c. 17, 52. c Bedae Hist, lib, 3, c. 25, 26.

d Ibid. '.ib. 3: c. 25. Heddius in Vita Wilfridi, c. 10.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS, 481

tion being had before Oswey kingof the Northumbrians,^ (who
presided in that council,) and Alfred his son, and the main
stress of the arguments on both sides turning upon this, that
the Irish and Britons urged the authority of St. John for their
usage, and the Romanists that of St. Peter for theirs, which
they said was preferable to the other, because he was the
prince of the apostles, and had the keys of heaven commit-
ted to his keeping, Oswey asked those who disputed on the
side of the Irish and Britons, whether they agreed, that the
usage of the Romanists had been the usage of St. Peter?
and, on their agreeing hereto, he asked them again, whether
they held that St. Peter had the keeping of the keys of
heaven ? and they having answered to this also in the affirm-
ative, he hereon declared, that he would then be for St.
Peter's way, lest, when he should come to heaven's gates,
St. Peter should shut them against him, and keep him out.
Whereon this ridiculous controversy receiving as ridiculous
a decision, all the Christians of those parts came over to the
Roman way ; and Colman,*^ being much displeased with this
deciding, or rather ridiculing of the controversy, returned,
with as many of his Irish clergy as were of his mind, ags^in
to the monastery of Hy, from whence they came, and the
Northumbrians had another bishop appointed over them in
his stead. This happened in the year of our Lord 664.

After this the old way began to wearofFboth in Britain and
Ireland, though but by slow degrees, Adamnanus,^ abbot of
Hy, being sent on an embassy from the British Scots (that is,
the Irish who had settled in North Britain) to Alfred king of
the Northumbrians ; and having, while he continued on that
occasion in those parts, made a visit to the united monaste-
ries of Jarrow and VVermouth near Durham, was there, hy
Cealfrid, then abbot of them, so thoroughly convinced of the
reasonableness of the Roman way before the other, that, on
his return to Hy, he endeavoured to bring all there to con-
form tO it; but not being able to prevail with them herein,
he went into Ireland, and there brought over almost all the
northern part§ of that island to this way.'' This happened

e All were then called Northumbrians that lived north of the river Hnm-
ber, from that river to Graham's Dyke, which did run from Dunbrittoii frith
to the Forth. For all ilis country was the ancient kingdom of the North-
umbrians, and was divided into two parts, Deiria and Bernicia j the former
extended froni the Humber to the Tyne, and the other from the Tyne to
Graham's Dyke.

f Bedu; Hist. lib. 3, c. 26.

g Beda; Hist. lib. 5, c 16.

h Scotia in this age was only Ireland, and the Scoti none other than the
Irish : for Ireland only was the ancient Scotia, and the Irish the ancient
Scots. But about the year of our Lord 500, a colony of the Irish having,
under the leading of Fergus the son of Ere, settled in that part of North

482 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART If.

about the year of our Lord 703. And he had the easier suc-
cess herein, for that the southern parts of that island had
some years before conformed hereto, being induced to it
by an epistle from Honorious bishop of Rome, written to
them about it in the year 629.' In the year 710, the same
Cealfrid, above mentioned, having written to Naitan, king
of the Picts, an epistle for this way, thereby brought him and
all his nation with him into a conformity to it."^ This epistle
is very learnedly and judiciously written, and no doubt was
penned by Bede, who was then a monk under him in these
two united monasteries. It is still extant in Bede's Ecclesi-
astical History, and gives us the best view of this controversy
of any thing now remaining that hath been written about it.
In the year 716, Egbert,^ a pious and learned presbyter of the
English nation, after having spent many years in his studies
in Ireland, (which was in that age the prime seat of learning
in all Christendom,) coming from thence to the monastery of
Hy, proposed to them anew the Roman way ; and, having
better success herein than Adamnanus their late abbot had
in that attempt which he had before made upon them for this
purpose, brought them all over to it. And after this none but
the Welsh persisted in the old form ; who out of the inve-
terate hatred they had against all of the English nation, were
hard to be brought to conform to them in any thing. How-
ever, at length about the year 800, the errors of the old way
by that time growing very conspicuous, by reason of the
many days, which, according to the eighty-four years' cycle,
the lunar accoimt must then have overrun the solar, the
Welsh of North Wales were, by the persuasion of Elbodius
their bishop, prevailed with to give an ear to those reasons
which were alleged for the Roman form ; and, being con-
vinced by them that it was the better of the two, came into
it.™ And, not long after, the Welsh of South Wales foUow-

Britain now called Argylesliire, first brought with them the name of Scots
into that country, and there began the kingdom of the British Scot:5, from
whom this emtiassy came. But afterward having, in process of time,
conquered both the north and the south Picts, and also received from the
Saxon kings of England, all the Lowlands from Graham's Dyke to the
river Tweed, (which formerly belonged to those princes,) they thenceforth
gave the name of Scotland to that country; and Ireland, the ancient Scotia,
assumed the name which it now bears. This was done about the year of
our Lord 1000. For archbishop Usher tells us, « i)o fully examined the
matter, that there is not any one writer, who lived within one thousand
years after Christ, that mentions the name of Scotland, and means any
other than Ireland by it. P'ide Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Anliq. c. 16,
p. 383.

i Bedae Hist. lib. 2, c. 19; lib. 3, c. 3.

k Bedae, lib. 5, c 22.

1 Bedae, lib. 5, c. 3.

rn Humphredi Lhuid Fragmenta Britannica. Winn's Historyof Wales,
p. 18.

rsOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 483

ed their example, and did the same ; and thenceforth the
C}xle of eighty-four years, which had lasted for so many
ages, became wholly abolished all Christendom over, and was
never more brought into use.

There was indeed another controversy between the old
Christians of Britain and Ireland, and the new ones of the
Roman conversion, which was all along at the same time
brought upon the stage with that about Easter, during the
whole contest ; that is, that of the Clerical Tonsure, which
was always debated with it, and was every where ended at
the same time when the other was." But, my purpose being
to treat only of what related to the Jewish affairs, I have only
meddled with this contest, thereby to give the history of the
Jewish cycle of eighty-four years ; and thus far it is within
my theme ; but it being out of it to treat of the other, for this
reason 1 do not here trouble the reader with it.

On the abolition of the eighty-four years' cycle, the pas-
chal rule of Dionysius became the rule of the whole western
church for several ages after ; and, it being still the rule of
Great Britain and Ireland, and al! the dominions belonging to
them, it will be useful for the English reader to know the
particulars of it. They are as followeth : 1. That Easter
is a festival annually observed in commemoration of Chirst's
resurrection. 2. That Sunday being the day on which it is
weekly commemorated, that day of the week is the fittest al-
ways to be the day on which the annual commemoration of
it is to be solemnized. 3. That therefore this festival be
always on a Sunday. 4. That it be on the Sunday next af-
ter the Jewish passover. 5. That the Jewish passover being
always slain on the fourteenth day of the first vernal moon,
by them called Nisan, the Christian Easter is always to be
on the next Sunday after the said fourteenth day of that
moon. 6. That, to avoid all conformity with the Jews in
this matter, though the fourteenth day of the said moon be
on a Sunday, this festival is not to be kept on that Sunday,
but on the next Sunday after. 7. That the first vernal moon
is that whose fourteenth day (commonly called the fourteenth
moon) is either upon the day of the vernal equinox, or else
is the next fourteenth moon after it. 8. That the vernal
equinox, according to the council of Nice (to the times of
which this rule is calculated,) is fixed to the 21st day of
March. 9. That therefore the first vernal moon, according
to this rule, is that, whose fourteenth day falls upon the 2 1st
of March, or else is the fourteenth moon after. 10. That this
fourteenth day of the first vernal moon being the limit or boun-

n Bedffi Hipt. lib. 3, c. 25. & lib. 5, c. 22

484 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART H,

dary which bars and keeps Easter always beyond it, so that
it can never happen before or upon that day, but always af-
ter it ; for this reason it is called the paschal term. 1 1 . That
the next Sunday after the paschal tern) is always Easter day.
12. That therefore the earliest paschal term being the 21st
of March, the 22d of March is the earliest Easter possible ;
and the 18th of April being the latest paschal term that can
happen, the seventh day after, that is, the 2.5th of April,
is the latest Easter possible ; all other Easters are sooner or
later, as the paschal terms and the next Sundays after them
fall sooner or later, within the said limits. 1 3. That the ear-
liest paschal term, or fourteenth day of the said first vernal
moon, being, according to this rule, on the 21st of March,
the fourteenth day before, that is the 8th of March, must be
the earliest first day of this moon that can happen ; and the
latest paschal term being the 18th of April, the fourteenth
day before that, that is, the 5th of April, is the latest first day
of this moon that can happen. All other first days of this
moon fall sooner or later between the said 8th day of March,
and the 5th of April following. 14. That the cycle of the
moon which points to us the golden number, always shows us,
which is the first day of the paschal moon, and, consequent-
ly, which is the fourteenth day of the same, and the cycle of
the sun, which points to us the dominical letter, always
shows us, which is the next Sunday after. And therefore,
when you know what is the golden number, and what is the
dominical letter of the year, the following scheme will fully
serve to tell you when Easter will fall, according to this rule,
in any year for ever.

EOOK IV.] THE OLD AND >.'EW TESTAMENTS.

435

4
D

5. March

5. April

Kalendce

G Kalendce

A IV

bIiii

C \Prid. \on.

III

8; 5

D \;Vonc8

Prid. J^on.

E iVIIl

Koyice, ^

VII

VIII

VII

17 A

C INI

1012

D \Prid. Id.

III

Idus

Prid. Id.

18 14

XVIIl

Idus

7 15

xvn

XVII

XVI

15 17

4 18

XIV

XIII

XII

XII IS'icen Equinox.

12;

XI First Easter pos-
sible.

22
9 23

G
A

X
IX

VIII

17 25

VII Last East.

VIII

possible.

VII

6!26

III

Prid. Kaknd.

Prid. Kahnd.

In this scheme, the first column contains tlie numbers that
in the calendar of our Common Prayer-book are called the
primes, which are the golden numbers that point out to us
the new moons. The second column gives the days of the
month. The tliird contains the golden numbers, which point
out to us the paschal terms, or the fourteenth day of the first
vernal moon, (that is, the day on which the Jews slew their
passover.) The fourth column gives the dominical letters.
And the last, the old Roman calendar. Every number of
the prime shows, that, in the year when that is the golden
number, the new moon is according to the calculation of this
form on the day of the month over against which it is placed.

VOL. TI. fi2

486 CONNEXION Ol-" THE HISTORY OF [PABT It.

And every number in the third column shows, that in the
year when that is the golden number, the paschal term is
on the day of the month over against which it is placed. The
dominical letters tell us, when is the first Sunday after the pas-
chal term on which Easter begins. And the Roman calen-
dar shows us, on what day thereof each particular above
mentioned happens.

And therefore, observing these particulars, when you would
find out in any year on what day Easter falls in it, run down
your eye in the first column from the 8th of March (which is
the earliest first day that can happen of the first vernal moon,)
till you come to that number in it which is the golden num-
ber of the year, and that number tells you, that the day of
the month over against which it is placed is the first of that
moon. And then running down your eye in the third column,
till you come to the same golden number in that column, that
number tells you, that the day of the month over against
which it is placed, is the paschal term, that is, the fourteenth
day of that moon (as by numbering from that which is the
same golden number in the first column you will find.) And
then running down your eye from thence in the fourth
column (which is the column of the dominical letters,) till
you come to the dominical letter of the year, that letter tells
you, that the day of the month over against which it is
placed, is the next Sunday after the said paschal term, and
that Sunday is the Easter of the year. As, for example, if
you would know on what day Easter falls in this present year,
171G, run down your eye in the first column, till you come
to the number 7, (which is the golden number of that year;)
which being placed over against the 17th of March, it tells
you thereby, that this 17th of March is the first day of the
first vernal moon of this year. And from thence run down
your eye in the third column, till you come to the same num-
ber of 7 in that column, which being placed over against the
30th of March, it tells you thereby, that this is the fourteenth
day of that moon (as you will find by numbering from the said
seventeenth day, which was the first of this moon) or the
paschal term of the year. And then run down your eye from
thence in the fourth column, (which is the column of the
dominical letters,) till you come to the letter G, (which is
the dominical letter of the year,) which being placed over
against the 1st of April, it tells you thereby, that this day is
the first Sunday after the said paschal term, and therefore is
the Sunday on which Easter is to be solemnized this year.
And so, in like manner, if you would know when Easter will
fall in the year 1717, 8 being the golden number of the year,
and placed in the column of the primes over against the 5th

ItOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAJHENTS. 4S7

of April, it shows that to be the first day of the first vernal
moon of that year. And ihe same manner in the third
column, being placed over against the 18th of April, it shows
that to be the paschal term of the year. And the letter F
being the dominical letter of the year, and the next F after,
in the fourth column, being placed over against the 21st of
April, this shows that the 21st of April is the first Sunday
after the said paschal term, and therefore is the Sunday on
which Easter is to be observed in that year. And so, by
the like method, may be found out, when Easter, accordintj
to this form, will fall in any year for ever: and hereby not
only the rule, but also the reason of the thing, may be seen
both together at the same time. And the same may be done
by the calendar in the Common Prayer-book, though the
third column of this scheme be there wanting. For you
having there found, by the method mentioned, the first day
of the first vernal moon, number down from thence to the
fourteenth day after, and there you have the paschal term ;
and the next Sunday after (which you will know by the
dominical letter of the year) is Piaster Sunday.

But it is to be observed, that the 21st of March is not the
true equinox, but only that which was the true equinox at
the time of the Nicene council (which was held A. D. 325;)
since that time the true equinox hath anticipated the Nicene
equinox eleven days. For the Julian solar year which we
reckon by, exceeding the true tropical solar year eleven
minutes, this excess in one hundred and thirty years makes
a day, and almost eleven times one hundred and thirty years
having happened since the time of that council to this
present year 171G, the true equinox now falls eleven days
before the Nicene equinox. And so, in like manner, it hath
happened to the primes, that is, the golden numbers, or the
numbers of the nineteen years' cycle of the moon, in the
first column of the calendar in our Common Prayer-book.
For they are placed there to show, that the days of the month
over against which they stand in that calendar, are the new
moons in those years in which they are the golden numbers,
and they truly did so at the time of the counf^il of Nice. But
in every one of the nineteen years' cycles of the golden num-
bers, called the cycles of the moon, the Julian solar reckon-
ing exceeding the true lunar reckoning an hour and almost
an half, this hour and an half in three hundred and four years
making a day, and four times three hundred and four years
and above half three hundred and four years more, having
now passed since that council, this hath caused that the true
new moons now happen four days and an half before the new
moons marked by the primes in the said calendar of our

4B8 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

Common Prajer-book. And therefore, if you would have
the true equinox by that calendar, you must deduct as many
days from the 21st of March as there hath been the number
of one hundred and thirty years since the council of Nice,
and that will bring you back to the true time of the equinox
in this or any other year wherein it shall be sought for. And
so, in like manner, if you would have the true time of the
new moon by the same calendar in every month, you must
deduct as many days from the days of the month which the
primes mark out for the new moons, as there are the number
of three hundred and four years in the number of years
which are now, from the time of the said council, elapsed,
that is, four days and an half; and this will lead you back to
the true time of the new moon in any month of the year
wherein you shall seek to know it. As, for example, in this
year 1716, the number 7 (which is the golden number of the
year, as placed in the column of the primes in the month of
June) points out to us the thirteenth day of the month for the
new moon ; deduct from it four days and an half, and that
will carry you back to the 8th of June, which is the true new
moon ; and so likewise, in this method, you may know by
the same calendar on what day the new moon shall happen
in any month or year for ever. And thus far the explica-
tion of the Jewish cycle of eighty-four years : and the ac-
count of that controversy about it, which was raised in this
land among our English ancestors, hath led me, I fear, into
too long a digression. To return, therefore, to our history.
Nicanor, having received orders from Demetrius again to
- ,„, renew the war against the Jews, as hath been above

Ad. 161. . ° ■ I I ■ r T J

judasMac- mentioned, came with his lorces to Jerusalem, and
there thought by craft and treachery to have gotten
Judas into his power." For, having invited him to a con-
ference, Judas, relying on the late peace, complied with him
herein, and came to the place appointed : but, finding that
an ambush was there laid treacherously to take him, he fled
from his presence : and after this all confidence was broken,
and the war was again begun between them. The first ac-
tion hereof was at Capharsalama ; in which Nicanor having
lost five thousand men, retreated with the rest to Jerusalem;
where, being much enraged by reason of the defeat, he first
vented his wrath on Razis, an eminent and honourable sena-
tor of the Jewish senate called the sanhedrim. p For, finding
that he was much honoured and beloved by the Jews, not
only by reason of his steady and constant perseverance in his

o 1 Maccab. vii. 27— 32. Joseph, Anfiq.lib. ]2. c.7.
p Maccab. xiv. 3T— 46.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND XEW TESTAillEM'S. 489

religion through the worst of times, but also because of the
good and kind offices which he was ready on all occasions to
do his people, Nicanor thought it would be an act of great
displeasure and despite to the Jews, to have him cut off;
and therefore sent out a party of live hundred men to take
him, with intent to put him to death. But Razis, being at a
castle of his which he had in the country, there defended
himself against them for some time with great valour: but
at length, finding he could hold out no longer, he fell upon
his own sword ; but, the wound not killing him, he cast him-
self headlong over the battlements of the turret whereon he
fought ; and, finding himself alive after that also, he thrust
his hand into his wound, and, pulling out his bowels, cast
them upon the assailants, and so died. The Jews for this
reckoned him a martyr ; but St. Austin, in his epistle to
Dulcitius, condemns the fact as self-murder, and there gives
reasons for it that cannot be answered.''

After this, Nicanor went up into the mountain of the tem-
ple, and there demanded that Judas and his host should be
delivered to him, threatening, that, unless this were done,
he would, on his return, puil down the altar, and burn the
temple, and, instead of it, build a temple to Bacchus in the
same place ;"" and at the same time spoke many other blas-
phemous words, both against the temple and the God of
Israel that was worshipped in it ; which sent all that wished
well to Zion to their prayers against him, and they were
heard with thorough elfect. For, immediately after,^ Nicanor
marching out with his forces against Judas, and coming to a
battle with him, was slain in the first onset; whereon the
whole army cast away their arms and fled ; and all the coun-
try rising upon them as they endeavoured to escape, cut
them all off to a man, there not being of his whole army,
which consisted of thirty-five thousand men, as much as one
left to carry the news of this defeat to Antioch. Judas and
his forces, returning from the pursuit again to the field of
battle, took the spoils of the slain, and, having found the
body of Nicanor, they cut off his head, and also his right-
hand, which he had stretched out so proudly in his threaten-
ings against tlie temple, and hanged them up upon one of the
towers of Jerusalem. This victory was obtained on the
thirteenth of the Jewish month Adar; and, it being a day of
great deliverance to Israel, they rejoiced greatly in it, and
ordained, that it should ever after be observed as an anniver-

f| Ep'u-t. 61. Vide etiam eundem in libro secundo contra Gaudentium.
' r 1 Maccab. vii. 33—38. 2 Maccab. xiv. 31—36. Joseph. Antin. lib.
12, c. 17.

s 1 Maccab. vii, 34 — 50. 2 Maccab. xv. 1—36. Joseph, ibid.

430 CONNEXION OP THE niSTORY OF [PART 11 .

sary day of thanksgiving in commemoration of this mercy ;
and they so keep it even to this present time, by the name
of the day of Nicanor. And here endeth the history of the
second book of the Maccabees.

Judas, having some respite after this victory, sent an em-
bassy to the Romans f for having heard of their power,
prowess, and pohcy, he was desirous of making a league with
them, hoping thereby to receive some protection and relief
against the oppression of the S)rians ; and therefore, for this
end, he made choice of Jason, the son of Eleazar, and
Eupolemus, the son of that John," who, in a like embassy to
Seleucus Philopater, obtained from him a grant of all those
privileges for the Jews which Antiochus Epiphanes would
have afterward abolished, and sent them to Rome, where
they were kindly received by the senate, and a decree was
made, that the Jews should be acknowledged as friends and
alHes of the Romans, and a league of mutual defence be
thenceforth established between them." And a letter was
written from them to Demetrius, requiring him to desist
from any more vexing the Jews, and threatening him with
war if he should not comply herewith.^ But, before this
letter was delivered, or the ambassadors returned with the
decree of the senate to Jerusalem, Judas was dead.

For Demetrius, having received an account of the defeat
and death of Nicanor,^ sent Bacrhides, with Alcimus, the
second time into Judea, at the head of a very potent armj^,
made up of the prime forces and flower of his militia. Judas,
on the coming of this army into Judea, had no more than
three thousand men with him to oppose them ; who, being
terrified with the strength and number of the enemy, de-
serted their general, all to eight hundred men: yet with
these few Judas out of an over excess of valour and confi-
dence, dared engage the numerous army of the adversary ;
but, being overborne by their numbers, was slain in the con-
flict; for which all Judah and Jerusalem made great lamen-
tation ; and Jonathan and Simon his brothers, taking up his
dead body, buried him honourably at Modin, in the sepulchre
of his forefathers.

t 1 Maccal>. viii. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12. c. 17.

u 2 Maccab. iv. 11.

X Maccab. viii. 41 , 42. Justin, lib. 36, c. 3. The words of Justin in this
place are: 'A Demetrio cum defecissent Judasi, amicitia Romanorum
petita, primi omnium ex Orientalibus iibertatem receperunt, facile tunc
Romanis de alieno largientibus ;' that is, ' The Jews, when they revolted
from Demetrius, having sought the friendship of the Romans, were the first
of the nations of the East that regained their liberty, the Romans at that
time easily giving to others of that which was not their own.'

y 1 Maccab. ix. 1 — 22. Joseph, lib. 12, c. 19.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 4^1

The apostates, and others who were ill affected to the true
interest and peace of their country, took the advantage of
this loss to lift up their heads again, and act according to
their evil inclinations in ail parts of the land, and iiereby
created great disturbances in it/ And, moreover, a very
grievous famine happened at the same time, and the prevail-
ing faction having gotten most of the provisions of the land
into their power, this caused great revoltings among the peo-
ple, that so thereby they might come at bread. And by this
means Aicimus and his party greatly increasing in strength,
got the whole land into their power ; and thereon the go-
vernment being in all places put into the hands of wicked
men, great inquisition and search was made for the friends
and adherents of the Maccabaeans; and such of them as could
be taken, being brought to Bacchides, were put to death with
all manner of cruelty and indignity : by reason whereof
there was sore affliction and great distress in Israel, such
as had not been from the days of the prophets that re-
turned from the Bab)!onish captivity to that time, not ex-
cepting even the persecuting times of Antiochus Epiphanes.
Wliereon, for the remedy of this great evil and misery, all
that wished well to Zion flocked to Jonathan, and made him
their captain ;* and he thereon taking the government upon
him, rose up in the place of Judas his brother, and got forces
together to resist the enemy ; which Bacchides hearing of,
endeavoured to have gotten him into his power, that he might
put him to death ; whereon Jonathan, and Simon his brother,
with those that were with him, fled into the wilderness of Te-
koa, and there encamped near the river of Jordan, where
being surrounded with a morass on the one side, and the river
on the other, they could not be easily come at. But, that
they might the better secure their goods and baggage from
all the events of war, they sent all their carriages, underthe
conduct of John, the brother of Jonathan and Simon, to their
friends the Nabatheans, to be deposited with them, till they
should be in a better condition again to receive them.**
But, while John was on his way thither, the Jambrians, a
tribe of the Arabs then living at Medaba, formerly a city of
the Moabites, issued out from thence upon him, and, having
slain him, and those that were with him, took all that they
had, and carried it away for a prey.

Not long after, Jonathan and Simon understanding that a
great marriage was to be solemnized at Medaba between one
of the chief men of the Jambrians and a daughter of one of

z 1 Maccab. ix.23— 27. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 1
a 1 Maccab. ix. 28—33. Joseph, ibid.
h 1 Maccab. ix. 35, 38. Joseph, ibid

492 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [pART II,

the prime nobles of Canaan, and, having gotten notice of the
day, when the bride was to be conducted home to her bride-
groom, waylaid thorn in the mountains ; from whence having
a full sight of the bride's being carried on with great pomp
and attendance, and the bridegroom's marching out with
Jike pomp to meet and receive her, as soon as they perceiv-
ed both companies were joined together, they rose up against
them from the place where they lay in ambush, and slew
them all, excepting only some few that escaped by flying to
the mountains, and took all their spoils, and, having thus re-
venged the death of their brother, returned again to their
former camp/ Of which Bacchides having received intel-
ligence, marched thither against them, and, having made
himself master of the pass that led to their encampment,
assaulted them in it on the sabbath-day,*^ expecting then to
find no resistance from them, because of the religious vene-
ration which, he understood, they had for that day. But Jo-
nathan, reminding his people of the determination that was
made in this case in the time of Mattathias his father, exhort-
ed them valiantly to resist the enemy, when thus pressed to
it by necessity, notwithstanding it was the sabbath-day ; and
all accordingly complied herewith, and, in defence of them-
selves, slew of the assailants about one thousand men ; but,
finding that they must at length be overpowered by their
numbers, they cast themselves into the river Jordan, and
swam over to the other side, and so escaped. For Bacchides,
pursuing them no farther, returned again to Jerusalem, where
having given order for the fortifying of several cities and
strong holds throughout Judea, in places best convenient for
it, he put strong garrisons in ihem, that he might thereby the
better keep the country in subjection, and the easier suppress
all those of the contrary party that should rise up against
him. And especially he took care to well repair and fortify
the fortress of Mount Acra in Jerusalem, and, having fur-
nished it with men and provisions, he took of the children
of the chief men of the country, and put them into it, order-
ing them there to be kept as hostages for the fidelity of their
fathers and friends ; and so ended the year.

In the next year after died Alcimus, the great troubler of

Israel.^ For, after having, by the power of Bac-
jo"na"haai. chidcs, fully established himself in the pontificate,

he set himself to make several alterations for the
corrupting of the then well settled state of the Jewish reli-
gion, in order to the bringing of it to a nearer agreement with

c 1 Maccab.ix. 37—41. Joseph, ibid,
d 1 Maccab. ix. 43— 53. Joseph, ibid,
r 1 Maccab. ix, 54—56,

^iOt)K IV.J THE OLD AMi NEW TESTAMKMj. 4».>

the heathen. And whereas, round the sanctuary, there was
built, by the order of the later prophets Ilaggai and Zecha-
riah, a low wall or enclosure, called the Chel,'- to serve for
the separating of the holy part of the mountain of the house
from the unholy ; and the rule was, that within this no un-
circumcised person was ever to enter; Alcimus, in order to
takeaway this distinction, and give the Gentile equal liberty
with the Jew to pass into the inner courts of the temple, or-
dered this wall of partition to be pulled down. But, while
it was doing, he was smitten by the hand of "God with a palsy,
and suddenly died of it.

When Bacchides saw that Alcimus was dead, for whose
sake he came into Judea, he returned again to Antioch ; and
the land was quiet from all molestations of the Syrians for
two years.s It is most likely Demetrius had by this time re-
ceived the letters that were sent to him from the Romans in
behalf of the Jews, and thereu{)on gave Bacchides orders to
surcease his vexations of that people ; and that it was in
obedience to those orders, that, on the death of Alcimus, he
took that occasion to leave that county.

For Demetrius,'' about this time labouring all he could to
get the Romans to favour him, was now more than ordinarily
cautious not to give them any offence ; and therefore was
the more ready to comply with any thing they should desire.
It hath been before related in what manner he fled from
Rome, when he was an hostage there, and how contrary to
the mind of the senate, he seized Syria, and slew Antiochus
Eupater, whom they had confirmed in that kingdom, and
there reigned in his stead ; for which reason they being much
displeased with him, had not as yet saluted him king, nor
renewed the league with him v/hich they had made with his
predecessors. This Demetrius was very solicitous to have
done : and, in order thereto, was at this time making use of
all methods to gain their favour; and therefore, hearing that
the Romans had then three ambassadors at the court of Ari-
arathesking of Cappadocia, he sent Menochares, one of his
prime ministers, thither to treat with them about this mat-
ter; and, on his return, 6nding, by the report which he made
of what passed in this treaty, that the good offices of these
ambassadors were absolutely necessary for the gaining ol
his point, he sent again to them, first into Pamphylia, and
after that again to Rhodes, promising every thing they should
desire, and never leaving soliciting and pressing them, till at
length, by their interposition, all was granted him that he

f See Lightfoot oi the Temple, c. 17.

g 1 Maccab. ix, 57, h Polyij. legat. 120, p. 9o2,

^'OL, II, 63

i9'l CONNEXION OF THE UlSTORV OV [PART U .

solicited for; and the Romans acknowledged him for king
of Syria, and renewed the leagues of his predecessors with
him.

Whereon, the next year after, he sent the same Menochares
with others, in a solemn emhassy to Rome, for the
jolimhansl further cultivating of their friendship with him/
They carried thither a crown of gold, of the value of
ten thousand gold pieces of money, for a present to the senate,
in acknowledgment of the kind and free entertainment he
had received from them, while he was an hostage at Rome
with them. And they also brought with them Leptines and
Isocrates, to he delivered into their hands, for the death ot
Octavius. 1 have above related how this Leptines slew Oc-
tavius at Laodicea in Syria, while he was in that country, on
an embassy from the Romans. Isocrates was a talkative
Greek, and by profession a grammarian; he being then in
Syria when this murder was committed, undertook, on all
occasions, to speak in the justification of it ; for which rea-
son, being taken into custody, he grew distracted, and so con-
tinued ever after. But there was no occasion of seizing
Leptines ; ho freely offered himself, to go to Rome, there to
answer for the fact, and accordingly, without any constraint,
accompanied the ambassadors thither ; and although he con-
stantly owned the fact, yet, at the same time, he as confi-
dently assured himself, he should suffer no hurt from the
Romans for it ; and so it accordingly happened. As to the
ambassadors, the senate received them with due respect, and
kindly accepted of the present they brought, but would not
meddle with the persons. The taking vengeance of these
two men, they thought, was too small a satisfaction for the
murder of their ambassador ; and therefore they kept that
matter still upon the sa :e foot, reserving to themselves the
further inquiry into it, and the demand from the whole na-
tion of the Syrians (on whom in general they charged the
guilt) of such satisfaction, as, on a full and thorough cogni-
isance of the cause, should be judged adequate to it.

About this time Holophernes,'' the pretended elder bro-
ther of Ariarathcs, king of Cappadocia, laying claim to that
kingdom, came to Demetrius to solicit his help for the reco-
vering of it.** Ariarathes the father had to his wife Antio-
chis, the daughter of Antiochus the Great, king of Syria. i
She having lived some years without children, and therefore

i Polvb. legal. 122, p. 954, 9o5. Ajjpian. in Svriacis. Diodor. Siculusj
iegat. 25.

k Polyb. lib.3, p. 161. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 3r>, c. 1. Epit.
livii, lib. 47.

1 Diodor. Sic, lib. 31, apud Photiuni in Biblioth. cod. 244, p. 1160

T^OOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 490

believing that she should never have any, to help Uie matter,
feigned herself to be with child, and thereon pretending to
be delivered first of one son, and afterward again of ano-
iher by the same trick, shethus brought in two suppositious
children to be Iieirs of the royal family; the first of which
was called Ariarathes, and the other Holophernes. By which
it appears, that the bringing in of false births for the inherit-
ing of crowns is not a new thing in the world. But after,
the queen proving truly to be with child, and being delivered
without fraud, first of one daughter, and next of another,and
in the last place of a son, she confessed the whole deceit.
Whereon, that the false sons might not be heirs, to the wrong
of the true, they were sent away into foreign parts, the el-
dest of them to Ptome, and the other, which was this Holo-
phernes, into Ionia, with sums of money sufficient there to
educate and maintain them. And the true son, at first call-
ed Mithridates, thenceforth taking his father's name, was
declared his true heir ; and accordingly, after his death, suc-
ceeded him in the kingdom. And this is that Ariarathes, king
of Cappadocia, of whom we now speak, and against whom
Holophernes made the claim \ have mentioned. Demetrius
had not long before offered him his sister Laodice in mar-
riage ; but, she having been widow to Perseus king of Ma-
cedon, an enemy to the Romans, and Demetrius himself not
being yet in good grace with them, Ariarathes feared he
might by this match, give them offence ; and therefore reject-
ed the offer."' This Demetrius resented ; and, while he
was under these resentments, Holophernes came to him ; and
therefore, having easily obtained hi? assistance, by the
strength and power thereof, he expelled Ariarathes, though
assisted by Eumenes king of Pergamus, and reigned in his
stead." But, by his rapine, cruelty, and other mal-adminis-^
trations, he soon made himself odious to all the people of
his kingdom."

This assistance which Eumenes gave Ariarathes, was one
of the last acts of his life; for he died soon after, having
reigned at Pergamus thirty-eight years. i> By his will, he bo-
rn Justin, lib. 35, c. 11. Diodor. Sic. iRgat.24.

n Justin, ibid. Polyb.lib. 3, p. 161. Livii Epit. lib. 47. Applan. iti Syriacis.
o Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 335, 337. Polybius, as cited by
Atlienajus, (lib. 10, p. 440,) tells us, ' Tiiat Holophernes, king of Cappado-
cia, held his kingdom but a short time, because he neglected the laws of his
country, and brought in the drunken songs and the disorderly intemperance
of the bacchanals.'

p Strabo, lib. 13, p. 624. He here saith, that Eumenes reigned forty-nine
years; but this is a manifest error in the copy from whence the book was
printed. For, reckoning the years which are said, in the Roman history,
to have elapsed from the beginning of the reign of Eumenes to the end ol
the Pergamenian kingdom- and deducting from them the yenrs wliich At-

.j<Jb' rOXNKXlOX OF THE HISTORY OF [pAUT IT.

queathed liis kingdom to Attains his brother, who accord-
ingly succeeded him in it.i He had a son by Stratonice his
qireen, sister to Ariarathes, the king of Cappadocia last men-
tioned ; but he, being an infant at the time of his father's
death, was then incapable of administering the government :
and tlierefore Eumenes rather chose to put Attains into the
present possession of the crown, reserving to his son the next
succession after him.'' And Attains deceived not his expec-
tation herein ; for, after his brother's death he married his
wife, and took care of his son, and left him his kingdom at
his death, after he had reigned in it twenty years, preferring
him herein to his own sons, for the sake of that trust which
his brother had reposed in him, as will be hereafter related
in its proper place.

Jonathan having had two years' quiet, and thereby brought
his affairs to some settlement in Judea,''the adverse
.-fonauiifs. faction being hereby excited with envy against him,
sent to the Syrian court at Antioch, and there pro-
cured that Bacchides was again ordered into that land with
a great army. The authors of this mischief proposed to
seize Jonathan, and all those of his party, in one and the
same night, throughout the land, as soon as the army should
arrive to back them in the enterprise ; and all things were
accordingly laid in order to it. And therefore Bacchides, on
his entering the borders of Judea, sent them letters to ap-
point the time for the executing of the plot in the manner as
had been concerted between them. But, the design being
discovered, Jonathan got his forces together, seized fifty of
the conspirators, and having put them todeath, thereby quell-
od all the rest ; and so (he wliole mischief that was intended
against him, was totally quashed and defeated.* But, not
being strong enough to stand against so great a force as Bac-
chides brought against him, he retired to Bethbasi, a place
stronsly situated in the wilderness, and having well repaired
its former fortifications, and firrnished it with all things neces-
sary, he there proposed to make defence against the enemy .*^
Whereon Bacchides marched thither with all his army to bc-

Uil lis his brother, and after him Attahis Iiis son, (in whose death that king-
dom ceased.) reigned, according to Strabo, in Perframus after him, there will
remain only thirty-nine years for the reign of Eumenes ; in the beginning of
the last of which he died, having reigned full thirty-eight years, and entered
only on the beginnit;gof xUe thirty-ninth.

q Strabo, ibid. Plutarch, in libro vipi <J>ixnSi><pta(.

V 1 Maccab. ix,58 — 61. Joseph. Aiitiq. lib. 13, c. 1.

s Josephus relates the matter, as if Bacchides had put those fifty men (o
death out of anger for the disappointment ; but, according to the first boofc
of Maccabees, it can be understood no otherwise than as I have here re-
lated it.

f 1 Maccab. ix. 62— r>8 .Toseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c, 1.

ROOK IV.] THE OLD AN1> NEW TESTAMENTS. 497

siege him, and called thither to him all the Jews that were
in the Syrian interest to assist him herein. On his approach
Jonathan left Simon his brother with one part of his forces
to defend the place, and he with tlu^ other part took the field
to harass the adversary abroad ; and accordingly he did cut
off several of their parties as they went out to forage, smote
and destroyed others that adhered to them, and sometimes
made impressions upon the outskirts of those that lay at the
siege, to the disturbing and disordering of the whole army.
And at the same time Simon as valiantly did his part in Beth-
basi, strenuously defending himself therein, making frequent
sallies, and burning the engines of war provided against the
place. By which success of the two brothers, Bacchides,
being made weary of the war, grew very angry th those
who had been the authors of bringing him into it ; and, hav-
ing put several of them to death, purposed to raise the siege,
and depart the country ; of which Jonathan having notice,
took hold of the opportunity to send messages to him for an
accommodation ; which Bacchides gladly receiving, made
peace with Jonathan and his party ; and all prisoners being
thereon restored on both sides, Bacchides swore that he
would never more do any harm to the Jews, as long as he
should live ; which he accordingly made good ; for, as soon
as the peace was ratified and executed on both sides, he de-
parted, and never afterward came any more into that coun-
try." Whereon Jonathan settled in peace at IMichmash, a
town lying to the north of Jerusalem at the distance of nine
miles from it, and there governed Israel according to the law,
cutoff all that apostatized from it, and restored again justice
and righteousness in the land, and reformed as far as he
could, all that was amiss either in church or state."

Ariarathes being driven out of his kingdom of Cappadocia
by Demetrius and Holophernes. in (he manner as
hath been above related, came to Rome for relief.^ Jonathan"'.
And thither came also ambassadors from Demetrius
and Holophernes, to justify what they had done against him.
Who being able speakers, and making their appearance with
great splendour and show of riches, as coming from princes
in possession of their kingdoms, easily overbore, by the power
of their oratory, and of their interest, a poor exiled prince who
hadnooneelseto speakforhim,orany otherinterest to support
him in his cause, save only the justness of it ; and therefore
they obtained the determination of the senate on their side
against him. However, seeing Ariarathes had been formerly
declared, and often owned as a friend and ally of the Ro-

u 1 Maccab. ix. 69—73. Joseph. Antiq. lib. l^- c 1;2
X Eusebius&i Hieronymous.
y Polyb. legat. 12'', P- P^^'.

49U CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OF [PART li.

mans, they would not wholly dispossess him, but ordered him
and Holophernes to reign together/ But this partnership
did not last long ; for Holophernes having, by his many mal-
administrations, utterly alienated the afJections of the Cap-
padocians from him, they were all ready to declare against
him for Ariarathes on the (irst occa-ion that should ofl'er. On
which Attalus, king of Pergamus, being fully informed, sent
Ariarathes such assistance as enabled him to drive Holopher-
nes out of the country, and again reinstate himself in the pos-
session of the whole kmgdom.* Hereon Holophernes retreat-
ed to Antioch, carrying thither with him a treasure sufficient
to support him. For, before this turn of his aiTairs, suspect-
ing that which happened, ** he got together a great sum of mo-
ney to the value of four hundred talents of silver, and depo-
sited it with the Prienians, among whom he was bred, as a
reserve for alt events.'' This money, Ariarathes, after the
recovery of his kingdom, demanded of th«i Pnenians, as that
which of right belonged to him, because raised out of the
revenues of his crown. But the Prienians being of old fa-
mous for their justice, resolved to make good that character
on this occasion, and therefore would not be induced by any
solicitations or threats to pay him the money ; but though
ihey suffered much both from Attalus, as well as from Aria-
rathes, for the refusal, continued true to their trust, and resto-
red the whole sum to Holophernes; and with this money he
might have lived in plenty and ease at Antioch, could any
thing less than reigning there have contented him.

Ptolemy Physcon. king of Lybia and Cyrene, having by
his ill and cruel management of the government, and
jonaUiaBS. h's Very wicked and vicious conduct, justly incurred
the general dislike and odium of his subjects ; it hap-
pened, that some of them, lyingin wait for him, fell upon him,
and wounded him in several places, thinking to have slain
him.*^ l^his he charged upon king Philometor his brother ;
and, as soon as he was recovered, he went again to Rome
with his complaint against him, showing the senate the scars
of his wounds, and accusing him of having employed the as-
sassins from whom he received them. And, although king
Philometor was a person of so great benignity and good na-
ture, that of all men living he was the most unlikely ever to
have given the least countenance to such a fact, yet the senate,

z Appian. in Syriacls. Zonoras ex Dione. Livii Epit. lib. 47.

a Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 169. Zonoras ex Dione.

b Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 171, 173.

c Priene was a city of Ionia, situated on the north side of the river Mean-
der, over against Myus. It was the city of Bias the philosopher, and, from
the justice practised there in his time, Jmlilia Pricntnfts became a pro-
verb. Strabo, lib. 14. p. 636.

d Polyb. legal. 133, p. 961.

BOOK IV. j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS* 4^5?

by reason of the disgust which they had conceived against
him for his not submitting to their decree about Cyprus,*^
yielded so easy an ear to this false accusation, that, taking it
all to be true, they would not so much as hear what the Am-
bassadors of Philometor had to say on their side, for the
refutation of this charge ; but ordered them forthwith to be
gone from Rome, and then sent five ambassadors to conduct
Physcon to Cyprus, and put him in possession of that island,
and wrote letters to their allies in those parts, to lurnish him
with forces for this purpose.

By which means Fh» scon, having gotten together an army
which he thought sufficient for the compassing of his
design, landed with them on the island for the pos- juuXan^I
sessing of himself of it ; but, being there encounter-
ed b} Philometor, he was vanquished in battle, and forced
into Lapitho, a city in that island ; where being pursued,
shut up, and besieged, he was at length taken prisoner in the
place and delivered into the hands of Philometor, who, out of
his great clemency, dealt with him much better than he de-
served/ For though his df^merits were such as might justly
have provoked from him the utmost severities, yet he remit-
ted all ; and not only pardoned him when his offences against
him were such as every body else would have judged unpar-
donable, but also restored to him Lib) a and Cyrene, and add-
ed some other territories to them, to compensate for his de-
taining Cyprus from him ; and hereby the war between the
two brothers was wholly ended, and never after again revived;
the Romans being ashamed, it seems, any more to oppose
themselves against so generous a cl<"mency ; for there is no
more mention from this time of their any further interposal
in this matter.

Philometor, having thus finished the Cyprian war against
his brother, left tne commatid of that island, on his return
to Alexandria, to Archias, one of the chief of his confi-
dents. But he was deceived in the man ; for he had not been
long in his trust ere he agreed with Demetrius, king of Syria,
for five hundred taleiits to betray the island to him.s But
discovery being made hereof, he hanged himself, to avoid the
punishment which that treachery deserved. He had formerly

e Polyh. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 197, <;ives this character of him, 'That
he was a prince of so niucli ciemeiicy and betiigniiy, thit he did never put
to death any of his nobles or as much as any one citizen of Alexandria,
during his -eign.' And. although his brother had many times provoked
him by offe.tce.s, in the highest degree, deserving of death, yet he always
pardoned him, and treated him at no time otherwise than with the affection
of a kind brother.

f Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 197. Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii,
p. 334, 337.

g Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 170.

600 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [pART I/.,

with great fidelity adhered to his master, when he was
driven out of his kingdom, and accompanied him to Rome,
when he went thither for help in his distress.'' But though
his tidehty was of proof in that case, it was not so in this
other ; for, being a greedy man, he could not hold out against
money ; and therefore sold himself for the sum I have men-
tioned, and perished in the bargain.

Demetrius, giving himself wholly up to luxury and
jo"na*tbM%. ease, lived at this time a very odd and slothful life.
For, having built him a castle near Antioch, and
strongly foriilied it with four towers, he there shut himself up,
and, casting offall c^re of the public, devoted himself wholly
to his ease and pleasure ;' the chief of which last was drink-
ing, which he indulged to that excess, that he was usually
drunk for the major part of every day he there lived.'' Where-
by it came to pass, that no petitions being admitted, no griev-
ances redressed, nor any justice duly administered, the whole
buisness of the government was at a stand ; which justly
giving disgust to his subjects, they entered into a conspiracy
for the deposing of him. And Holophernes, then living at
Antioch, joined with them in it against his benefactor, hoping,
on the success thereof, to ascend his throne, and there reign
in his stead. Of which discovery being made, Holophernes
was thereon clapped up in prison. For Demetrius thought
fit not to put hiiii to death, that he might still have him in re-
serve to let loose upon Ariarathes, a? future occasions should
require. However, notwithstanding this detection, the con-
spiracy still went on. For Ptolemy, being disgusted by De-
metrius's late attempt upon Cyprus, and Attains and Ariara-
thes being alike provoked by the wars which he had made
upon them in behalf of Holophernes, they all three joined to-
gether for the encouragement of the conspirators against him,
and employed Heraclides to suborn one to take on him the
pretence of being son to Antiochus Epiphanes, and under
that title to claim the crown of Syria. This Heraclides was,
as I have before related, a great favourite of Antiochus
Epiphanes, and his treasurer in the province of Babylon,
while Timarchus his brother, another like favourite of that
king's, was governor of it. But, on the coming of Demetrius
to the crown, these two brothers being found guilty of great
misdemeanors, Timarchus was put to death; but Heraclides,
making his escape out of the kingdom, took np his residence
at Rhodes ; where, being put on work to form this plot, and

h Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesli, p. 322.

i Joseph, \ntiq. lib. 13, c. 3. k Atlienaeus, lib. 10, p. 440.

I Justin. lib. 35, c. 1.

m Part 2, book 3, under the year 175, and book 4; under the year 162

BOOK IV. j THE OLD AND NEW TEM-AMEXTa. 601

having accordingly found out, in that place, a youth of very
mean and obscure condition, called Balas, that was every
way fit for the purpose, he dressed him up, and thoroughly
instructed him for the acting of his part in it.°

And when he had thus exactly formed him for the impos-
ture, he first procured him to be owned by the three
kings above mentioned, and then carried him to r ''^"1." ''^^•

r> 1 • 1 -ii I • T I- J»iiathan 8.

Uome, taking along with him Laodice, who was
truly the daughter of Antiochus Epiphanes, thereby to give
the better colour to the fraud ; and, on his arrival thither, by
his craft and sedulous solicitation, gained him to be owned
there also; and procured from the senate a decree in his be-
half, not only to permit him to return into Syria, for the re-
covery of that kingdom, but likewise to have their assistance
in order to it.P For the senators, though they plainly enough
discerned all to be fiction and imposture that was alleged on
the behalf of Balas, yet, out of disgust to Demetrius, they
struck in with it, and made this decree in favour of the im-
postor; by virtue whereof he raised forces, and with them
sailing to Ptolemais in Palestine, seized that city ; and there,
by the name of Alexander the son of Antiochus Epiphanes,
took upon him to be king of Syria ; and great numbers, out
of their disaffection to Demetrius, flocked thither to him.i

This brought Demetrius out of his castle, to provide for
his defence ; in order whereto, he got all the forces together
that he could, and Alexander armed as fast on his part : and
the assistance of Jonathan being hke to cany great weight
with it to that side he should declare for, both courted his
friendship/ And first, a letter was wrote to him from De-
metrius, constituting him the king's general in Judea, and au-
thorizing him to raise forces, and provide them with arms to
come to his assistance ; and commanding that the hostages,
which were in the fortress at Jerusalem, sliould be delivered
to him.* Jonathan, on the receiving of this letter, went up
to Jerusalem, and caused it there to be read in the hearing
of those in the fortress, and then, by virtue of it demanded
the hostages ; which they accordingly delivered to him. For
finding him invested with such authority from the king, they
were afraid, and durst not withstand him in this matter. —
And therefore, all the hostages which Bacchides had taken
of the Jews, and shut up in that fortress for the securing of

n That Balas was one of Rhodes, is said by Sulpitiiis Severiis, lib. 2, c.
22. That he was an impostor, is said by all. Vide Livii epitonjen, lib. 62.
Appian. in Syriacis. Athenajum, lib. 5, p. 211. Polyb. Legal. 140, p.
968. Juslin. lib. 35, c. 1.

o Polyb. legal. 13S, p. 965. p Polyb. legat. 140, p.96S.

(;i 1 Maccab. X. 1. Joseph. Antiq lib. 13, r. 3. r 1 Maccab, x.2

s 1 Maccab. x. 3—9. Josepb. Anliq. lib. 13, c. 4.
yoi., II. 64

502 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [PART lU

the fidelity of their fathers and friends to the Syrian interest,
beini; restored to those from whom they were taken, and the
restraint put upon ihem hereby again removed, great num-
bers flocked to Jonathan, for the strengthening of him, where-
by he grew to such power, that those forces which Bacchides
had placed in garrisons all over the country, finding them-
selves not strong enough to hold out against him, left their for-
tresses and fied away ; only Bethsura and the fortress at Je-
rusalem still held out.' For the garrison soldiers, in both
these two places, being most of them apostate Jews, they had
nowhere else to fly; and therefore, in this desperate case,
had nothing else to depend upon, but by standing out to de-
fend themselves to the utmost. Hereon Jonathan, settling
at Jerusalem, began to repair the city, and new fortify it on
every side, and caused the wall round the mountain of the
temple, which had been pulled down by Antiochus Eupator,
to be again rebuilt.

Alexander, hearing what Demetrius had done to gain
Jonathan on his side, sent also his proposals to him ;" where-
by he granted to him that he should be high-priest of the
Jews, and be called the king's friend ;^ and he sent him a
purple robe,y and a crown of gold, as ensigns of the great
dignity which he thereby invested him with, (none but prin-
ces and nobles of the first rank being allowed in those days
to be clothed in purploc) Of which Demetrius having re-
ceived notice, resolved to outbid Alexander, for the gaining
of so valuable an ally; and therefore sent a second message
to Jonathan, oflTering all that Alexander did, with the addi-
tion of many other extraordinary grants and privileges both
to him and all his people, in case he would declare for him,
and come to his assistance.^ But, it being remembered how
bitter an enemy he had been to all that adhered to the true
Jewish interest, and how much ruin and oppression he had
brought upon that whole nation, they durst not confide in,
him; but looking upon all his offers to be only such as were
extorted from him by the necessity of his affairs, and which
he would all immediately contravene and revoke whenever
his fortunes should be again restored, they resolved rather
to enter into league with Alexander. And therefore Jona-

t 1 Maccab.x. 16—14. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 4.

u 1 Maccab. x. 15—20 Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13. c. 5.

X Those that were the nobles under the Macedonian kings, were called
the king's friends, in like manner as with us all that are of the nobility are
called the king's cousins.

y To wear a purple robe among the Macedonians, was a mark of high
nobility; and it was also the same among other nations; heace purptirafi
signifies such as are noble.

z 1 Maccab, x. 21—47, Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, o. 9.

BOOK IV.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEXTS. 503

than,* accepting of his grant of the high-priest's office, and
having also for it the consent of all the people, did, on the
feast of tabernacles, which soon after ensued, put on the
pontifical robe, and then officiated as high-priest, after that
office, fronn the death of Alcimus, had been now vacant seven
years. And from this time the office of high-priest of the
Jews became settled in the family of the Asmoneans, and
continued in it for several descents, till the time of Herod,
who changed it from an office of inheritance to that of arbi-
trary will and pleasure.^ From that time, those that were in
power did put in and out the high priests as they thought
fit, till at length the office was extinguished in the destruc-
tion of the temple by the Romans. From the time of the
return from the Babylonish captivity, the office of high-priest
of the Jews had been in the family of Jozadak, and was
transmitted down in it, by lineal descent, to Onias the third
of the name, that was in that office; who, being outed of it
by the fraud of Jason his brother, and he again by the like
fraud of Menelaus, another of those brothers, Alcimus was
next, after the death of Menelaus, put into this office by the
command of the king of Syria. Josephus tells us that he
was not of the pontifical family, by which he means no more
than that he was not of the descendants of Jozadak, though
of the family of Aaron. For that he is said to be f and that
was enough to qualify him for the office, every descendant
of Aaron being equally capable of it. Whether the As-
moneans were of that race of Jozadak or not, is not any
where said. Only this is certain, that they were of the
course of Joarib, which was the first class of the sons of
Aaron.® And therefore, on the failure of the former pontifi-
cal family (which had then happened on the flight of Onias,
the son of Onias, into Egypt) they had the best right then to
succeed. And with this right Jonathan took the office, when
nominated to it by the king then reigning in Syria, and also
elected thereto by the general suffrage of all the people of
the land.

Both kings having with their armies taken the field, De-
metrius, who wanted neither courage nor understand-
ing when out of his drunken fits, in the first battle ^'"■"',. *^2.

Til- -11 i_ -i Jonathans.

had the victory :f but he gamed no advantage by it ;

for Alexander, being speedily recruited by the three kings

that first set him up,*^ and strongly supported by them, and

a 1 Maccab. x. 21. .Joseph. Aiiliq. lib. 13, c. 5.

b Joseph. Antiq. lib. 25. c. 3. Euseb. Demonstrationes Evangelical,
lib. 8.

c 1 Maccab. vii. 14. d 1 Maccab. ii. 1.

ft I Chron. xxiv. 7. f Justin, lib, 3-5, c. 1-

504 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [^ART il,

having also the Romans and Jonathan on his side, was en-
abled thereby still to maintain his cause. And the Syrians
continued, out of the aversion they had to Demetrius,
still to make desertions from him. Whereon Demetrius,
fearing where all this might end, sent his two sons, Deme-
trius and Antiochus (who both afterward reigned in Syria,)
to Cnidus, and there committed them, with a great treasure,
to the care of a friend of his which he had in that city, that
so, in case the worst should happen to him in this war, they
might there be secured out of the reach of any fatal stroke
from it, and be reserved for such future turn of affairs as for-
tune should afterward offer in their favour.**

About this time there appeared another impostor, one
Andriscus of Adramyttium in Mysia, a young man of
Anuo 151. as mean condition in that place as Alexander had
■ been at Rhodes;' who, thinking to play the same
game for the kingdom ofMacedon, that the other had for the
kingdom of Syria, pretended to be son to king Perseus who
last reigned in Macedon ; and, taking on him the name of
Philip, by virtue of this title, claimed to reign in that coun-
try ; but, finding his pretence at that time to be but little re-
garded there, he applied himself to Demetrius at Antioch;
hoping, that, since the Romans had encouraged one impostor
against him, he might the easier be induced to encourage
another against them. But Demetrius, seeing plainly through
the falsity of this pretence, caused him to be seized and sent
to Rome. This he did, either that he thought thereby to in-
gratiate himself with the Romans, or else rather that he
would not countenance a fraud, which was the same with that
which he was then suffering under. But, on this impostor's
being delivered at Rome, the Romans despising and neglect-
ing him, he made his escape thence into Macedonia, where
he kindled such a war as cost the Romans the expense of a
great deal of time, and also a great deal of blood and
treasure, again to quench it.''

In the interim, the two contenders for the crown of Syria,

having drawn together all their forces, committed

Aim.. 150. the determination of their cause to a decisive

Jonathan H. ,,ij,. -r-. -iir

battle.' In the first onset Demetrius's left wing
put the opposite wing of the enemy to flight ; but, pursuing
them too far, a fault in war which hath lost many victories,

h Livii Epit. lib 52. Justin, lib. 35, c. 2.

i E|tit. lib. 48, 49.

k Epit. Livii, lib. 49, 50. L. Flora.s, lib. 2, c. 4. Eutropius, lib. 4. Valleius
Pateicul. lib. 1.

I 1 Maccab. X.4S— 50. Justin, lib. 35, c. 1. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 5,
Appian in Syriacis, Tolyb. lib. 3. r. ]t]].

BOOK IV. j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 505

and yet is still committed,) by the time they came back, the
right wing in which Demetrius fought in person was over-
borne, and he slain in the rout. As long as he could face the
enemy, he omitted nothing either of valour or conduct for
the obtaining of better success ; but, at length, in the retreat,
his horse having plunged him into a bog, they that pursued
him there shot at him with their arrows, till he died, after
having reigned in S>ria twelve years.

Alexander, by this victory, having made liimself master of
the whole Syrian empire, sent to Ptolemy king of Egypt, to
desire that Cleopatra his daughter might be given him in
marriage ; which Ptolemy consenting to, carried her to
Ptolemais, and there married her unto him.™ Jonathan being
invited to the wedding, went thither, and was received with
great favour by both kings, especially by Alexander ;" who.
to do him the greater honour, caused him to be clothed in
purple, and ordered him to be enrolled among the chief of
his friends, and to take place near him among the first princes
of his kingdom." And he constituted him also general of his
forces in Judca, and gave him the office of Meridarches^ in
his palace. And, whereas many that maligntd him came to
Ptolemais, there to prefer libels of accusation against him,
Alexander would receive none of them, but caused it to be
proclaimed all over the city, that no one should presume to
speak evil of him; whereon all his enemies fled from thence,
and Jonathan returned with honour again into Judea.

Onias, the son of Onias, who, on his being disappointed of
the high-priesthood, on the death of his uncle iMene-
laus, fled into Egypt, (as hath been above related) jo^alhani;!
there so far ingratiated himself with king Ptolemy
Philometor and Cleopatra his queen, that he gained the chief
of their confidence in all their affairs ;i for he was a great
soldier and a great politician ; and thereby became advanced
to the highest post both in the army and in the court ; and
having, by the strength of his interest, introduced another Jew,

m 1 Maccab. x 51—58. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. T.

n 1 Maccab. x. 59—66.

o That is, of the nobles of his kingdom ; for, under the Macedonians, the
nobles had the style of the king's friends.

p That is, Chief sewer, which is an office one of the electors bears in the
Geroian empire. Grotius thus explains the word in his comment on the
Maccabees, 1 Maccah. x. 65; xi. 27. and 3 Maccab. p. 796. But in his com-
ment on Matthew xis. 28, he expounds it rather to denote the governor of
a tribe or province ; and, if it be so taken here, and be understood to mean,
that Jonathan was rather made governor of some part of the Syrian Empire
than governor and orderer of the parts and dishes of the feast at the
royal table, perchance tiiis interpretation may reach the truth nearer than
the other.

n Josephus contra Apionem. lib. 2.

oOG CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II,

called Dositheus, into the like favour, they two had the chief
management of the government during the latter end of Phi-
lometor's reign. And Onias having this power and interest
with the king, made use of it at this time to obtain from him
license to build a temple for the Jews in Egypt, like that at
Jerusalem, with a grant from him and his descendants to be
always high-priests in it/ For the obtaining of the king's
consent hereto, he set forth to him, that the building of such
a temple for the Jews in Egypt would be for the interest of
his crown ; thai Jerusalem being within the territories of
the king of Syria, the going of the Egyptian Jews thither an-
nually to worship might give occasion for the seducing of
them to the Syrian interest ; that therefore it ought to be
prevented ; and that the building for them such a temple ia
Egypt would not only most effectually do this, but also draw
many other Jews thither from Judea, and other parts, for
the better peopling and strengthening of his kingdom. But
his greatest difficulty was to reconcile the Jews to this new
invention, their constant notion having hitherto been, that
Jerusalem only was the place which God had chosen for his
■worship, and that it was sin to sacrifice to him upon any altar
elsewhere. To satisfy them as to this, he produced to them
the prophecy of Isaiah, v,'here it is said. In that day shall Jivr.
cities in the land of Egypt speak the language of Canaan, and
swear to the Lord of hosts : one shall be called the city of
destruction. In that day shall there be an altar unto the Lord,
in the midst of the land of Egypt, and a pillar at the border
thereof unto the Lord.^ And, having interpreted this place of
holy Scripture, (which was truty meant only of the future
state of the gospel in that county,) as if it respected the then
present times, he prevailed with all of his nation in Egypt to
understand it so too, and thus served his purpose by it. And
therefore, having thus gained the king, and also the Jews
that were in Egypt, to approve of his project, he immedi-
ately set about the building.* The place which he chose for
it was a plot of ground within the Nomos or prefecture of
Heliopolis, at the distance of twenty-four miles from Mem-
phis, where had formerly stood an old temple of Bubastis,
(which was another name of Isis, the great goddess of the
Egyptians,) but it was then wholly neglected and demolished ;
and therefore, having rid the ground of its ruins and rubbish,
he there built upon the same spot his new Jewish temple.
He made it exactly according to the pattern of that at Jeru-
salem, though not altogether so high nor so sumptuous ; and

r Joseph. Antiq, lib. 13, c 6 : lib, 20, c. 8, h de Bello .Tudaico, lib. 7. c. 30.
s Isa. six 18, 1^. t .Tosephus, ibid

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 507

there he placed an altar for burnt-offerings, an altar of in-
cense, a show-bread table, and all other instruments and
utensils necessary for the Jewish service in the same man-
ner as in the temple at Jerusalem, save only, that he had not
there a golden candlestick of seven branches in the holy place,
as was in that other temple, but, instead of it, had one great
lamp hung there in its place by a golden chain from the roof
of the house. It is the opinion of a very learned man, that
he was led to the choice of the prefecture of Heliopolis, for
the erecting of the temple in it, Ijy the same prophecy of
Isaiah above recited," as then reading in the Hebrew text
the word Hacheres for the word Haheres ; as if, instead of
Air haheres yeamar IccBchath, (i. e. One shall be called the
cily of destruction, as in our English translation,) the reading
then was Air Hacheres y earner Lecechath, i. e. One shall be
called the city of the sun, (i. e. Heliopolis, for that name in
Greek signifieth the city of the sim.^) And so much must be
said for this conceit, that, in the Hebrew alphabet, the letter
(CA) and the letter (//) are so much alike, that they may, by
transcribers, very easily be mistaken the one for the other,
and thereby a various reading be made in that place. And
it is certain, that, in the time of Jonathan Ben Uzziel, the
Chaldee paraphraser of the prophets, who lived not much
above one hundred years after the erecting of this temple,
there was no doubt whether Cheres or Heres was the true
reading in that place, though there be no Keri Cetib at it ;
and therefore, in paraphrasing of that text, he took both in,
and renders the place, The city of the temple of the sun, which
is to be destroyed, shall be said to be one of them. For which
interpretation no other reason can be given, but that it being
then uncertain, which of the two readings was the true one,
he solved the difficulty by taking in both. But the true rea-
son why Onias built his temple in this place was, he had the
government of this Nomos or prefecture under the king, and
had there given unto him a large territory, whereon he built
a city, which from his name he called Onion,^ and planted all
that territory with Jews ; and therefore he could not tind a
place more to the advantage and convenience either of him-

u Joseph. Scaliger in Animadversionibus ad Chronologica Eusebil, sub
No. 1856, p. 144.

X This last reading Jerome follows ; for he renders the place, Civitas soils
rocalitur una, i. e. One of Ihem. shall be called Hie cily cf Uie sun.

y When Antipaterand Mithridates were inarching with forces (o the as-
sistance of Julius Ceesar in his Alexandrian war, Josephus tells us (Antiq.
lib. 14, c. 14,) that they were opposed in their passage by the Egyptiat;
Jews, who were o/ t»v Ovia f.ryojuivw X'^P*^ x.a<roiKisv]i;, i. e. Inliabilants of the
region, called the region or ierrilory of Onion, i. e. of the cily Onion built by
Onias, and so called by his name ; which region or country, the same Jose-
phus tells us, Onias planted all over with Jews

508 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART TI.

self or his people any where else for it. And, after he had
thus built his temple, he surrounded the area within which it
stood with a high brick wall, and placed priests and Levites
to officiate in it ; and from that time the divine service was
therein daily carried on in the same manner and order as in
the temple at Jerusalem, till at length, after the destruction
of Jerusalem and its temple, this temple also was first shut
up, and afterward wholly demolished and destroyed, with
the city of Onion, in which it stood, by the command of Ves-
pasian the Roman emperor, about two hundred and twenty-
four years after it had been first built. ^

In favour of this temple of Onias, the Septuagint renders
the passage of Isaiah above mentioned, noA/« Aa-e^ex. ^Ajj^j? 5-it«< «/«,<«
reA/$, that is, one of the cities shall be called Azedek, intimating
thereby, as if the original were neither Air Hahei-es, nor Jlir
Hacheres, but Air Hazedek, i. e. the city of righteousness j
which is a plain corrupting of the text, to make it speak for
thehonour and approbation ofthe temple of Onias, which was
there built. From whence these two inferences are plainly
deducible : 1. That the Greek translation of the Hebrew
Scriptures, which we call the Septuagint, was made by the
Jews of Egypt, who worshipped God at the temple of Onias :
and, 2dly. That this part of it which gives us the version
of Isaiah (and the same may be said as to the other prophets)
was made after that temple was built ; which agrees exactly
with what 1 have above written of the original of this ver-
sion; that is, 1. That it was first made for the use of the hel-
lenistical Jews of Alexandria. 2. That it was not made all at
the same time, but by parts, at different limes, as they needed
it, for the use of their synagogues. 3. That they needed it
for that use as soon as there was a necessity for the reading
of the Scriptures, in the Greek language, in the said syna-
gogues. 4. That this necessity began as soon as the Greek
became the common language of the Jews in that place, and
their own was worn out and forgot among them ; which hap-
pened about the time of Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt.
5. That, till the time of the Maccabees, the law only having
been read in their synagogues, till that time they needed none
other ofthe Scriptures, but the law only, to have been trans-
lated for this use ; and therefore, till then, no more of them
than the law was put into the Greek language. C. That
when the Jews of Jerusalem, in the time of the Maccabees,
(that is, of the three brothers, Judas, Jonathan, and Simon,
whose history, under the name of Maccabees, is written in
the apocryphal Scriptures) had brought in the prophets also

■/. Joseph, de Bello Judaieo, lib. 7, c. 30.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND XEW TESTAMENTS. 501^

to be read in their synagogues on the occasion I have above
mentioned ; and the Jews of Alexandria, Egypt, Libya, and
Cyrene, thought fit to follow their example herein ; this made
it necessary for them to have the prophets also translated into
Greek for this purpose ; which being most certainly not done
till after the time of the Maccabees, (for sooner we cannot
suppose the usage to have been propagated from Jerusalem,
so far as into Egypt, and the thing there settled,) it must from
hence follow, that it must not have been done till after the
building of Onias's temple also, that having been built in the
eleventh year of the government of Jonathan, the second of
those Maccabees, as I have here placed it.

About this time, there arose a great sedition at Alexandria
between the Jews and the Samaritans of that city, the for-
mer holding Jerusalem, and the other Mount Gerizim to be
the place where, according to the law, God was to be wor-
shipped ; they did run their contentions about this point so
high, that at length they came to open arms.^ Whereon, for
the quelling of this disturbance, a day was appointed for the
hearing and determining of the dispute before king Ptolemy
and his council. The point in contest was, whether, by the
law of Moses, Jerusalem or Mount Gerizim was the place
where God was to be worshipped by Israel ; and advocates
were appointed on each side to argue and plead the cause :
wherein the Samaritans failing of that proof which they pre-
tended to, their advocates were put to death, for making the
contention ; and so the whole disorder ceased.

Alexander Balas, having gotten into the possession of the
crown of Syria, by the means I have mentioned,
thought now that he had nothing else to do but to jota"hanM'
glut himself in the enjoyment of all those vicious
pleasures of luxury, idleness, and debauchery, which the
plenty and power he was then invested with could afford
him. And therefore, giving himself wholly up to them, and
spending most of his time with lewd women, which he had
in a great number got about him, he took no care at all of
the government,*' but left it wholly to the administration of
a favourite of his, called Ammonius, who, managing him-
self in it with great insolence, tyranny, and cruelty, put to
death queen Laodice, sister of Demetrius, who had been
wife to Perseus king of Macedon, and Antigonus, a son of
his that had been left behind, when the other two were sent
to Cnidus, and all others of the royal family that he could
get into his power, thinking this the best means of securing

a Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c.6.

b Livii EpiL lib. 50. Athenaens, lib. 5> Justin, lib. 35, c. 2
VOL. u. 65

510 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART II.

to his master the possession of the crown, which, by fraud
and imposture, fhe had usurped from them.*^ Whereby he
soon made both Alexander and himself very odious to all the
people. Of which Demetrius, the son of Demetrius, (who
had by his father been sent to Cnidus in the beginning of the
late war, and was now grown up to years of puberty,) having
received notice, thought this a proper time for him to reco-
ver his" right ; and therefore having, by the means of Las-
thenes his host, hired a band of Cretans, landed with them
in Cilicia, and there soon growing to a great army, took pos-
session of all that country ; whereby Alexander being roused
up from his sloth, was forced to leave his seraglio of concu-
bines which he had got about him, to look after his affairs ;'*
and therefore, having committed the government of Antioch
to Hierax,*^ and Diodotus, who was also called Tryphon,*^ he
took the tield with as many forces as he could get together ;S and
hearing that Apollonius, governor of Ccelo-Syriaand Phoeni-
cia, had declared for Demetrius, he called in king Ptolemy,
his father-in-law^. to his assistance.

But the name of Apollonius often occurring in the history
of these times, before we proceed further herein, it is neces-
sary to give an account who the persons were that bore this
name, that so this part of the history may be cleared from
that confusion and obscurity which otherwise it must lie un-
der. For, Apollonius being a very common name among the
Syro-Macedonians as well as the Greeks, it was not always
the same person whom we find mentioned by this name in
the occurrences of those times. The first that we meet with
of this name in the history of the Maccabees, is Apollonius
the son of Thraseas, who was governor of Ccelo-Syria and
Phoenicia under Seleucus Philopater, when Heliodorus came
to Jerusalem to rob the temple, and afterward, by his au-
thority in that province,' supported Simon, the governor of
the temple at Jerusalem, against Onias the high-priest.'' The
same was also chief minister of state to the said king Seleu-
cus. But, on the coming of his brother Antiochus Epiphanes
to the crown after him, Apollonius being some way made ob-
noxious to him, left Syria, and retired to Miletus.'' At the
same time, while he resided at Miletus, he had a t-on of the
same name at Rome, there bred up, and residing with Deme-
trius, the son of Seleucus Philopater, who was then an hos-

C Joseph, lib. 13, c. 8 Livius, ibid.

d 1 Maccab. x. 67. Joseph. Antii|. lib. 13, c. 6. Justin, lib. 35, c. 2.

e Diodorus Sicuius in Excerptis Vaiesii, p. 346.

f 1 Maccab. xi.39. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9.

g Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 8.

h 2 Maccab. iii.5. k Polyb. legat. 114, p. 944, 946.

i 2 Maccab. iv. 4.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMEXTS. 511

tage in that place.' This ApoUonius, being a prime favour-
ite and confident of Demetrius, was, on his recovering of
the crown of Syria, made governor of Coelo-Syria and Phoe-
nicia, the same government which his father was in under
Seleucus Philopater. And this I take to be the ApoUonius,
who, being continued in the same government by Alexanderj
now revolted from him, to embrace the interest of Demetrius
the son of his old master.™ Another ApoUonius is spo-
ken of as favourite and chief minister of Antiochus Epi-
phanes;" but he, being said to be the son of Menesthcus,is suf-
ficiently distinguished by that character from the other two
above mentioned. He went ambassador from Antiochus first
to Rome," and afterward to Ptolemy Philometor king of
Egypt ;P and him I take to be the same, who, in the history
of the Maccabees, is said to be over the tribute,'^ and who,
on Antiochus's return from his last expedition into Egypt, was
sent with a detachment of twenty-two thousand men, to de-
stroy Jerusalem, and build that fortress or citadel on Mount
Acra, which held the Jews there by the throat for many years
after. Besides these, there are two other Apolloniuses men-
tioned in the history of the Maccabees ; the first,'' who being
governor of Sanaria in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes,
was slain in battle by Judas Maccabajus ; and the other,'
called the son of Gennasus, who being governor of some to-
parchy in Palestine under Antiochus Eupator, then signalized
himself by being a great enemy to the Jews.

ApoUonius having embraced the party of Demetrius, as I
have mentioned, his first attempt was to reduce Jonathan,
who held firm to the interest of Alexander, according to the
league which he had made with him. And therefore, having
drawn together a great army, he encamped with it at Jam-
nia, and from thence sent to Jonathan a proud braggadocio
message, to challenge him to come to battle with him f
whereon Jonathan, marching out of Jerusalem with ten
thousand men, took Joppa, in the sight of ApoUonius and
his army ; and after this, joining battle with him, vanquished
him in the open field, and pursued his brokenforces to Azotus,
and, having taken thattovvc, set it on fire, and burnt it down
to the ground, with the temple of Dagon that was in it, con-
suming all those with it that fled thither to save themselves ;
so that there perished that day of the enemy's forces, what

I Folyb. ibid.

m 1 Maccab. X. 69. n 2 Maccab. iv. 21.

o Livius, lib. 42. c. 6. p I Maccab. iv. 2).

q 1 Maccab. i. 29. 2 Maccab. v. 24.

«• 1 Maccab. iii. 10. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 12, c. 7, 10.

s 2 Maccab. xii. 2.

< 1 Maccab. x. 69—87. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. S.

512 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART II.

by the sword, and what by fire, about eight thousand men.
After this, treating other towns of the enemy in the country
round after the same manner, he returned to Jerusalem with
their spoils. Whereon Alexander, hearing of this victory
gained in his interest, sent to Jonathan a buckle of gold, such
as used only to be given those to wear who were of the royal
family ; and he gave him also the city of Ecron, with the
territory thereto belonging, and ordered him to be put in
possession of it."

About this time flourished Hipparchusof Nicaea in Bithynia,
the most celebrated astronomer of all the an-
jo"na*tha"i4. cieuts.^ He gave himself up to this study for
thirty-four years, making, through all that time,
continual observations of the positions and motions of the
heavenly bodies, which are still preserved in the works of
Ptolemy the astronomer. These observations he began in
the year before Christ 162, and ended them, A. D. 128, soon
after which year we suppose he died. The Jews call himAbra-
chus,'' and his name is of great renown among them, and that
very deservedly : for Rabbi Samuel, Rabbi Adda, and Rabbi
Hillel, the authors of that form of the year which they now
use, were mostly beholden to him for the observations and
calculations by which they made it.

Ptolemy Philometor, having been called to the assistance of
his son-in-law, Alexander king of Syria, marched
Jonathan 13, into Palestine, with a great army for this purpose f
and all the cities, as he passed, opening their gates
to him, as being ordered by Alexander so to do, he left of his
soldiers in each of them to strengthen their garrisons. At
Joppa Jonathan met him, and although many complaints
were made against him about the devastations made by him
in those parts, after his late victory over Apollonius, yet he
would take no notice of any of them, but Jonathan was very
kindly received by him, and marched on with him to Ptole-
mais.^ On Ptolemy's coming thither, discovery was made of
snares that were laid for his life;'' for Ammonius, who
managed all afTairs under Alexander, fearing that Ptolemy
came with so great a power, rather to serve his own interest,
by seizing Syria to himself, than to succour Alexander, or
else having received intelligence that this was really his in-
tent, formed a design of having him cut off on his coming to
Ptolemais : which Ptolemy having gotten full discovery of,

i] 1 Maccab. s. 88, 89.

X Ptolemai magna Syntaxis, lib. 3, c. 2. Plinius, lib. 2, c. 26.

y David Ganz, sub anno 3534.

y. 1 Maccab. xi. 1 — 5. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 8-

a 1 Maccab. xi. 6, 7. Joseph. Antiq. lib, 13, C.8

■Ji 1 Marccab. xi. 10, Joseph, ibid.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 615

marched forward to demand the traitor to be delivered to
him; and Jonathan attended on him as far as the river
Eleutherus in Syria.° From thence Ptolemy marched to
Seleucia on the Orontes, where, finding that Alexander
would not deliver up Ammonius to him, he concluded him
to be a party to the treason ; and therefore taking his daugh-
ter from him, he gave her to Demetrius, and made a league
with him, for the restoring of him to his father's kingdom.*^
Hereon the Antiochians,® who bore great hatred to Ammonius,
thinking this a fit time for the executing of their resentments
upon him, rose in a tumult against him, and having slain him,
as he endeavoured to escape in woman's clothes, declared
against Alexander, and opened their gates to Ptolemy,® and
would have made him their king ;^ but he declared himself
contented with his own dominions,^ instead of accepting this
offer, recommended to them the restoration of JDemetrius,
the true heir (which is a certain proof he had no design upon
Syria for himself, though this be said in the first book of the
Maccabees;)"^ upon which recommendation, Demetrius be-
ing received into the city, was placed on the throne of his
ancestors, and all the inhabitants of Antioch declared for
him. Whereon Alexander, who was then in Cilicia, coming
thence with all his forces, wasted the country round Antioch
with fire and sword.' This brought the two armies to a
battle, in which Alexander being vanquished, fled with only
five hundred horse to Zabdiel, an Arabian prince, with whom
he had before intrusted his children.'' But he being there
slain by those he most confided in, his head was carried to
Ptolemy, who was much pleased with the sight of it; but his
joy did not last long; for, having received a dangerous
wound in the battle, he died of it within a (ew days after.'
And thus Alexander king of Syria, and Ptolemy Philometor
king of Egypt, both ended their lives together, the former
having reigned five, and the other thirty-five years. Deme-
trius succeeding in Syria, by virtue of this victory, from4tence
called himself Nicator, that is, the conqueror. But the suc-
cession in Egypt was not so easily determined.

This same year was rendered famous, not only by the
death of these two kings, but also by the destruction of two

c Joseph, ibid. Epit. Livii, lib. 50.

d 1 Maccab. xi. 8 — 12. Joseph, ibid. Livii Epit. lib. 52.

e 1 Maccab. xi. 13. Joseph, ibid. f 1 Maccab. ibid. .loseph. ibid.

g Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 8. hi Maccab. xi, 1.

1 1 Maccab. xi. 15. Joseph, lib. 13, c. 8.

k 1 Maccab. xi. 15— 17. Joseph, ibid. Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Photii,
cod 244.

1 1 Maccab. xi. 18. Joseph, ibid. Polyb. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 194. Epit,
Livii, lib. 52. Strabo, lib, 16, p. 751.

514 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART it."

celebrated cities, Carthage and Corinth. The former was
destroyed by Scipio Africanus, jun. after a war of three
years, which was called the third Punic war.™ And the
other was taken and burnt by L. Munnmius the Ronnan con-
sul for this year." In the burning of ibis city, all their brass
being melted down, and running together with other metals,
this mixture made the ^s Corinlkiacum," that is, the famous
Corinthian brass of the ancients.

At this same year ended the famous history of Polybius,
which he wrote in forty books, beginning it from the beginning
of the second Punic war, and ending it at the end of the
third. P But of this great and celebrated work, now only five
books remain entire : of the rest we have only fragments and
abstracts. He was by birth of Magalopolis in Arcadia, and
the son of Lycortas, the famous supporter of the Achaean
commonwealth in his time. This commonwealth, much re-
sembling that of the Dutch, was made out of the confederacy
of several states and cities of Poloponnesus united tegether
in one common league. Aratus^ first made it considerable,
Philopoemen'^ brought it to its highest perfection, and Lycor-
tas, as long as he lived, kept it up in the same state. And
Polybius his son, who was a person very eminent for all
military and political knowledge, would have continued to
have done the same, but that he was overborne by the Ro-
mans. For they becom.ing jealous, what this growing com-
monwealth might at length come to, resolved to suppress it,
in order whereto they forced from them one thousand of their
best men, and made them live in Italy, in manner of hostages,
but chiefly with design, that their commonwealth, being de-
prived of its principal men, might sink and come to nothing
through want of them/ Of these one thousand hostages,
Polybius was one of the chiefest. While he was thus con-
fined he lived at Rome, and there made use of the leisure
■which that confinement afforded him to write this history.
He had much of the favour and friendship of Scipio Afri-
canus, jun. to whom, by reason of his learning and wisdom,
he was very dear; and therefore, when he went into Africa
in the third Punic war, he carried Polybius with him, and it

m Livii Epit. lib. 51. L. Florus, lib. 2, c. 16. Appian. in Libycis. Valleius
Patercul. lib. 1.

n Livii Epit. lib. 52. L.Florus, lib. 2, c. 16. Pausanias in Achaicis. Justin,
lib. 34, c. 2.

o Plinius, lib. 34, c 2. L. Florus, ibid.

p Videas Vossium de Hist. Gra?cis, lib. 1, c. 19, &, Casauboni Epistolam
Dedicatorium Edit, suae Polyb. premissam.

q Plutarch, in Arato k. Philopoemene.

r Pausanias in Achaicis & Arcadicis. Plutarch, in Catone Censore
fc alibi.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 51c»

was chiefly owing to the assistance of his counsel and advice,
that Scipio ended that war with success ; and in that end of
it, Polybius ended his history, much grieving, that at the same
time ended also the Achaean commonwealth, in the destruc-
tion of Corinth, and the subjecting thereon to the Roman
yoke the rest of the cities and states of which that common-
wealth did consist. He lived a long while after, for he
reached the eighty-second year of his age.^

Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, on the death of king Philome-
tor, her brother and husband, endeavoured to se-
cure the succession for her son which she had by jouJlban \e.
him.* But he being then young, others set up for
Physcon king of Cyrene, the brother of the deceased, and
sent ambassadors to call him to Alexandria. This necessia-
ling Cleopatra to provide for the defence of herself and her
son, Onias and Dositheus came to her with an army of Jews
for her assistance. But at that time Thermus, an ambassador
from Rome, being present at Alexandria, by his interposi-
tion, matters were compromised, on the terms that Physcon
should take Cleopatra to wife, and breed up her son under
his tuition for the next succession, and reign in the interim.
That the Egyptians were thus delivered from a civil war, and
the differences then among them on this occasion all brought
to a composure in this manner, Josephus tells us, was wholly
owing to the assistance which Onias and Dositheus then
brought to the queen. However, the perfidy of Physcon
made all this turn very little to the service or content of
Cleopatra. For, as soon as he had married her, and thereby
got possession of the crown, he murdered her son in her
arms on the very day of the nuptials, and thereby acted over
again the same tragedy which Ptolemy Ceraunus had before
on the marriage of his sister Arsinoe;" and such incestuous
conjunctions well deserve such a curse to attend them.
This king was commonly called Physcon, by reason of his
great belly ;'' but the name which he affected to assume was
Euergetes, that is, the Benefactor 'J this the Alexandrians
turned into Kakergetes, that is, the Malefactor, by reason of
his great wickedness; for he was the wickedest and cruclest,^
and also the most vile and despicable of all the Ptolemies

s laicianus in Macrobiis.

t Justin, lib. 38, c. 8. Josephus contra Apionem, lib. 2. Valerius Max-
imus, lib. 9, c. 1.

u See above, part 2, book 1, under the year 2S0.

X Valerius Maximus, lib. 9, c. 1. Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii.
p. 351,375.

y Athenaeus, lib. 12, p. 549, k lib. 4, p. 148.

z Athenaeus, ibid. Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 351,34/
Justin, lib. 38, c. 8.

Itl CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART. II.

that reigned in Egypt. He began his reign with the murder
of his nephew, in the manner 1 have mentioned, and con-
tinued it with the same cruelty and wickedness all his reign
after, putting many others to death, almost every day, some
upon groundless suspicions, some for small faults, and others
for none at all, as the humour took him. and some again for
no other reason, but that, under the pretence of forfeiture, he
might take all that they had; and those who were the for-
wardest to call him to the crown were many of them the first
that suffered by him.

And things went not much better in Syria. Demetrius,
being young and inexperienced, committed the management
of his aflfairs to Lasthenes, by whose agency he hired those
Cretan mercenaries that brought him to the crown;* who,
being a wicked and rash man, did soon run himself into those
mal-administrationg, that alienated from his master the affec-
tions of those who should have supported him. And Deme-
trius himself, being naturally of an unhappy or perverse dis-
position, did not mend the matter. The first false step he
made was towards those soldiers which Ptolemy had placed
in the maritime towns of Phoenicia and Syria, for the strength-
ening of their garrisons, as he passed by them toward Antioch,
in his late expedition thither. These, if continued there,
would have been a great strength and support to him ; but,
upon some suggestions, growing jealous of them, he sent
orders to the other soldiers garrisoned with them, to put them
all to the sword :^ which being accordingly executed, this so
distressed the rest of the Egyptian army that were in Syria,
and had there placed him on the throne, that they all left
him, and returned again into Egypt. After this, he proceed-
ed to make a severe inquisition after those who had been
against him or his father in the late wars, and put them all to
death, as he could get them into his power.*^ And then,
thinking he had no more enemies to fear, he disbanded the
greatest part of his army, reserving none other in his pay
but his Cretans, and some other mercenaries ;'' whereby he
not only deprived himself of those veterans who served his
father, and would have been his chief support in the throne,
but made them also his bitterest ene.iiies, by depriving them
of the only means which they had whereby to subsist: the
mischief of which he severely felt in the revolts and revolu-
tions that after happened.

a Diodorus Siculiis in Excerpf is Valesii, p. 346.
b 1 Maccab. xi. 18. Joseph. Anfiq. lib. 13, c. 8.
c Diodorus Siculus in Excerptis Valesii, p. 346, 349.
A 1 Maccab. xi. 38. Joseph, lib. 13, c. 8.

"BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMExVTS. ol7

In the interim Jonathan, finding all quiet in Judea, set
himself to besiege the fortress which the heathen still held
in Jerusalem, that, by expelling them thence, he might re-
medy those mischiefs which the Jews there suffered from them.^
And accordingly he beset the place with an army and en-
gines of war, in order to take if : of which complaint bein"^
made to Demetrius, he came to Ptolemais, and there sum-
moned Jonathan to him to give him an account of this mat-
ter. Whereon, ordering the siege still to goon, he went to
Ptolemais, taking with him some of the priests and chief el-
ders of the land, and also many rich and valuable presents ;
by virtue of which, and his wise management, he so mollified
the king, and ingratiated himself so far with him and his mi-
nisters, that he not only rejected all accusations against him,
but also honoured him with many favours. For he not only
confirmed him in the high-priest's ofiice, admitted him into a
chief place among his friends, and, on his request, agreed to
add to Judea the three toparchies of Apherema, Lydda, and
Ramatha, which formerly belonged to Samaria, and to free
the whole land under his government of all manner of taxes,
tolls, and tributes, whatsoever, for three hundred talents, to
be paid in lieu of them, and then returned again to Antioch ;
where going on in the same methods of cruelty, folly, and
rashness, he daily alienated the people more and more from
him, till, at length, he made, them all ready for a general
defection./

AVhich being observed by Diodotus, afterward called Try-
phon, who formerly had served Alexander as governor of
Antioch in conjunction with Hierax, he thought this a fit time
for him to play a gaining game for his own interest, aiming at
nothing less than, by the advantage of these disorders, to put
the crown upon his own head.^ And therefore, going into
Arabia to Zabdiel, who had the bringing up of Antiochus,
the son of Alexander, laid before him the then state of affairs
in Syria, telling him, how all the people, and especially the
soldiery, were disaffected to Demetrius, and that thereby a
favourable opportunity was offered for recovering to Antio-
chus his father's kingdom.*' And therefore he desired, that

e 1 Maccab. xi. 20 — 37. Joseph. Antiq. 13, c. S.

f Justin, lib. 36, c. 1.

g 1 Maccab. 11.39. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9. Appian. ia Syriaciii.
Epitome, Livii, lib. 52. Strabo, lib. p. 15, p. 759.

h In the Greek original, this Zabdiel is called JLf^fxaXKnat, from the Arabic
word jJlmelec, that is, the King. The former was the name of his person,
the other of his olBce ; for he was king of that part of Arabia where he
lived. In some Greek copies it is Xt/uahjcuat, as in Aldus's the Alexandrian,
and the Complutensian ; and, out of one of these copfes the English version
being made, hence therein we read Simalcue. But, in what copy soever
VOL. II, 66

alS CJONKEXieN Of THE HISTORV OF [PART !?</

the youth might be put into hands, that he might prosecute
this advantage for him. For this scheme of treason was tirst
to claim the crown for Antiochus ; and, when he should have
gotten it, by virtue of that claim, then make away with that
vouth, and wear it himself; and so it afterward accordingly
happened. But Zabdiel, either seeing through the design,
or else disliking the project, would not immediately yield to
the proposal, which detained Tryphon there matiy days fur-
ther to press and solicit the matter, till at length, tjither by the
force of his importunities, or the force of his presents, he
brought over Zabdiel to comply with him, and obtained from
him what he desired.

In the meanwhile, Jonathan pressed hard on the siege of
the fortress at Jerusalem; but, finding no success in it, he
sent an embassy to Demetrius, to desire of him the with-
drawing of this garrison which he could not expel.' Deme-
trius, being then very much embarrassed by the tumults and
seditions of the Antiochians, whom he had provoked to the
utmost aversion both against him and his government, pro-
mised Jonathan, that he would do this and much more for him,
provided he would send him some forces for hi^ asfistance
against the presontmutineers: whereon Jonathan immediately
despatched away to him three thousand men. On their arri-
val, IJ)emetrius, confiding in the strength of this recruit, would
have disarmed the Antiochians, and therefore commanded
them all to bring in their arms ; which they refusing to do,
rose all in a tumult, to the number of one hundred and twen-
ty thousand men, and beset the palace, with intent to slay the
tyrant. Hereon the Jews, coming to his assistance, fell upon
them with fire and sword, burning a great part of the city,
and slaying of the inhabitants about one hundred thousand
persons. This brought the rest to sue for peace ; which be-
ing granted them, the tumult ceased ; and the Jews, having
thus retaliated upon the Antiochians what they hnd formerly
suffered from them in Judah and Jerusaletn, especially in the
time of Antiochus Epiphanes, returned with vast spoils and
great honour to their own country.

But Demetrius, still going on with his same methods of
cruelty, tyranny, and oppression, put many to death for the
late sedition, confiscated the goods of others, and drove great
numbers into banishment. Whereon the whole kingdom
b^eing every where filled with hatred and anger against him,

S/^oXKKa* is found, it is, by the error of the transcribers, for Eh/uaK^ar. for
it is certain, the latter only can be the true reading This the Syriac and
Jerome's version justify ; and the word so written signifieth something, the
»ther nothing.

i 1 Maccab. xi. 41—52. Joseph. 13, c. 9. Diodor. Sic. ia Excerptic
\'a\esii, p. 347, 348.

k Diodorus: ibid/

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 519

they only wanted an opportunity for their revenge for the
executing of it upon him to the utmost. And notwithstand-
ing his promises to Jonathan, and the great obhgations which
he owed to him for his late assistance, his conduct towards
him was no belter than to all the rest.' For, thinking now
he should have no more need of him, he broke the bargain
he had made with him at Plolemais, of freeing him and his
people from all taxes, tolls, and tribute, for three hundred
talents, to be paid him for the redemption of them, and, not-
withstanding he had received the money, demanded, that all
the said taxes, tolls, and tribute, should be still paid in the
utmost rigour as formerly, and threatened him with war unless
this were done ; whereby he alienated the Jews as much from
him as he had all others."

While things were in this state, Tryphon,° having at length
obtained of Zabdiel to have Antiochus, the son of
Alexander, delivered unto him, came with him into j^"haii7.
Syria, and there laid claim to the kingdom for him ;
whereon all the soldiers whom Demetrius had disbanded, and
multitudes of others whom he bad byJiis ill conduct made
his enemies, flocked to the pretender; and, having declared
him king, marched under his banner against Demetrius ; and,
having vanquished him in battle, forced him into Seleucia,
took all his elephants, and made themselves masters of An-
tioch, and there placed Antiochus upon the thone of the kings
of Syria, giving him the name of Theos, or the divine.

And Jonathan, being provoked by the ill return Deme-
trius had made him for his great services to him, accepted of
the invitation which he had received from the new king, of
coming into his interest. For, as soon as Antiochus had gain-
ed Antioch, there was sent from him an embassy to Jonathan
with letters written in his name, whereby the high-priest's
office was confirmed to him, the grant of the three toparchios
renewed, and a fourth added to them ; and he was allowed to
wear purple, and the golden buckle, and to have place among
the chief of the king's friends, and many other privileges
and advantages were moreover added." And Simon was made
chief commander of all the king's forces, from the Ladder
of Tyre to the borders of Egypt, on condition that these two
brothers and the Jews would declare for him ; which Jona-
than readily consented to, having just reason for it, from the
ill conduct of Demetrius towards him.P Whereon a com-

1 1 Maccab, si. 53.
in Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9.

n 1 Maccab. xi 54—56. Epitome Livii, lib. 53. JosephuS, ibid- Appiah
in Syriacis.

o 1 Maccab, xi. 57— 5P Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9.

520 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OF [PART 11.

mission was sent him to raise forces for the service of An-
tiochus through all Ccelo-S)'ria and Palestine ;'" by virtue
whereof, having gotten together a great army/ he marched
round the country even as far as Damascus, to secure all in
those parts to the interest of Antiochus. For the diverting
of Jonathan from this purpose, the forces which Demetrius
had in Coelo-Syria and Phoenicia drew together, and invaded
Galilee ;* whereon Jonathan marched thither to oppose
them, leaving Simon to command in Judea." On his first
coming into Galilee, being drawn into an ambush, he had
like to have been overborne by the enemy ; and most of his
forces falling into a panic fear, fled from him, excepting a
very few of the valiantest of them.* But these few making
a resolute stand, the rest rallied, and, coming on again to the
fight, won the victory. And Simon, in the interim, laying
siege to Bethsiira, forced it to a surrender, and thereby ex-
pelled the heathen, who had long kept a garrison there, to
the great annoyance of all the country round it.j'

Jonathan, on his return into Judea, finding all things were
in quiet, sent ambassadors to the Romans to renew with them
the league which they made with Judas ; who, being intro-
duced into the senate, were there received with honour, and
dismissed with their full satisfaction.^ On their return from
Rome, their orders vi^ere to address themselves to the Lace-
demonians, and the other allies of the Jews in those parts,
for the like renewing of their leagues with them ; which they
having accordingly done, they returned to Jerusalem, bring-
ing back with them full success in all the negotiations on
which they were sent.

The captains of Demetrius's forces, whom Jonathan had
lately vanquished in Galilee, having, by new reinforcements,
much increased their number and strength, came the second
time against him; whereon he marched out to meet them as
far as Amathis, in the utmost confines of Canaan, and there
encamped against them ; where, being informed by his spies,
that their intent was to storm his camp the next night, he
took care to be in full readiness to receive them; which
the enemy finding on their approach, they were so dis-
couraged at the disappointment, that, returning to their

p The Ladder of Tyre is a mountain so called, lying on the sea-coast be-
tween Tyre and Ptoleraais.

q Josephus, Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9.

r 1 Maccab. xi. 60—62. Josephus, ibid.

s 1 Maccab. xi. 63.

t 1 Maccab. si. 64. Joseph, ibid.

u 1 Maccab. & Josfphus, ibid. x 1 Maccab. xi. 67 — 74.

y 1 Maccab. xi. 65, 66 ; xiv, 7, 33. Josephus, ibirt.

'f. 1 Maccab. xii. 1 — 13. .Tosephus, ibid,.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 521

camp, and lighting fires in it to nnake it believed that they
were still there, they marched off in the night, and were got
so far by the time Jonathan found they were gone, that,
though he immediately, on the discovery of it, pursued after
them, yet it was all in vain.* For they had passed the river
Eleutherus, and were thereby got out of his reach before he
could come up thither. After this he led back his army
against the Arabs that were of Demetrius's party, and, hav-
ing smitten them and taken their spoils, turned his course
towards Damascus ; and, passing over the country there-
about, made strict inquiry after all that were adversaries to
the interest of Antiochus, and suppressed them every where.
And, while he was thus employed beyond Jordan, Simon his
brother was not idle in Judea ; for marching thence into
the land of the Philistines, he made all there submit to him ;
and, having taken Joppa, he placed a strong garrison in it.

After this, both brothers being returned to Jerusalem,
they called the great council of the nation together, to con-
sult about the repairing and new fortifying of Jerusalem, and
other strong holds in Judea, so that they might be made te-
nable against any enemy that should come against them.^
And it being then agreed, that the walls of Jerusalem, where
they were broken down or decayed, should be repaired, and
where too low should be built higher, and every thing else
done that was necessary thoroughly to fortify the place ; all
this was immediately set about, and carried on with the utmost
expedition. And at thesame time they built a wall or mount
between the fortress and the rest of the city, that the hea-
then who were in garrison there, might receive no relief of
provision, or of any thing else that way ; which soon redu-
ced them to great distress, and very much forwarded that
necessity, whereby at last they were forced to surrender the
place. Jonathan took on himself the oversight of all these
works at Jerusalem ; and while he was there thus employed,
Simon went into the country, and did the same as to all the
other fortresses and strong holds that were in the land ; and
thereby the whole country became well fortilied against any
enemy that should come to make war against it.

Tryphon, thinking his plot for the making away of Antio-
chus, and seizing the crown of Syria to himself, now ripe
for execution in all other particulars, save only that he fore-
saw Jonathan would never be brought to bear so great a vil-
lany, resolved at any rate to take him out of the way ; and
therefore marched with a great army towards Judea, in or-
der to get him into his power, that so he might put him to

a 1 Maccab. sii. 24—34. Josephus, Antiq. lib. 13, c. 9
b 1 Maccab. xii, 35 — 38. Joseph, ibid.

o22 CONNfiXrON OF THE HISTORY OP [pART li.

death. On his coming to Bethsan, (here Jonathan met him
with forty thousand men, Tryphon, seeing him at the head of
so great an army, durst not openly attempt any thing against
him ; but endeavoured to deceive him by flattering words,
and a false appearance of friendship, pretending, that he
came thither only to consult with him about their common
interest, and to put Ptolemais into his hands, which he intend-
ed wholly to resign to him; and,havmg deceived him by
these fair pretences, he persuaded him to send away all his
army, except three thousand men, two thousand of which he
sent into Galilee ; and, with the other one thousand, he
went with Tryphon to Ptolemais, expecting, according to the
oath of that traitor, to have the place delivered to him ; but
as soon as he and his company were got within the walls,
the gates were shut upon them, and Jonathan was made a
prisoner, and all his men were put to the sword. And im-
mediately forces were sent out to cut off the two thousand
also that were in Galilee ; hut they having notice of what
had been done to Jonathan aind his men at Ptolemais, encou-
raged each oiher to stand to their defence ; and then, joining
close together, put themselves in a posture resolutely to fight
for their lives; which the enemy perceiving, durst not at-
tack them, but permitted them quietly to march off; and they
all returned safe to Jerusalem, where was great lamenta-
tion for what had happened to Jonathan.*^ For hereon all
the heathen round about, finding the Jews thus deprived
of their captain, were making ready to destroy them; and
Tryphon, drawing together all his forces for the same pur-
pose, reckoned on this opportunity utterly to cut off and ex-
tirpate the whole nation/ Whereon the people being in
great fears,® Simon went up to the temple, and then calling
the people together to him, encouraged them to stand to their
defence, and offered himself to fight for them, as his father
and brothers had done before him/ Whereon thier hearts
being again raised, and their drooping spirits revived, they
unanimously made choice of Simon to be their captain in the
place of Jonathan; and, under his conduct and direction, im-
mediately set themselves hard at work for the finishing of the
fortifications at Jerusalem, which Jonathan had begun. And

c 1 Maccab. xii. 39 -52. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 10.

d 1 Maccab. xii 53.

e 1 Maccab. xiii. 1—11. Joseph. Anliq. lib. 13, c. 11.

f The outer court of the temple which was called the court of the Gen-
tiles, was the place where the people assembled on ail occasions. It was
called the court of the Gentiles, because so far as into this court the Gentiles
of what nation soever might come, but were not allowed to pass the Chel
into the inner court, unless they were circumcised, and made thorough pro
aelytps to the whole Jewish law.

«00K IV.j THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 523

on Tryphon's approach to invade the land, Simon led forth a
great army against him ; whereon Tryphon notdtiring to en-
gage him in battle, sent to him a deceitful message, telhng
him, that he had seized Jonathan only because he owed one
huiidred talents to the king; that, in case he would send the
money and Jonathan's two sons to be hostages for their fa-
ther's fidelity to the king, he would set him again at liberty .^
Though Simon well saw all this was fraud and deceit, yet
he complied, to avoid the ill report which otherwise might
have been raised against him, as if he had wilfully caused his
brother's death by the refusal ; and therefore sent both the
money and the }f>ung men. But the false traitor, accord-
ing a? Simon foresaw, when he had received all that he de-
manded, would do nothing of what he had promised ; but
still detained Jonathan in chains; and, after having gotten
together more forces, he came again to invade the land,
with intent utterly to destroy it.'' But Simon, coasting him
wherever he marched, opposed and baffled him in all his de-
signs. At this time the heathen garrison in the fortress at Je-
rusalem, being much distressed by reason of the blockade
laid at tirst by Jonathan, and now continued by Simon, press-
ed hard for relief; and Tryphon, having accordingly formed
a design of sending relief to them, ordered out all his horse
one night for the executing of it. But they had not march-
ed far, ere there fell so great a snow, as not only made their
further proceeding on this enterprise impracticable, but also
forced Tryphon and all his army next day to decamp and be-
gone, as being able no longer to bear abroad in the field the
severity of the season. On his retreat from thence to his win-
ter quarters, coming to Bascama in the land of Gilead, he
there put Jonathan to death. And after that, thinking he
had no one else to fear, for the obstructing of him in the
ultimate execution of his designs, caused Antiochus to be se-
cretly put to death, giving out that he died of the stone ; and
then, assuming the crown, declared himself king of Syria in
his stead.

When Simon heard of his brother's death, and that they
had buried him at Bascama, he sent and fetched his ^^ ^^^
bones from thence, and buried them in the sepulchre ^gimon i.'
of his father at Modin, over which he afterward

g 1 Maccab. xiii. 12—19. Joseph. lib. 13, c. 11.

h 1 Maccab. xiii. 20— 24. , . .. ,.. ._

i 1 Maccab xiii. 31, 32. Joseph. Anti*.. lib 13, c. 12. Epit. Livu, lib. 5d.
Justin, lib. 36, c. 1 The words of Josephus concerning the death ot Antio-
chus are, That it was given out, e^c ^jipt^c(Jieioc ATro^Ayn, that is, as it he died
while under the hands of the chirurgeon for cure ; for so the word ;t«/"C=^'^
is used in Hippocrates: and Livy telling us, that his pretended disease was
the stone, it may from hence be inferred, that what was given out was, inai
he died uader the bands of the cbirurgeon cutting him for the stone,

524 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Or [pART ir--

erected a very famous monument of a great height, all built
of white marble, curiously wrought and |>olished ; near which
he placed seven pyramids, two for his father and mother,
four for his four brothers, and the seventh for himself, and
then encompassed the whole with a stately portico, support-
ed by marble pillars, each of an whole piece. All of which
was a very excellent vvork ; and being erected on an emi-
nence, was seen far off at sea, and was taken notice of as a
remarkable sea-mark on that coa.^t, whereby seafaring men
who sailed that way directed their course. Josephus tells
xjs,'' that it was remaininji entire in his time, and then looked
on as a curious and very excellent piece of architecture ;
and Eusebius also speaks of it as still being in his time,
which was above two hundred years after the time of Jose-
phus.'

Tryphon, having usurped the crown of Syria, would glad-
ly have himself acknowledged king by the Romans, as think-
ing this would add great reputation both to himself and his
affairs ; and therefore sent a splendid embassy to them, with
the present of a golden image of victory, to the value of ten
thousand pieces of gold, hoping to obtain both for the sake
of so valuable a gift, and the good omen of victory which the
image carried with it, to be owned by them as king of Syria."*
But the Romans, cunningly eluding his expectations, receiv'
ed the image, and ordered to be engraven on it the name o
Antiochus, whom Tryphon had lately murdered, as if he had
been the donor of it.

But the ambassadors of Simon were there received with
much more respect. For as soon as Jonathan was dead, and
Simon admitted to be his successor, both in the high priest-
hood and government of the land, he sent ambassadors to no-
tify it to the Romans and other allies. The Romans were
very sorry at the death of Jonathan ; but when they heard
that Simon was in his place, this was well pleasing to them."
And therefore, when his ambassadors approached Rome they
sent out to meet them," and received them with honour,^' and
readily renewed all their former leagues made with his prede-
cessors, which being written in tables of brass, were carried
to Jerusalem, and there read before all the people. And the
same ambassadors, on their return from Rome, went also to
the Lacedemonians, and other allies of the Jews, and, in the
name of Simon, renewed in like manner all former leagues

k 1 Maccab. xiii. 25 — 30. Joseph. Aritiq. lib. 13, c. 11.

1 In Libello Tripi tuv cttthuvv 'OvojuaTm-

m Diodorus Siculus. legal. 31. n 1 Maccab. xiv. 16,17.

o 1 Maccab. xiv. 40, Gr. aTrntTHToty.

p 1 Maccab. xiv. 18, 19.

BuOK IV.J THE OLD AND x\EW TEStAMEN'i'S. 626

with them, and returned with authentic instruments hereof to
Jerusalem.''

Sarpedon, one of Demetrius's captains, coming into Phoe-
nicia with an army, a battle happened between him and the
forces which Tryphty;! had in those parts/ This battle was
fought near the wall^^of Ptolemais, in which Sarpedon being
vanquished, he retreated into the inland country. But the
Tryphonians, on their return from the pursuit, marching back
to Ptolemais, on the beach of the sea, a sudden tide coming
upon them, overwhelmed a great number of their men, and
then going back again with as sudden an ebb, as it had come
on with a flow, left the dead bodies on the strand, with a great
quantity of fish mingled with them ; whereon, Sarpedon's
men again returning, took up the fish, and, by way of thanks-
giving for them, and the destruction that had befallen the
enemy, offered sacrifices to Neptune before the very gates
of Ptolemais, in the same place where the battle had been
before fought.

But, while Demetrius's soldiers were thus fighting for him
in the field, he lay idle at Laodicea, glutting himself with all
the vile pleasures of luxury and lewdness, without being
made wiser by his calamities, or seeming at all to be sensible
of them. s However, Tryphon having given suflicient reason
for the Jews utterly to renounce him and his party, Simon
sent a crown of gold to Demetrius, and ambassadors to treat
with hini about terms of peace and alliance ; who having ob-
tained from that prince a grant of confirmation of the high-
priesthood and principality to Simon, and a release of all taxes,
tolls, and tributes, with an oblivion of all past acts of hos-
tility, on the condition of the Jews joining with him against
Tryphon, they returned to Jerusalem with letters under the
royal signature, containing the same ; which being accepted
of and confirmed by all the people of the Jews, by virtue
hereof Simon was made sovereign prince of the Jews, and the
land freed from all foreign yoke. And therefore the Jews
from this time, instead of dating their instruments and con-
tracts by the years of the Syrian kings as they bad hitherto
done, thenceforth dated them by the years of Simon and his
successors.

Simon, having thus obtained the independent sovereignty of
the land, made a progress through it to see and provide (or
its security, repairing the fortifications in those cities and
places where they were decayed, and making new ones in
those where they were wanting, and this he especially did at

q 1 Maccab. xiv, 20 — 23.

r Strabo, lib. 16, p. 758. Athenaeus, lib. 8, p. 333.
s Diodur. Sic. in Escerptis Valesii, p. 353.

t 1 Maccab. xiii. 24—42 ; xiv. 38—41. Joseph. Antiq lib. 13, c. 1 1
TOL. II. f?

,y2b CONNEXION Oi^ THE MISXOKY OF [PAKT li,

Bcthsura and Joppa." The former he made a place of arms,
and put a strong garrison in it ; and the latter being the near-
est maritime town to Jerusalem, though at the distance of
forty miles from it, he made it the sea-port to that city, and
all Judca, it being the fittest place on all that coast for the
carrying on of their trade through it to all the isles and coun-
tries in the Mediterranean ; and it served them for this pur-
pose for many ages after, as it still doth the inhabitants of that
country even to this day, and it is there still known by the
same name.''

And whereas Gazara, on the death of Jonathan, had re-
volted, he laid siege to the place ; and, having reduced it, he
cast all the heathen out of the city, and planted it wholly
with Jews ; and, having well fortified it, built an house there
for himself, wherein he might lodge when his affairs should
call him to that place/

The heathen in the fortress at Jerusalem since Jonathan's
building of the wall against them, which cut them off
si^mon^I'. ^rom all communication with the rest of the city, be-
ing much distressed for want of provisions and all
other necessaries,^ were thereby at length brought to that ne-
cessity as forced them to surrender the place and depart the
land ; whereon Simon took possession of it, and thereby de-
livered Israel from a great grievance, that garrison having
been a terrible thorn in their side ever since Antiochus
Epiphanes first placed it there. And, that they might no
more in like manner be annoyed from that place, Simon de-
molished not only the fortress, but also the hill itself on which
it stood f for it overtopping, and thereby commanding the
mountain of the temple, if any other enemy should at any
time after seize that place, they might from thence cause
them the same mischief And therefore, Simon having call-
ed the people together, and fully laid before them what they
had suffered from that place, and what they might again sut-

u 1 Maccab. xiii, 33; xiv. 7,33. x 1 Maccab. xiv. 6, 34.

y 1 Maccab. xiii. 43 — 48. Here ia the Greek original, as well as our
English version, it is Gaza, (ver. 43.) but, beyond all doubt, it is here put for
Gazara by the error of transcribers ; for the taking of Gazara is spoken ot"
among the good works of Simon, 1 Maccab. xiv. 7, 34, and also by Jose-
phus, lib. 13, c. n, but nothing is said in either of these histories of Simon's
taking Gaza. And Gazara is often mentioned in them, as in the hands of
Simon, but Gaza never (except alone in this place.) Tills city of Gazara is
the same with the ancient Gezer, so often mentioned in the Scriptures of the
Old Testament. And here, most likely, it was that Simon built him an house,
1 Maccab. xiii. 48, and that this was the house wherein John his son dwelt,
when he sent him to reside at Gazara, and there command his forces in
those parts. Strabo calls this city Gadaris, and placeth it near Azotus (as
the author of the first book of the Maccabees doth, xiv 34,) and saithof it.
That the Jews had taken po.ssession of it, lib. 16, p. 759.

55 1 Maccab. xiii. 49. — "jS, u Joseph. Amiq. lib. 13, c, II..

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. G2T

fer, should it, at any time after, again fall into the hands of
an enemy, proposed to them the digging down of the moun-
tain itself to the level of the mountain of the temple, that so
there might not be left a possibility of any more annoyino-
the temple from that place ; which they all readily consenf-
ing to, immediately did set about the work, and carried it
on with great assiduity, all taking their turns in it, till at
length, after three years constant labour employed herein,
they full) finished all that was intended. And, while this was
doing, Simon new fortified the mountain of the temple, re-
pairing the outer wall, and making it stronger than it was be-
fore, and provided habitations within it, both for himself and
company ; and there he afterward dwelt : and most likely
his house stood where the castle Antonio was afterward
built.'^

Simon finding his son John, afterward called Hyrcanus, to
be a valiant man and very expert in all military affairs, he
made him general of all the forces of Judea, and sent him to
live at Gazara, that being a border which most wanted his
presence f and Joppa being in the neighbourhood, perchance
to be nigh that place, for the supervising of those works that
were there carrying on by his order, for the making of it a
convenient sea-port for all Judea, might be another reason
why he appointed him to have his residence in that place.

Demetrius was at length roused up from his sloth, by
many messages out of the east inviting him thither ;
for the Parthians, having now overrun in a manner simol/s!
all the east, and subjugated to them all the countries
of Asia, from the river Indus to the Euphrates, those that
were of the Macedonian race in those countries, not bearing
this usurpation, nor that pride and insolence with which those
new masters ruled over them, earnestly invited Demetrius
by repeated embassies to come into those parts, promising
him a general revolt from the Parthians, and such assistance
of forces against them as should enable him absolutely to sup-
press those usurpers, and recover again all the provinces of
the East to his empire.'^ With which hopes, Demetrius,
being excited to undertake this expedition, marched over the
Euphrates, leaving Tryphon in possession of the greater part
of Syria behind him ; for he reckoned, that, after he should
have made himself master of the east, he should have such an
augmentation of power as should best enable him to suppress
that rebel on his return. As soon as he came eastward, the
Elymaeans, the Persians, and the Bactrians, declared for him :

b 1 Maccab. xiii. 52. c Maccab. xiii. 53.

d Justin, lib. 36, c. 1, k. lib. 38, c 9. 1 Maccab. x5v. 1, 2,3, Joseph,
^ntiq. lib. 13, c. 9. & c. 12. Orosius, lib, 5, c. 4.

a28 CONNEXION »P THE HISTORY 01 [PART 11-

and, by Iheir assistance, he overthrew the Parthians in many
conflicts. But at last, under a show of a treaty of peace,
being drawn into a snare, he was taken prisoner, and all his
army cut in pieces ; and hereby the Parthian Empire be-
came established with that greatness of power and iirmness
of stability, as to make it last for several ages after, to the
terror of all within their reach, even to the rivalling of the
Romans themselves in the strength of their arms, and the
prowess and fame of their military exploits.

The king that reigned in Parlhia at this time was Mithri-
dates, the son of Priapatius, a very valiant and wise prince.*'
How Arsaces first founded the kingdom of the Parthians, and
how Arsaces his son after settled and estabhshed it by a treaty
of peace with Antiochiis the Great, hath been already related.^
The son and successor of the second Arsaces, was Priapatius,
called also Arsaces, (that being the family name of all the
kings of this race.)^ He having reigned fifteen years, left the
crown, at his death, to Phrahateshis eldest son; after whose
death succeeded this Mithridates his brother, the Parthian
king, into whose hands Demetrius fell.^ He was therefore
from Arsaces, the first founder of that kingdom, the fourth in
descent, and the fifth in succession of reigning, and not the
sixth, as Orosius saith.*" He having subdued the Medes, the
Elyma^ans, the Persians, and the Bactrians, extended his
dominions into India, beyond the boundaries of Alexander's
conquest ;' and, having vanquished Demetrius, finally secured
Babylonia and Mesopotamia also to his empire ; so that
thenceforth he had Euphrates on the west, as well as the
Ganges on the east, for the limits of his empire. "^

After Mithridates had thus gotten Demetrius into his
power, he carried him round the revolted provinces, and ex-
posed him every where to their view, that they, by seeing
the prince whom they confided in reduced to this ignominious
and low condition, might be the easier brought to submit
again to their former yoke.' But, when this show was over,
he allowed him a maintenance suitable to the state of a king,
and, sending him into Ilyrcania to reside, gave him Rhoda-
guna, one of his daughters, in marriage."* However, he
kept him still in captivity, though with as much freedom as
was consistent with a captive state, and, at his death, left
him in this condition to Phrahates his son, who succeeded

e Justin, lib. 41, c. 5, 6. Diod. Sic. in Excerpt. Valesii, p. 359, 360.

f Part 2, book 2, under the year 208.

g Justin, lib. 41, c 5. b Lib, 5, c. 4.

i Diodor. Sic. ibid. Orosius, lib. 5, c. 4.

k Orosius, ibid. Justin, lib. 41, c. 6.

I Justin, lib. 36, c. 1. m Justin, ibid. & lib, 38, c?

SOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 529

him in the kingdom." It is particularly related of Mithri-
dates, that, having conquered several nations, he gathered
from every one of them whatsoever he found best in their
constitutions, and then, out of the whole collection, made a
body of most wholesome Jaws for the government of his
empire.

In a general congregation of the priests and elders, and
all the people of the Jews assembled together at Jerusalem,
it was agreed, by the unanimous consent of all present that
the supreme government of the nation, as well as the high-
prit sthood, should be conferred on Simon, and settled both
upon him and his posterity after him.P This had before
been personally settled on Simon by the grant of Demetrius
the Syrian king, and the same was now granted also by the
whole nation of the Jews, and the settlement made, not onlv
on the person of Simon, but upon him and his descendants
for ever. And a public act or instrument in writing was
made hereof, wherein it being recited, what good deeds
Simon and his family had done for the people of the Jews,
they, in acknowledgment hereof, constituted him their
prince, as well as their high-priest, and granted boih dignities
to him and his posterity after him ; a copy of which act they
ordered to be engraved on tables of brass, and hung up in
the sanctuary, and laid up the original in the sacred archives
belonging to the treasury of the temple. And from that
time Simon took on him the state, style, and authority of
prince as well as high-priest of the Jews, and all public acts
thenceforth went in his name. And after him both these
dignities descended together to his posterity, and continued
among them thus united together for several descents, they
being at the same time sovereign pontiffs and sovereign
princes of the Jewish nation. This act bore date on the
eighteenth day of the month Elul (which was the sixth of
their months,) in the one hundred and seventy-second year
of the era of the Seleucidaj, and the third of Simon's
pontificate.

At this time, the Jews tell us, Simeon Ben Shetach, and
Jehudah Ben Tabbai, were the rectors and chief teachers of
the divinity school at Jerusalem ; the first of which, they
say. was president, and the other vice-president of the san-
hedrim.i Of these several fables are told in the Talmud,
which are not worth troubling the reader with.

n Justin, lib. 38, c 9, & lib. 42, c. 1.

o Diodorus Siculus in E.^cerptis Valesii, p. 361.

p 1 Maccabees xiv. "26 — 49.

q Juchasia Shalsheletb Haccabala. Zemach David.

■>jO connexion of the history of [paUT 11.

Queen Cleopatra, on her husband's captivity in Parthia;
shut up herself with her children in Seleucia on
Simon 4.' the Orontes, and there many of Tryphon's sol-
diers revolted to her/ For, being naturally of a
brutish and cruel temper, he had artfully concealed this,
under the cloak of affability and good temper, as long as he
was courting the favour of the people, for the carrying on
his ambitious designs. But, when he was possessed of the
crown, and Demetrius made a prisoner in Parthia, he cast off
all guard and restraint, which till then he hud put upon his
inclinations, and let himself loose to his own natural disposi-
tion, which being such as many about him could not bear,
this caused many desertions from him to Cleopatra. But
still her party alone was not stror)g enough to support her;
and therefore, fearing lest the people of Seleucia would
rather give her up to Tryphon than suffer a siege for her
sake, she sent to Antiochus Sidetes, the brother of Deme-
trius, to join his interest with hers, offering him the crown
and herself in marriage on this condition :^ for, hearing of the
marriage of Demetrius with Rhodaguna in Parthia, and being
greatly provoked thereby, she cast off all regard for him, and
resolved to seek a new interest for her support, by disposing
of herself in marriage elsewhere; and, not seeing where she
could do this more to her advantage than to the next heir of
the crown, she therefore sent for him, and made him her
husband.'

This Antiochus was second son to Demetrius Soter, and,
on the wars which that prince had with Alexander Balas,
was sent to Cnidus with his brother Demetrius, the now
captive king of Syria, to be there kept out of harm's way, as
hath been already related." He seems to have still con-
tinued in those parts after his brother's recoveringthe crown.
For he is said to have been at Rhodes when Demetrius was
taken prisoner;* and therefore, no doubt, in that place it was
(hat Cleopatra's message found him. For he having, on
the receiving of it, accepted the offer, and thereon taken
upon him the style and title of king of Svria, he wrote a let-
ter to Simon, dated from the Isles of the Sea, and most likely
this was from Rhodes, since he is said to have been there so
lately before as at the time of the first news of his brother's
captivity.*'

The substance of his letter to Simon was to complain of
the unjust usurpation of Tryphon, and to let him know, that

r Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 12.

s Joseph. Antiq lib. 13, c. 12. Appian. in Syriacis. Justin, lib. 36, c. 1.
t Appianus ibid. \i .Tustin. ibid. Appianus in Syriacis.

V 1 Maccab, xv, 1

TiOOK IV.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAME^iTS. ^31

he was preparing to come into Syria, to take vengeance of
that usurper, and recover his father's kingdom ; and there-
fore, to gain him over to his interest, makes him many grants^
and promiseth him many more, when he should be fully set-
tled in the throne, as may be seen in that letter, 1 Maccab.
XV. 2 — 9.

And accordingly, in the beginning of the next year, he
landed in Syria, with an army of mercenaries whom
he had hired in Greece, Lesser Asia, and the isles ; s"mon^'
and, having married Cleopartra, joined her forces to
his own, and marched against Tryphon.* Whereon most of
the usurper's forces, now weary of his tyranny, went over
from him to Antiochus, which augmented his army to the
number of one hundred and twenty thousand foot and eight
thousand horse.^ This being a power Tryphon could not
keep the field against, he retreated to Dora, a city near
Ptolemais in Phoenicia, where, being besieged by Antiochus,
with ail his forces, both by sea and land, and finding the
place not capable of long holding out against so great a
power, he made his escape by sea to Orthosia, another mari-
time town in Phoenicia ; from whence flying to Apamia, his
own native city, he was there taken and put to death. And
hereby an end being put to his usurpation, Antiochus became
fully possessed of his father's throne, and sat in it nine years.
He being much given to hunting, and the name of Sidetes
(that is, the hunter) given unto him, from Zidah, a word of
that sigiiification in the Syriac language. '^

Simon being instated in the sovereign command of Judea
by the general consent of all that nation, in the manner as
above related, thought it would be of great advantage to him,
for his firmer establishment in it, to get himself acknowledged
what they had made him by the Romans, and to have all
their former leagues and alliances renewed with him, under
the style and title which he then bore of high-priest and
prince of the Jews. And therefore he sent another embassy
to them for this purpose, with a present of a large shield of
gold, weighing one thousand mina3, which, according to the
lowest compulation of an Attic minae, amounted to the value
of fifty thousand pounds sterling money." Both the present
and embassy were very acceptable to the senate ; and there-
fore they not only renewed their league and alliance with
Simon and his people, in the manner he desired, but also
ordered, that Lucius Cornehus Piso, one of the consuls

■A 1 Maccab. xv. 2 — 9

a 1 Maccab. xv. 10. .Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 12.
1> 1 Maccab. xv. 11 — 14. Joseph, ibid. Appian. in Syriacis.
• Plutarch, in Problem. d 1 Maccab. xiv. 24, fc xv. 25

532 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORV OP [pABT U,

should write letters to Ptolemy king of Egypt, Attalus king
of Pergamus, Ariarathe? kins^of Cappadocia, Demetrius king
of S}ria, and Mithridates kingof Parthia, and to all the cities
and stales of Greece, Lesser Asia, and the isles that were in
alliance with them, to let them know, that the Jews were
their friends and allies, and that therefore they should not
attempt any thing to their damage, or protect any traitors or
fugitives of that nation against them, but should deliver up to
Simon, the hi^h-priest and prince of the Jews, all such trai-
tors and fugitives as should flee unto them, whenever de-
manded by him.

The letters to the Syrian king were directed to DemetriuSj
though then a prisoner in Parthia, because neither Tryphon
nor Antiochus Sidetes. who were then contending for the
crown at the time when these letters were written, were
either of them acknowledged as king by the Romans. And
therefore, when these letters were brought into Syria, they
were of no benefit to Simon or the Jews : for Antiochus,
having no regard to them, as not being written to him, as
soon as he had driven Tryphon out of the field, took the first
opportunity to quarrel with Simon. For although Simon
sent to Antiochus, while he was besieging Tryphon at Dora,
two thousand chosen men for his assistance, with gold, and
silver, and arms, and other instruments and engines of war,
he would not receive any of them, but, rescinding all that he
had formerly granted or promised, sent Athenobius, one of
his friends, to him, to demand the restoration of Gazara,
.Toppa, and the fortress of Jerusalem, with several other
places then held by Simon, which he claimed as belonging
to the kingdom of Syria, or else five hundred talents in lieu
of them, and five hundred talents more fur the damages that
were done by the Jews within the borders of his other do-
minions.® On Athenobius's coming to Jerusalem with this
message, Simon's answer was, that for Gazara and Joppa he
was content to pay the king one hundred talents; but. as to
all the rest, he told him. it was the inheritance of their fore-
fathers, which they had for a time been wrongfully deprived
of, and that, having now again gotten possession of it, they
were resolved to keep it.s Thisanswer very much angering
Athenobius, he without replying any thing thereto, returned
in great wrath to the king, and made report to him of what
Simon had said, and also of what he had seen of the pomp
and grandeur in which he lived. For, being now sovereign
prince of the Jews, he was served in much plate of gold and
silver, had many attendants, and in all things else appeared

e 1 Maccab. xv. 26—33, f 1 Maccab. xv.32— 36.

BOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 533

in the same manner of splendour and glory as other princes
did. At all which the king being very much offended, re-
solved on a war against him ; and therefore, having made
Cendebasus, one of his nobles, captain and governor of the
sea-coasts of Palestine, he sent him with one part of his
army to fight against Simon, and, in the mean time, he, with
the other, pursued after Tryphon, till he had taken and slain
him in the manner as 1 have mentioned. s

Cendebasus forthwith marched with his forces into the
parts near Jamnia and Joppa, and having there, according
to the orders which he had received from the king, fortified
Kedron, he placed a strong party of his army in it, and from
thence began to make inroads upon the Jews, and to kill
and plunder, and commit all manner of hostilities in their
land.'' Whereon John, the son of Simon, who lived at
Gazara in the neighbourhood, went from thence to Jeru-
salem to acquaint his father of these particulars.' By which
Simon perceiving, that the intention of Antiochus was to
make war upon him, got together an army of twenty thou-
sand foot, with a proportionable number of horse. And be-
cause he himself being now broken v.ith age, could no more
bear the fatigues of war, he committed the command of them
to Judas and John his sons, and sent them forth to fight the
enemy. The first night after they took the field, they en-
camped at Modin, the original seat of their family, and from
thence, the next day after, marched out against Cendebaeus.
This soon brought it to a battle between them; in which
Cendebasus being overthrown, lost two thousand of his men,
and the rest fled, part to Kedron, and part to other strong
holds near the field of battle, and part to Azotus. Judas
being wounded in the fight, was forced to stay behind. But
John followed the pursuit till he came to Azotus, and, having
there taken their fortresses and towers of defence, burned
them with fire. After this, the two brothers, having driven
the Syrians out of those parts, and settled all matters there
in quiet, returned in triumph to Jerusalem.

Ptolemy Physcon had now reigned in Egypt seven years,
during all which time we find nothing else recorded ^ ^^^
of him but his monstrous vices and his detestable simon e."
cruelties, scarce any other prince having been more
brutal in lusts, or more barbarous and bloody in the govern-
ment of his people.'' And, besides, in all his other conduct.,

g 1 Maccab. xv. 38, 39. Joseph. Antiq. lib. 13, c. 13.
ii 1 Maccab. XV. 40,41. Joseph, ibid,
i 1 Maccab. xvi. 1—10. Joseph, ibid.

k Justin, lib. 38, c. 8. Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii,. p. 36!. AUier».
lib. 4, p. 184. Valeria? Maximus, lib. i), c. 1.2.
VOL. ir. 08

,334 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY OP [paRT If,

he appeared very despicable and foolish, usually both doing
and saying very childish and ridiculous things in public as
well as in private ; whereby he incurred, to a great degree,
the contennpt, as well as the hatred and detestation of his
people. And that he kept the crown upon his head, under
so general an odium and aversion of his subjects, was wholly
owing to Hierax his chief minister.' He was by birth of
Antioch, and the same who, in the reign of Alexander Balas,
had, in joint commission with Diodotus, (afterward called
Tryphon,) the government of that city committed to him.
On the turn of affairs that afterward happened in Syria, he
retired into Egypt, and there falling into the service of Ptole-
my Physcon, became the chief commander of his armies, and
the chief manager of all his other affairs; and, being a very
valiant and wise man, he, by taking care of well paying the
soldiers, and balancing, by his good and wise ministration,
the mal-administration of his master, and remedying and
preventing as many of them as he was able, had hitherto the
success to keep all things quiet in that kingdom.

This year, as great a monster of cruelty began his reign at
Pergamus, Attalus Philometor, the son of Eumenes, who
succeeded Attalus his uncle in that kingdom."' He being a
minor at the death of his father, the tuition of him, with the
erown, was left to Attalus the uncle, who so faithfully dis-
charged his trust, that he not only carefully bred up the
pupil, but, on his death, which happened this year, left the
crown to him, passing by the children which he had of his
own.° For he looked on the crown as left him by his brother,
to be no more than a depositum intrusted with him for his
nephew; and therefore he accordingly restored it to him in
the next succession, which is a procedure very rarely prac-
tised, where a crown is the thing in possession. Another
instance of such a restoration is scarce any where else to be
found in history; princes being usually no less solicitious to
preserve their crowns to their posterity, than to themselves.
But this turned to the great plague and calamity of the whole
kingdom ; for this Attalus Philometer, being more than half a
madman, managed his government accordingly in a very
wild, irrational, and pernicious marmer. For he had scarce
been warm in his throne, ere he stained it all over with the
blood of his nearest relations, and other the best friends of
his family ; putting to death most of those who, with the
greatest fidelity, had served his father and his uncle ; pre-
tending against some of them, that they had by evil arts

1 Diodorus Siculus, ibid.

m Strabo. lib. 13, p. 624. Justin, lib. 30, c. 4.

n PlutaiThna in libro t«o/ $<^/['J?>.em? et in Apotheg.

JJOOK IV. J THE OI.D AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 635

caused the death of Stratonice his mother, who deceased an
old woman ; and against others, that they caused, by the hke
evil arts, the death of Berenice^ his wife, who died of an in-
curable disease which she happened to fall into." And
others he put to death upon vain and groundless suspicions,
cutting oif with them their wives and children, and all their
whole families. These executions he did by the hands of
his mercenaries, whom he had hired out of the most cruel
and savage of the barbarous nations, they only being fit in-
struments for such bloody and abominable work.P After he
had thus, in a wild and mad fury, cut off the best men in his
kingdom, he withdrew from the public view, appearin<y n»
more abroad among the people, aor was he any more seea
at home, entertaining himself either in banquets, or public
repasts, but putting on a sordid apparel, and letting his beard
grow to a great length, without trimming it, behaved himself
in the same manner as those used to do who were under
arraignment for some great crime, acting hereby as if he
had acknowledged himself guilty of all the villany he had
done.i

And, going on after this rate into other extravagancies, he
neglected all the affairs of the government, and betook him-
self to his garden, there digging the ground himself, and sowing
it with all manner of poisonous and unwholesome herbs, as
well as with those that were wholesome, he infected the
wholesome with the juices of the poisonous, and then sent
them as especial presents to his friends/ And thus he wore
out in the wild and cruel extravagancies the remainder of his
reign ; the best recommendation of which was, that it was
very short; for it ended after five years' time in his death,
which then happened in the manner as will be hereafter
related in its proper place.

Antiochus Sidetes, after having vanquished Tryphon, and
wholly broken and brought under all that were of ^^ ,37
his party, did next^ betake himself to recover to the simon?.
Syrian empire, all such cities and places as had taken the ad-
vantage of the late distractions that followed upon his father's
death, to revolt from it. And, having gained full success
herein, he settled all things within the kingdom of Syria
again, upon the same bottom on which they were before
these distractions begun.

o Justin, lib. 36, c. 4. Diodor. Sic. in Excerptis Valesii, p. 370.

p Diodor. Sic. in F.xcerptis Valesii, p. 370.

<l .Tustin. lib. 36, c. 4.

1- Justin, ibid. Plutarchus in Demetrio, where (he English translator, taking
upon hini very unskilfully to mend the Greek original, bath p«t Ptojemy-
Pbilometor instead of AttaUis Pbilometor.

« Justin, lib. 36, c. 1,

d36 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [PART 11,

But ill Egypt all things went worse and worse. For,
An. ise. whether it were that Hierax was dead, or else, that
Simon 8. ^|^g Riadncss of the prince overbore all the wisdom
and prudence of the chief minister, we hear nothing of him
from this time, but his barbarous cruelties, and monstrous
mismanagements in all his conduct.' Most of those who were
the forwardest to call him to the crown on his brother's de-
cease, and after that to support him in it, he causelessly put
to death." Most of those who had the favour of Philometor
his brother, or had been employed in his service, he either
slew, or drove into banishment; and, by his foreign merce-
naries, whom he let loose to commit all manner of murders
and rapines as they pleased, he oppressed and terrified the
Alexandrians to so great a degree, that most of them fled
into other countries to avoid his cruelty, and left their
city in a manner desolate. That therefore he might not reign
over empty houses without inhabitant, he, by his proclama-
tions dispersed over the neighbouring countries, invited all
strangers to come thither to repeople the place. Whereon
great multitudes flocking thither, he gave them the habila-
tions of those that were fled ; and, admitting them to all the
rights, privileges, and immunities, of the former citizens, he,
by this means, again replenished the city.

There being, among those that fled out of Egypt on this
occasion, many grammarians, philosophers, geometricians,
physicians, musicians, and other masters and professors of in-
genious arts and sciences, this banishment of theirs became
the means of reviving learning again in Greece, Lesser Asia,
and the isles, and in all other places where they went.'' The
wars which followed after the death of Alexander, among
those that succeeded him, had, in a manner, extinguished
learning in all those parts ; and it would have gone nigh to
have been utterly lost amidst the calamities of those times,
but that it found a support under the patronage of the Ptole-
mies at Alexandria. For the first Ptolemy having there erected
a museum or college, for the maintenance and encouragement
of learned men, and also a great library for their use (of both
which I have already spoken,) this drew most of the learned
men of Greece thither. And, the second and third Ptolemy
having followed herein the same steps of their predecessor,
Alexandria became the place where the liberal arts and
sciences, and all other parts of learning, were preserved, and
flourished in those ages, when they were almost dropped

t Athenaeus teUs us, that Physcon did put Hierax to death, lib. 6, p. 2&2
but the time of his death is not said,
u Justin, lib. 38, c. 8. Athenaeus, lib. 4, p. 184.
X AthenteuS; lib, 4- p. 184,

BOOK IV.J THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. o37

every where else ; and most of its inhabitants were bred up
in the knowledge of some or other of them. And hereby it
came to pass, that, when they were driven into foreign parts,
by the cruelty and oppression of the wicked tyrant I have
mentioned, being qualified to gain themselves a maintenance
by teaching, each in the places where they came, the particu-
lar professions they were skilled in ; they accordingly betook
themselves hereto, and erected schools for this purpose in
all the countries above mentioned, through which they were
dispersed ; and they being, by reason of their poverty, con-
tent to teach for a small liire, this drew great numbers of
scholars to them, and by this means, all the several branches of
learning became again revived in those eastern parts, in the
same manner as they were in these latter ages in the western,
after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks. For, till
then, most of the learning of the West was in school-divinity,
and the canon-law ; and, although the former of these was
built more upon Aristotle than the holy Scriptures, yet they
had nothing of Aristotle m those days, but in a translation at
the third hand. The Saracens had translated the works of
that philosopher into Arabic, and from thence those Chris-
tians of the Latin church, who learned philosophy from the
Saracens in Spain, translated them into Latin. And this was
the only text of that author, on which, during the reign of the
schoolmen, all their comments on him were made. And yet
upon no better a foundation are some of those decisions in
divinity built,which the Romanists hold as infallible, than what
they have thus borrowed from an heathen philosopher, hand-
ed to them in a translation made by the disciples of Mahomet.
But, when Constantinople was taken by the king of the Turks,
in the year of our Lord 1453, and the learned men who
dwelt there, and in otherpartsof Greece, fearing the cruelty
and the barbarity of the Turks, fled into Italy, they brought
thither with them their books and their learning ; and there,
first under the patronage of the princes of that country (espe-
cially of Lorenzo de Medicis, the first founder of the great-
ness of his family,) propagated both. And this gave the rise
to all that learning in these western parts, which hath ever
since grown and flourished in them.

At the same time that foreigners were flocking to Alexan-
dria for the repeopling of that city,y there came thither
Publius Scipio Africanus, jun., Spurius Mummius, and h.
Metellus, in an embassy from the Romans. It was the usage
of that people, often to send out embassies to inspect the
affairs of their allies, and to make up and compose what dif-

y Justin, lib. 28, c. S. Cicero in Somnio Scipionis, c. 2. Athenaeus, lib.
6, p. 273, et lib. 12, p. 549. Valerius Maximus, lib. 4, c. 3, sec. \3 Diod.
Sic, legat 32.

^38 CONNEXION OP THE HISTORY OP [pART i;..

Terences they should find among them ; and for this purpose,
this famous embassy, consisting of three of the most eminent
men of Rome, was at this time sent from thence. Their
commission was to pass through Egypt, Syria, Asia, and
Greece, to see and observe how the affairs of each kingdom
and state in those countries stood, and to take an account
how the leagues they had made with the Romans were kept
and observed ; and to set all things at rights, that they should
find any where amiss among them. And this trust they every
^here discharged so honourably and justly, and so much to
the benefit and advantage of those they were sent to, in re-
gulating their disorders, and adjusting all differences which
they found among ihem ; that they were no sooner returned
to Rome, but ambassadors followed them from all places
where they had been, to thank the senate for sending such
honourable persons to them, and for the great benefits they
had received from them.^ The first place which they came
to in the discharge of their commission being Alexandria in
Egypt, they were there received by the king in great state.
But they made their entrance thither with so little, that
Scipio, who w^as then the greatest man in Rome, had no
more than one friend, Panaetius the philosopher, and five
servants in his retinue.^ And, although they were, during
their stay there, entertained with all the varieties of the
most sumptuous fare, yet they wou?^ touch nothing more
of it than what was useful, in the most temperate man-
ner, for the necessary support of nature, despising all the
rest, as that which corrupted the mind as well as the body,
and bred vicious humours in both.^ Such was the modera-
tion and temperance of the Romans at this time, and hereby
it was that they at length advanced their state to so great an
height; and in this height would they have still continued
could they still have retained the same virtues. But, when
their prosperity, and the great wealth obtained thereby, be-
came the occasion that they degenerated into luxury and
corruption of manners, they drew decay and ruin as fast
upon them as they had before victory and prosperity, till at
length they were undone by it. So that the poet said justly
of them,

Savior armis

LiixuriaincubuU^ victumqiie ulciscilur orbem.
Luxury came on more cruel than our arms,
And did revenge the vanquish'd world with its charms.

Jut'. Sat. 6, ver. 29.

When the ambassadors had taken a full view of Alexandria,
and the state of affairs in that city,'= they sailed up the Nile to

X Diodorus Siculus, legal. 32. a Atheuaeus, lib. 6. p. 273.

^ Diodorus SiculuS; ibid. r Diodorus Siculus, legat.32

iiOOK IV.] THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. 539

see Memphis and other parts of Egypt ; whereby having
thoroughly informed themselves of the great number of cities,
and the vast multitude of inhabitants that were in that coun-
try, and also of the strength of its situation, the fertility of
its soil, and the many other excellencies and advantages of
it, they observed it to be a country that wanted nothing for
its being made a very potent and formidable kingdom, but a
prince of capacity and application sufficient to form it there-
to.** And therefore, no doubt, it was to their great satisfac-
tion that they found the present king thoroughly destitute of
every qualitication that was necessary forsuch an undertaking.
For nothing could appear more despicable, than he did to
them in every interview they had with him.® Of his cruelty,
barbarity, luxury, and other vile and vicious dispositions,
which he was addicted to, I have in part already spoken, and
there will be occasions hereafter to give more instances of
them. And the deformities of his body were no less than
those of his soul. For he was of a most deformed counte-
nance, of a short stature, and su^h a monstrous and promi-
nent b6lly therewith, as no man was able to encompass with
both his arms ; so that, by reason of this load of flesh, ac-
quired by his luxury, he was so unwieldly, that he never
stepped abroad without a stalF to lean on.*^ And over this
vile carcass he Avore a garment, so thin and transparent, that
there were seen through it, not only all the deformities of his
body, but also those parts which it is one of the main ends of
garments modestly to cover and conceal. From this deformed
monster the ambassadors passed over to Cyprus, and from
thence proceeded to execute their commission in all the
other countries to which tliey were sent.

In the month of Shebat (which was in the latter end of the
Jewish year, and in the beginning of the Julian.) Si-
mon, making a progress through the cities of Judah, j"^°l^i
to take care for the well ordering of all things in <^°''* ^•
them, cam(; to Jericho, having then two of his sons,
Judas and Mattathias, there in company v/ith him, Ptolemy,
the son ofAbubus, who had married one of his daughters,
being governor of the place under him, invited him to the
castle which he had built in the neighbourhood, to partake
of an entertainment he had there provided for them.u Simon
and his sons, suspecting no evil from so near a relation, ac-
cepted of the invitation, and went thither. But the perfidi-
ous wretch, having laid a design for the usurping of the go-
vernment of Judea to himself, and concerted the matter with

d Egypt, in tlie time of Ptolemy Philadelphus, had in it thirty-three thou
sand tliree hundred and thirty-nine cities. Theotrit. Idyl. 17.
e Justin, lib. 38, c. 8. t" Athen;Eus, lib, 12, p. -549

h 1 Maccab. xvi 14—22. Joseph, lib. 1-3.. c. 14.

640 CONNEXION OF THE HISTORY Oi' [i'AUT II.

Antiochus Sidetes, king of Syria, for the accomplishing of it,
wickedly plotted the destruction of Simon and his sons ; and
therefore having hid men in the castle, where the entertain-
ment was made, when his guests had well drunk, he brought
forth these murderers upon them, and assassinated them all
three, while they were sitting at his banquet, and all those that
attended upon them ; and, thinking immediately hereupon
to make himself master of the whole land, sent a party to
Gazara, where John resided, to slay him also ; and wrote let-
ters to the commanders of the army that had their station
in those parts, to come over to him, proffering them gold and
silver, and other rewards, to draw them into his designs.
But John, having received notice of what had been done at
Jericho, before this party could reach Gazara, he was there
provided for them ; and therefore fell on them, and cut them
all off, as soon as they approached the place; and then, hasten-
ing to Jerusalem, secured that city, and the mountain of the
temple, against those whom the traitor had sent to seize both.
And, being hereupon declared high-priest and prince of the
Jews, in the place of his father Simon, he took care every
where to provide for the security of the country, and the
peace of all those that dwelt in it. Whereon Ptolemy, be-
ing defeated of all those plots which he had laid for the com-
passing of his designs, had nothing now left to do, but to send
to Antiochus to come with an army for the accomplishing of
them by open force ; without which being no longer able to
support himself against Jobn in Judca, he fled to Zeno, sur-
named Cotyla, who was then tyrant of Philadelphia, and there
waited till Antiochus should arrive. What became of him
afterward is uncertain. For, although Antiochus came at
his call into Judea, and a bitter war thereon ensued, yet,
after his flight to Zeno, no more mention is made of him.
Although the treason might be acceptable enough to that
king, because of the fair prospect that was given him by the
advantage of it, again to recover Judea to his crown, yet he
could not but abhor such an execrable traitor, and perchance
dealt with him according to what his wickedness deserved.
But here ending the history of the Maccabees, as contained
in the apocryphal books of Scripture known by that name, I
shall here also end this fourth book of my present work.

END OP VOLUME SECOND.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

TO THE FOREGOING HISTORY.

396'

3970

'3980

2
3
4

8
9

3990
1
2
3

747
746
745
744
743
742

741
740

5 739

6 738
737

8 736

734

733
732
731
730
729

728

727

726
725
724
723
722
721

720

^12
SI
§14
•15
16
> 1

S- 5

>i 1
5-2
§ 3

i 4

^ 5
2 G

>5
>2 ail

4
5
6
7
8
9

10
11

12
13
14

1.16

tt>

8-2

I' 3

• 4

9
10
11
12
13

o T

b: 2

2 1

5
§1

H 1

= 3

ti; 5

S ft

> 7

9
10
11
12
13
14

16
1

18
19

W 1

B ^

The begiuuiiio
Babylon.

ol {he kiusrdonis oi Assyria and

Reziii kinjif of Uainast^us, and Pekah kins; of Isra«l,

make war ni;;aiiist Aliaz, and besiege Jerusalem,

but without sui'coss.
Ahaz vanquished, and Judah greatly oppressed by

Rezin and Pekah.
Ahaz colls in Tiglath Pilesor, king of Assyria, t»

his help, who slays Rosin, and leads part of Israel

into captivity.
Ahaz revolts from God, and ■wholly suppresseth Kis

worship in Judah. Pekah slain by Hoshea.

p 1

vtyL, ff.

Tiglatli Pileser dies', and is succeeded l^j*

Salmaneser.
Salmaneser iuvadeth Palestine, and maketh,

Samaria tributary to him.
Ahaz dies, and is succeeded by Ilezekiali.

Sabacon or So, the Ethiopian, made king of

Egypt.
Hezekiah restores tlie true worship of God in

Judah and Jerusalem.
Salmaneser lays siege to Samaria.

Salmaneser took Samaria, and extinguished the
kingdom of Israel. Tobit led into f^p-
tivity, at the end of the sixth Jewish :f^^^ ^^
the reign of Ilezekiali.

8 Salmaneser maketh war i'^'-'^ "^y*'^' ''"'^ ''^-
i siegeth it Jive years

542

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLL,

(

Hdt-

^5 c

o »

51 (B

^ o

D o

2 '

•-^

• l-Ti

3996

719

718

717

716

715

4000

714

713

712

i 3

711

* 4

710

12
13
14

en 1

Cfi 1

;■ 9

I4OIO

' 11

• 12

t 13|

^ 14

! 15

\ 161

i 1'

i ^

14020

709

708
707
706

70i

704
703
702
701
700
699
698

697
696
695
694

1! 69i

692
691
690
689

' s!

20
21

24
25
26
2'
28
29
% 1

\ 2

I «>

Sg 3

•' 5 1

> 2

-t

g. 4

5d
6|«. 1

W 1

p" 0

ja ~
&

§ 3

• 4

8
9

10
11
12
13

687

S 686

^ 8

9^.
10 5

11 •

12
13
14

H 1

2- 2

g 3

• 4

Sevechus succeedetJi So in the kingdom o^

Egypt,

Salmaueser dieth, and is succeeded by

Sennacherib.
Sennacherib iiivadeth Judea. Hezekiah's

sickness.
Merodach Baladan's embassy to Hezekiab..

Sennacherib invadeth Egypt.

(5 s

15 14

16 15

19 18

20 c- 1

Semaacherib, on his return from

''%yp^i invadeth Judea, and loseth

all his army, it being smitten by

the hand of God.

1 The Medes revolt from Sennachcr ib.

and make Deioces kinj.
2
3
4 Sennacherib being slain, is succeeded

by Esaihaddon his son.
5JTirhakah succeedeth Sevechus in the^

kingdom of Esiypt.

Hezekiah being dead, is succeeded by
Manasseh his son.

18,

19;
20!

21i

On tl;o death ol I'irhakali, tiided the
reign of the Ethiopian kings '
Egypt, and an interregnum of twc
years sirc^eeded.

OHRONOLOGICAJ. TABLE.

a43

I '■r) I

14029 685

. ^

55. <6 3*

14030
1
2
3
4

5
6

9
4040
1

684
683
682
681
680

679
678
677

676

675
674!
673
2: 672
3 671
4' 670

8
9
4050
1

669
668
667

666
665|
664
663

2j 662
3 661

660
659
658
657

656
655

4060 654

653
652
651
650
649
648

ts^

vigor*

6
7
8
9
10
11

15
13

W 1

as *

34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42

43
44

45
46
47
48
49
50
51

g- 2

5' 3

25||
261 1
27 2

O 2
3
4
5
6

^ 7

Twelve princes seize the kittgdoin oi
Egypt, and govern it by a joint covi-
federacy fifteen year?.

Esariiaddon, king of Assyria, is made
king of Babylon.

Esarhaddon invade th Palestine; plant-
eth a colony of foreignei-s in Sama-
ria ; takes Manasseh prisoner, and
carries him in chains to Babylon.

10
11

12
131

151
161
17!
181
19l
201

10 34 Manasseh is restored, and the CutJie-
ans in Samaria are infefted v^'ith,
lions.

11 35

12 36

13 37

14 38

15 39
^1 40 Psamraitichns, one of the twelve con-
federated princes of Egypt, having
destroyed the rest, seizeth the whole
kingdom to himself.

\2. 2 41
g 3j 42|

■ 41 43lEsarhaddoii being dead, is succeeded
I I by Saosduchinus in the Assyrian and
I Babylonion kingdoms.

5 44

6 45

7 46!

8 47i

9 48i

10 49'

11 50!

12 51i

13 52l

14 53lDeioces is killed in battle by {he king ot
j Babylon and Assyria.

15 2 iPhraortes his son succeeds him.

16 ^ sIHolofernes invadeth Judea.andis gUin
o by Judith.

1'' i" 3

18 • 4

19 5j

20 61

21 7r

22 8:

23 9!

a4-i

CHROXOLOG!t:A)- TAliLlii

t 2 s

t C K

4067
8
9

4070
1

4
5
6
7
f{
9
4080
'' 1

1-^

0£

647
646
645
644
643

642
641
640
639
63B
637
636
635
634
633

632
631
630
629

£■ a S-l M S- 5?
o I a c

£,'»5

«i

-d

6 628

7 627
626

9
.4090

f 1

4
5
6
7

4100
1

> 1

2 2
3

^ 1

1-2

r 3

4
5
6

625
624
623

622
621
620
619
618
617
616

615
614
613

612

611
610

609

608
607

5" I

'^ 2

5 . 3

g. 4

§ 5

16
17
18
19

!?. 1
&2
■§ 3

19 -A
20'£
21

22
23
24
25

^ 1

w* 2
E 3

39
40
41

44
45

46
47
48

49
50
51
52
53
54

^ 1

^ 2
3
4
5

18
19

Manasseh bein°^ dead, is succe'eded by Am>-
mon, his son.

Ammon is murdered by his servants*.
He is succeeded by Josiah his son.

lOj

11
12|
13
14

22!Phraortes besieging Nineveh, is'there slain.
Q IjCyaxares, his son, succeeds him.
g 2.Iosiah's first reformation of religion in Jude.a*
2^ I The i^cytbians invade the Upper Asia.
p I

■" 3!
4i
5|

6 Josia)\'s second reformation of religion ili
I J udea.

Jeremiah first called to the prophetic of?
lice.

lO^Nabopolassar rebels against the king of As»
11 Syria, and makes himself king of Babyloia.
12'josiah's Ihird reformation of reH^ion in

I J udea.
131
14!
\5
16
17
18
19

Psammitichus, king of Egypt, dies."
Is succeeded by iVecus, his son, called Flva?
raoh Necho in the Holy Scriptures.

Nineveh desti'oyed by the Medes and Baby-
lonians.

Josiah slain in battle by Necho, king of

E?ypt.

First "Jehoahaz, and aftf^r him Jehofakujr,
succeeds in his stead.

'CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE;.

5.4p

14108

Huo
11

14
15

4120

' 2

3
4
5

606

605

604
603

602
601

600

599

598

597
596
595
594

593
592

591

590

589

588

7 587

586
585

8
' 9
.4140

CO W

1^220

2S21

3S 1

4s 2

4130 584

583

582
581
580
579

57.';

577
576|
575
574

107
11|8

^ 19

m' I
^. 2|10.
zr 3 11.

12.

13.

816.

I
9il7.

1018.

11!19.

20.18

21.19

22.20

23.21

24.22

25.2

26.24

27,25

28.26

29. 27

30.28

31.29

32. 30

33. 31

-s 1

S 2

> 1

S' 2
3

sr-

38
39
40

> 1

05 2
3

Nebuchadnezzai- lakes Jerusalem ;
from whence begin the seventy yeai-s
captivity of the Jews.

Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, dies,
and is succeeded by Nebuchadnez-
zar, his son.

Daniel interprets Nebuchadnezzar's
dream. Jehoiakim rebels ao^ainst
Nebuchadnezzar .

m O

Darius the Median born.

Cyrus born. Jehoiakim slain.

Jeconiah carried into captivity,,
and Zedekiah made king in his
stead.

Ezekiel called to the prophetic
office. Pharaoh nophra,king:
of Egypt.

Zedekiah confederates with Pha-
raoh Hophra,

And rebels against Nebuchad-
nezzar.

Nebuchadnezzar besiegetli Jeru-
salem.

Forceth Pharaoh Hophra to re-
treat, who came to relieve it.

Takes the city, and utterly d(?-
stroys it, with the temple.

Returns to Babylon, and erects
the golden image in the plains
of Dura.

Comes again into Palestine, ani
besiegeth Tyre thirteen years.

The remainder of the Jews anc^
Israelites carried away hy
Nebuzaradan.

The Egyptians revolt from Pba>-
raoh SFophra-

646

CHRONOLOCrlCAL TABLE..

! TJe-^

4141

2
3

i 4

t -6

4150
1

4160
1

2
3

i 9
'4170

S- o

a' 3

573 34. 32

572
571

35. 33
36.34

570137. 35
569 38. 36
568 39. 37
567140. 38
566!41. 39
565 {42. 40
564 43. 41
56344.42

56245.43

5611 rt 1
560is: 2

559

558

557
556

555 td

550

549

548

54'

546

545

544

543

M !-!

23
24

> 1

2 2

• 4
5
6

O 1

£? 3

S 4

27! 17

59
60
61
62
63

64'

<^'l

5"^

Tyre taken, and Egypt invaded, by

Nebuchadnezzar.
He ravageth Egypt,
Appoints Amasis king, and returns t«

Babylon.
Pharaoh Hophra slain by Amasis.
Nebuchadnezzar distracted.

Nebuchadnezzar restored to his

senses.
Dies in the thirty-seventh yearof Je»

hoiachin's captivity.
Jehoiachin released and advanced.
Evilmerodach slain by a conspiracy

against him, and Astyages dies in

Media.
Neriglissar succeeds in Babylon, and.

Cyaxares (the Darius Medus of

the Scriptures) in Media. Cyrus

comes to the aid of the Medes

agaiust the Babylonians.
Great preparations made by the Medes

and Babylonians for war against

each other.
Cyrus, being general of the Medea

and Persians under Cyaxares, slays

Neriglissar in battle. Laborosoar-

chod succeeds, and is slain.
Nabonadius (the Belshazzar of the

Scripture) succeeds Laborosoarchod.

Daniel saw the vision of the ram and
the he-goat, chap. viii.

Belshazzar goes into Lesser Asia, and
there hires a great army against
Cjaus, of which Croesus takes the
command.

Cyras sends a spy into Croesus's army,
by whom he hatli intelligence of all
there done.

Cyrus vanquisheth Croesus at the river
Halys, pursues him to Sardis, and
takes the city, and Croesus in it.

Cyrus bi-ings all the Lesser Asia un-
der his dominion.

Cyrus, having settled all affairs in the
Lesser Asia, subdues Syria. Pales-
tine, and Arabia.

CHRONOLOGICAL lAULli.

547

4172 542

541

4 540]

5 539

6 538

537

4180

D 1

536

535

534
533

532
531
530

529
528
527
526
525

O 1

28 .18

1-0 P^

&::■!

4190 524

1 523

2 522

521
520
519

34
35

38
39
40

41
42
43

3
a

Cyrus marcheth into Upper Asia, and le-»

iluceth all there under his obedience.
Cyrus returns into Syria, and lays siege td

Babylon.
Takes Babylon, and slays Belshazzar.
Cyrus placeth his uncle Darius on the throne

at Babylon, and makes an expedition into

Syria.
Darius dies at Babylon, and Cyrus succeeds

in the whole empire.

Cyrus restores the Jews, and puts an end to
their captivity, after seventy years.

The Jews return to Jerusalem, and begin to
rebuild the city and temple.

The Samaritans obstruct them in it.

The Samaritans corrupt the officers of CyruS
to discourage the work.

Cyrus dies, being seTenty years old.

O 1

g 2

•^ 3

15
16
17
18

fJjCambyKes,his son, succeeds in the empire.
9
10

11 He invadetli Egypt.

12 Vanquisheth Psamminitus, who newly suf-
ceeded Amasis, his father, in the kingdom,
and conquereth the whole kingdom.

IS'Makes an expedition against the Ethiopians,
and returns with loss.

14 Slays the Egyptian god Apis, and commits

many outrages among them.

15 Returns into Syria, and there dies. The Ma-

gians seize the kingdom.

16 The Magians slain, and Darius Hystaspes

chosen king.

17 The rebuilding of the temple resumed by

the Jews.

18 The Samaritans again disturb them, till a

decree was obtained for the going on with
the work.
19'Which decree is brought to Jerusalem, and
I there executed.

548

OHK0M)L0t;iCAt. TA'JLfc;..

M or?

4197

9
14200

14210
' 11

16
I 17
i

! 18
I 19

4220

517

516

515
514

513

512
511
510

509

508
507

506
605
504
503

502
501

500

499

498
497

496
495

494

493
492

491

490
489

4G8l

29
30

32
33
34

35
36

47
48
49'

3" fs

20 The Babylonians revolting from Darius, are be-
sieged by him.
21 'Babylon taken by Darius, after a siege of twenty
months.
The temple rebuilt and dedicated.
The Jews obtain sentence from Darius against the

Samaritans about the tribute of Samaria.
Darius passeth the Bosphorus and the Danube^
I to make war against the Scythians, and returns
with the loss of half his army.
25iSubdues Thrace, and returns to Susa.
26!
27JThe Scythians ravage Thrace, and drive Miltiades

out of the Chersonesus.
28 , Darius sends Scylax with a fleet down the Indusf

to discover India.
29 1

30 Scylax returns by the way of the ocean and the

Red Sea, and gives Darius an account of his
discoveries.

31 Darius invades and conquers India.
32

331

34 The Persians, under the command of Aristagoras
of Miletus, make an attempt upon Naxus, and
miscarry in it. Tyre restored.

oo Aristagoras and the lonians revolt from Darius.

36jThe Athenians enter into a confederacy with the
I lonians against Darius.

37iThey burn Sardis, which gave tlie first rise to the
Persian war against the Greeks.

38|The Persians prevail against the lonians. Arista-
goras flees into Thrace. Hestieeus Miiesiusre-
j turns into Ionia, and joins the revolters,

39 Aristagoras slain in Thrace.

40jMiletus taken, the lonians reduced, and an end
j put to that war.

41 jHestiseuo taken by the Persians, and crucified.

The Persians reduce the Hellespont and Thracian

Chersonesus, and force Miltiades to flee to

Athens.
Mardonius being sent by Darius to make war

against the Greeks, miscarries in the expedition,

and returns with great loss.
Darius sends heralds to demand earth and water

of the Greeks.
Two other generals sent against the Greeks in the

place of Mardonius. Zoroastres appears at the

Persian com-t.
The Persians invade Attica, and are defeated at

Marathon.
Darius makes gi'eat pi'epaa'atiolis toiftvade Greece

in pei-sou.

CIIROXOrOGICAL TABLE.

H^d

S. r*l S- 2

4227
8
9

4230
1

487
486
485
484
483

482

481

480

>< 1

4240

479

478
477

476

475

474

473

472

471

7
81
9
4260

469

468

46':
466
465
4641

8
9

470 16

> 1

463hi 2

21 462 U^ 3

3 461 g 4

4 4601;

VOL. II.

50
51
52
53
54

59
60

6li

62|

631

68
69

71
72
73

oOjThe Egyptians levoll iVom Darius.
5l!Darius declares Xerxes his successor, and dies.
521 Xerxes confirms to tlie Jews all their privileges.
53|Reducetli Egypt.

r" IJResolves on a war with the Greeks, and makes
^ j gi'eat preparations for it.

I' 2Enters into a league with the Carthaginians
against the Greeks.
3iComes with a prodigious army to Sardis, and

there wnnters.

4!Passeth the Hellespont, marcheth into Greece,

j loseth the battle of Salamis, and returns with

; disgrace to Sardis. The Carthaginians vau-

j quished in Sicily by Gelo.

5 The Persians vanquished at Platea and Mycale oH

j the same day.
6jXerxes destroys the temple of Bel at Babylon.
7jPausania3 andAristides pursue the war against

the Persians.
8 Pausanias, suspected of treason by the Lacedemo-

I nians, is recalled.
9i Still carries on the treason for the betraying of
I Greece to Xerxes.
10; Is tried for it, and acquitted for want of full

I evidence.
lllFuU discovery being made of his treason, he is put

I to death lor it.
12 Themistocles being accused by the Lacedemonians
of the same treason, is acquitted of it at Athens.
Themistocles being banished Athens for ten years,
is again accused of the same treason by the
Lacedemonians, before the states of Greece, ana
thereby forced to fly into Persia.
: Cimon, general of the Athenians, gains two vic-
tories over the Persians, near the river Eury-
medon, on the same day, the first by sea, and
, the second by land.
15 He makes many other conquests for tlie Athenians
on the Hellespont, and elsewhere.
Xerxes, discouraged by so many defeats, gives over
tlae Grecian war.

Xerxes slain by the treason of Artabanus.
Artaxerxes (the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther)
j succeeds, and slays Artabanus.

21 Conquers his brother Hystaspes, and thereby be-
I comes thorouglily settled in the throne.

22 Hereon he makes a great feast for all his nobles,

and divorceth Vashti his queen.
23' A collection of virgins made for the king, of which

Esther was one.
24lEsther pleaseth the king, and becomes his concu-
i bine. The Egyptians revolt, and make fnams

their king.

550

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

4255

459

458

457

456

455

4260

454

453

452

451

450

449

448

447

446

445

4270

444

443

442

441

440

439

438

437

436

435

4280

434

433

432

431

430

429

22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32

33
34

100

101

102

103

104

105
106

108

25!Acheineuidcs, brother of the king, being sent
against the Egyptians, is vanquished and slain,
and the remainder of his army besieged in
Memphis.

26iEzra sent to be governor of Judea. Esther is made
I queen.

27iEzra separated the Jews from their strange wives.
Mordecai discovers the treason of Bigtham and
Teresh.

28;Artabazus and Megabyzus raise the siege of
Memphis, defeat Inarus, and besiege him and
his Athenian auxiliaries in the island of Pro-

29 sopitis.

30 They force Prosopitis, take Inarus prisoner, drive
the Athenians out of Egypt, and again reduce
an that country under the Persian long.

S 1 Haman plotteth the destruction of the Jews.

?i 2

Haman's plot defeated in his own destruction,
and the feast of Purim mstituted in remem*-
brance of it.

Cimon sent by the Atlienians to Cyprtis with a

great fleet ;
Where he beats the Persians both by sea and land,

and then dies at Citium. Artaxerxes makes

peace with the Athenians.
6jlnarus crucified, and Megabyzus rebels.
7jDefeats the first army sent against him.
8[Defeats the second army sent against him, and is

reconciled to the king.
Nehemiah sent governor to Judea, and rebuilds

the walls of Jerusalem. Megabyzus banished

to Cyrta on the Red Sea.
Nehemiah repeoples Jerusalem, and proceeds to

reform church and state in Judah. Ezra pub-

lisheth his edition of tlie Hebrew Scriptures,

Megabyzus returns to the Persian cour(.

Nehemiah goes from Jerusalem to the Persiaii

court.
Meto began his cycle.
The Peloponnesian war began. A great plague

broke out in the East.
It came to Athens, and grievously afflicted that
I city.
25i About this time flotirished Malachi the prophet.

HROXOLOGICAI. TARi K.

>oi

_ I re K ,C!>i En's-
OP -■ Ci «. "> I < s^ ►, '

' "^ "^ •-*- ' - — 1 f^ r^T jj- ft) ,

2. "^ S"

426
■425
424

423
422

110

•Xeheniiah comes agaiu to Jerusalem with a uew
] commission. Plato the philosophei- bora.
iNehemiah goes on fai'ther to reform the Jewish

church and state.
The plague again broke out at Athens, which

produced a law there for polygsmiy.
Artaxerxes dying, Xerxes his sou succeeds. He

is slain by Sogdianus, and Sogdianus by Ochus,

who with the crown assumes tlie name of Darius.
Darius (commonly called Darius Nothus,) begins

his reign.
Vanquisheth Arsitcs, hi? brother, and puts him to

death.

413 11

412!
411
410
409

408

407
406
40.

4310

I24i

129

130
131|
132

404 > 1! 13i

400

3 5

13'

IS; 399 6 138

40''S. " Pisusthnes rebels against Darius m Lesser

|J_^i Asia, and is vanquished, and put to death

I by Tissapherncs, one of Darius' lieutenants.

' li> liThe Egyptians revolt from Darius, and make

jt^ I AmyrtcGUs their king.

i E^ 2i S" 2 Tissaphernes and Fharabazus governors of

"^ " ~ Lesser Asia for Darius.

The last act of reformation by Nel>emiali,
forty-nine years after it had been begun by
Ezra, where end the first seven weeks of
Daniel's prophecy.

The temple on Mount Gerizim begun to be
built by Manasseh.

Cyrus, the younger son of Darius, sent to
govern in Lesser Asia. .

Cyrus recalled to the Persian court. Darius
dies, and Artaxerxes Mnemon succeeds hun.

Athens taken, and the Peloponnesian war
ended. Cyrus sent back again to his go-
vernment in Lesser Asia.

He designetli war against his brother, and
lists forces for this purpose.

He marcheth towards Babylon, is vanquished

I in battle, and slain.

2 Thimbro sent by the Lacedemonians into
Lesser Asia to make war against the Per-
sians. Xenophon brings home the Greeks
that followed Cyrus, and joins him.

3 Dcrcyllidas succeeds Thimbro. Socrates put
to death bv the Athenian^.

CnKOM>LO(.i IcAL TABLE;

^i-S^

4316

19
4320

4330

1
2

3
4

4340

393

397
396

395

394

393
392
391

'-a^.

4 390

5 389

6 388

387
386

i o >-•

'T2 O

385

384

383

382

■3*1 1

380
379
378
377
376

25
26

27
28
29

375

374

373

372

371

370

369

3f5

368

367

ITS C

139

140
141

142

143

144
145
146

147
148
1'? 149

150

19 151

152

154
155
156

157
158
159
IGO
161

162
163

164
165
166

167
168
169
170

Dercyllidas vigorously carries ou llio war
aarainst the Persians.

Agesilaus passetli into Asia, to carry on the
war there against the Persians.
S! 1 Vanquisheth Tissaphernes, who is thereon
put to death by Artaxerxes.
Agesilaus called home to defend his country
against a confederacy of the Greeks
against them. Conon wins the victory of
CniduH.
Conon rebuilds the walls of Athens, and

again restores that city.
The Lacedemonians renew the war in Asia
against the Persians, but without success.
5 Artaxerxes makes great preparations for

war against Cyprus.
6
1
The Athenians send Chabrias to the assist-
ance of Euagoras, king of Cyprus, who
reduceth the whole island to him.
3,The peace of Antalcidas made between the

Lacedemonians and the Persians.
4 The Persians invade Cyprus with three

I hundred thousand men,
5' And make an absolute conquest of that

j island.
6; Artaxerxes invades the Caditsians with ill

j success. Aristotle born.

10|

13 Artaxerxes resolves on a war to reduce Egypt.
|Ti I Pharnabazns appointed general for this war,
?»
B
3 I

« 1

3-2=4

% 3'"

He makes great preparations for it.
Invader Eg3pi, and is forced to i-eturn with
ill success.

The Lacedemonians beaten at Leudva by
the Thebans.

CHRONOLOtilCAL TAHLE.

n3«-(

4348

4350
1

7
8

4360
1

2
3

8
9

4370
1
2
3
4

366

365
364
363

362

361

360
359

358

40
41

43
44

45
46

O 1

357
356

355
354
353
352
351

350
349

348
347
346
345
344
343
342
341
340
339
338

337

336

9
10

12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21

171

172
173
174

175

176

177
178

179

180
181

182
183
184
185
186

s" a

187

188

189
190
191
192
193
194
195

26
27
28
29
30
31
32

196;^ 1

197 g 2
198|= 3
199 • 4

200

201

7 1

Johanan, high-priest of the Jews, kills his
brother Jeshua in the temple, for which
the Persian governor lays a mulct upon the
Jews for seven years.

The battle of Mantinca between the Lace-
demonians and the Thebans, in which
the former lose the victory, and tlie latter
their general Epaminondas.
Agesilaus goes into Egyjpt with an army, to
assist Tachus.
? 1 He deserts Tachus, and makes Nectanebus

king.
p ^ He vanquishetli the enemies of Nectanebus,
q- 3 And fully settles him in the kingdom of
Egypt. Artaxerxes dies.
Agesilaus returns homeward, and dies in the
way on the coast of Africa. Great revolts
in the Persian empire on the succession of
Ochus.

jAlexander the Great bom at Pclla in Mace-
donia.

The Cyprians and Phoenicians revolting
from Ochus, are again reduced. Sidon
taken and destroyed by Ochus.

Ochus invades Egypt, expels Nectanebus, and
reduceth the whole country.

Mentor made governor of Lesser Asia.
Memnon his brother enters into the Per-
sian service.

Plato the philosopher dies.

Bagoas the eunuch poisoneth pchus, and
maketh Arogus or Arses king in his stead.

Philip, king of Macedon, after the victory of
Chteronea, made general of Greece against
the Persians.

Bagoas poisons Ai'ogus, and Pausanias slays
Philip, king of Macedon. Darius succeeds
the former, and Alexander the latter.

HRO-\OLO<a(;AL TABr,K.

4379

4380
1

4390

oil

335

334
333
332
331

330

329
328
327
326

325

324
323

322
321
320

319
318

O 1

202

2 203

204
205

> 1 206

20'

2 1

208
209
210
211

212

213
214

215
216

217

2lii
219

Darius puts Bagoas to death. Alexander destroys
Thebes, and is appointed general of the Gre-
cians against the Persians in the place of his
father.

8 Alexander passeth into Asia, and wins the battle
of Granicus.

9 He reduceth all Lesser Asia, and wins the battle
of Issus.

10 He destroys Tyre and Gaza, and conquers Egypt.

11 He passeth the Euphrates and the Tigris, wins
the battle of Arbela, and takes Babylon, Susa,
and Persepolis, and the provinces belonging to
them,

l2DariHj slain by Bessus. Alexander subdues the
Medes, Parthians, Hyrcanians, Arians, and
several other nations. Puts Philotas and Par-
menio to death.

13 He subdues the Bactrians and Sogdians, and puts
Bessus to death.

14 He marries Roxana, passeth into India, and con-
quers all to the river Indus.

15 He passeth the Indus, vanquisheth Porus, and sub-
dueth all as far as the river Hyphasis.

16 He puts his army on board his fleet, and saileth
down the Indus, conquering several nations iu
his way.

17 Having passed down to the mouth of the Indus,
he sends Nearchus with his fleet through the
ocean to Babylon, and marcheth thitherward
with his army by land.

18 Conquers the Cosseans, and enters Babylon.

19 He there dies. Aridaeus, his brother, made nomi-
nal king, and the commanders of the army di-
vide the provinces of the empire among them-
selves.

20 Perdiccas and Eumenes make war against An-
tipater, Craterus, and Ptolemy.

P 1 Eumenes vanquisheth Craterus, and slays him in
battle. Perdiccas is slain by his own soldiei-s
in Egypt. Aristotle dies.

Antigonus being sent against Eumenes, van-
quisheth him in battle. Ptolemy seizeth Judea,
PhcEnicia, and Coelo-Syria, and taketh Jerusa-
lem.

Antipater being dead, Cassander seizeth Mace-
don, and Antigonus all Lesser Asia, and shuts up
Eumenes in the castle of Nora.

Eumenes, being got out of Nora, passeth into
Cilicia, and having there gotten together an
army, marcheth into Syria, and from thence
into Mesopotamia.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

5od

~=? ^ S"

*< re

4397

4400
1

317

316

315

314
313

> 1

n
p o

^ 3

ffii

o „

P ^.

5- re

220

221,

222

223

224

.312 6

3 311
310

309
308

307
306

305

Eumenes marcheth to Susa, and is there joined
by the governors of the eastern provinces.
Aridffius slain by Olympias.

6 Antigonus marcheth into the East against Eu-
menes.

Eumenes betrayed into the hands of Antigonus by
his own soldiers, and put to death. Seleucus,
Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysimachus confede-
rate against Antigonus.

Antigonus dispossesseth Ptolemy of Syria, Phce-

( nicia, and Judea.
9 Antigonus leaveth Demetrius his son, with part of
his army, in Phoenicia, and marcheth with the
other against Cassander.

c W p
g 2 '

11
12

13
14

15
16

,!^

Ptolemy seizeth Cyprus, beats Deme-
trius at Gaza, and again recovers
Syria and Phoenicia, and loseth them
all again by the defeat of Cilles his
lieutenant.

Demetrius marcheth to Babylon, against
Seleucus, and returns without suc=
cess.

Cassander slays Alexander ^gus, with
Roxana his mother. Epicurus first
teacheth his impious philosophy.

4 Ptolemy takes several cities from An-
tigonus in Lesser Asia.
He takes the isle of Andros, and Co-
rinth, Sicyon, and several other cities
on the continent of Greece.

Ophelias slain by Agathocles. Ptolemy
recovers Libya and Cyrene.

Demetrius gains a great victory over
Ptolemy at Cyprus, and dispossess-
eth him of that whole island. An-
tigonus hereon takes the title of
king. .

8 Antigonus invadeth Egypt, and is ret-
I pulsed with 105?,

556

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.

4410
11

12
13
14

19
4420

295
294

293
292

Demetrius besiegeth Rhodes "without suc-
cess,

Seleucus having made himself master ofall
the provinces of Alexander's empire be-
yond the Euphrates, invadeth India, and
maketh peace with Sandrocottus.

Seleucus, Ptolemy, Cassander, and Lysiraa-
chus confederate against Antigonus.

They vanquish and slay him at Ipsus in
Phrygia.

After this victory, Ptolemy had Judea, Phoe-
nicia, and Coelo-Syria, and Seleucus Up-
per Syria, where he builds Antioch.

Demetrius gives his daughter, Stratonice,
in marriage to Seleucus, and seizeth Ci-
licia.

Cassander dies in Macedonia.

Pyrrhus marries Antigone, the daughter of
Berenice, Ptolemy's best beloved wife,
and by his assistance recovers his king-
dom of Epirus.

Samaria wasted by Deinetrius's s oldiers from
Tyre.

Ptolemy recovers Cyprus from Demetrius.

Demetrius made king of Macedon, and
there reigns seven years.

Seleucus builds Seleucia on the Tigris.

Simon the Just, high priest of the Jews,
dies, and is succeeded by Eleazar, his
brother.

INDEX TO VOL. II.

AcHORis, king of Es^pt, his wars \vith
the Persians 90—96, his death 97.

Ace and Aeon, Ptolemais so called 315.

Achean commonwealth, what it was
514.

Acheus, his good services to Beleucus
Ceraunus 330, refuses the kingdom
of Syria ib. recovers part of it 331,
usurps it 337, besieged in Sardis 350,
betraved and delivered to Antiochus
ib. beheaded 351.

\cichorius the Gaul invades Pannonia
260.

Adamantius, why Origen so called 292,
293.

Adoration paid to the king of Persia by
the Greeks 101.

iEra of the Seleucidae and the Julian,
how they differ 423, 456, 460.

JEra of the Seleucidae, or of contracts
183, why called by the Arabs, Taric
Dilcarnain 184, of the creation of the
world ib. of the Julian period ib.

_T.tolians invite Antiochus the Great to
make war on the Romans in Greece
370,371.

Agathoclea, her wickedness 339, plun-
ders Ptolemy's treasury at his death
356, killed ib.

Agathocles, her brother, his treason
356, killed ib.

Agathocles, governor of Parlhia for
Antiochus, occasions the loss of the
province by sodomy 311.

Agathocles, son of Lysimachus, his ac-
tions against Demetrius 241, 242,
murdered by means of his aunt and
stepmother, Arsinoe 257.

Agesilaus king of Sparta, his wars
figainst the Persians 82, ill conduct
ib. his parley Avith Pharnabazus 86,
corruption ib. greedy of money 105,
Lis treachery 106, makes Nectanebus
king of Egypt 107, his death ib.

Alcibiades put to death at the instiga-
tion of the Lacedemonians 73.

Alexander, the Great, his birth 111,
victories in Greece 123, his army in
Asia ib. victories there 124, sacrifices
10 God at Jerusalem 131, his cruelty
and vainglory 133, reduces Egypt
134 — 136, his vanity and cruelty
136, 137, builds Alexandria 136, pu-
nishes the Samaritans for the death
of Andromachus 143, masters the
X'ersian empire 144, plunders Perse-
i>olis 146, burns it ih. his luxury ther«

ib. weeps over Darius's dead body

147, his swift marches 147, 148,

builds another Alexandria 14S, wais

with the northern Asiatics 149, kills

Clitus ib. Callisthenes 150, his vanity

ib. marfeh to India 151, conquests and

return 151, 152, his lust and cruelty

155, his riches 156, his designs 159.

his death 160, his burial 168.

Alexander made governor of Persia by

Antiochus the Great 331, rcbels, and

slays himself 335.

Alexandria built 136, now a village ib.

settled 142, peopled with the Jews

186, Jews very numerous there 281,

282,tradeof the East brought thither

307, inhabited by three sorts of peo-

. pie 346.

Alexandrian copy of the Septuagint, by

whom written 297, its antiquity ib. '

Alexandrians, their skill in astronomy

476, leave their city 536.
Ammianus Marcellinus corrected 246.
Ammonius, minister to the impostor
Balas of Syria 509, his cruelty ib.
plots against the king of Egypt 512,
slain 513.
Amyrteecus recovers the whole kingdom
of Egypt49, dies and is succeeded by
his son 69.
Anacleteriaof Ptolemy, what it was 366.
Andreas solicits Ptolemy for the Jews

264.
Andriscus, an impostor, pretends to the

kingdom of Macedon 504.
Androuicus, governor of Antioch, puts
Onias the high priest to death 401,
punished for it ib.
Angels of the churches, why the Asiim

bisliops so called 26.
Annius, a lying historian 209,
Antalcidas the Lacedemonian, his bad
peace with the Persians 88, 90, 91,
starves himself to death 92, 101.
Antigonus of Socho, chosen president of
the sanhedrim, 237, his learning ib.
death 304, character ib,
Antigonus, his government after Alex-
ander's death 164, his war 167, sets
up for himself 171, wars with Eume-
nes 171 — 178, puts him to death 179i
his greatness 179, 180, wars with Se-
leucus 184, with Ptolemy 185, causes
Alexander's sister to be )nurdered
195, his cruelty ib. takes the title' of
king 198, his ill nature 199, confede-
racy against him 201. routed and
slain 202.

bba

LVDEX.

Anli^joniu C.oaaiui, ;oii oi Demetrius
Icin? of Macedon, routs the Gauls
263, marries the daughter of Seleucus,
and has peaceable possession of the
kingdom 300, besieges Athens 301,
drives Cleomenes out of Sparta 333.

Antioch built 204, ruined 206, why
called Tetrapolis ib,

Antiochus Soter, son of Seleucus, how
he got his father's wife Stratonice
213, 244, succeeds him 256, wars for
the kingdom of Macedon 299, yields
it to Antigonus ib. beats the Gauls,
and is thence called Soter 300, defeat-
ed by Eumenes 305, his death ib.

Antiochus Theus succeeds his father
Soter 305, marries Jiis sister LaodLce
ib. his war with Ptolemy Philadel-
phus 310, loses his eastern provinces
311, divorces Laodice, and marries
l'tolemy''s daughter Berenice ib. turns
oft' Berenice and retakes Laodice 316,
poisoned ib.

Antiochus Ilierax, why so called 320,
routs his brother Seleucus ib. his mis-
fortunes and death 222, 223.

Antiochus the Great, ascends the Sy-
rian throne 331, wars with Ptolemy
Philopater 333, 334, reduces the east-
ern rebels 335, loses the battle at
Raphia 143, reduces Acheus 350, his
Parthian war 352, his march into In-
dia 355, his league against the young
king Ptolemy Epiphanes 357, takes
Sidon 360, is at Jerusalem 361, his
decree in favour of the Jews ib. his
successes in Asia Minor 363, gives
audience to the Roman ambassadors
in Thrace 364, flies into a passion 365,
suffers by a storm ib. Hannibal with
him 367, engaged by him in a war
with the Romans ib. mnkes alliances
with him 368, his m ourning for his
son Antiochus 369, begins the Avar
with the Romans rashly 370, marries
an ordinary womanin his old age 372,
driven into Asia ib. his fleet beaten
374, sues in VR.in for a peace with the
Romans 375, routed by them ib. pays
a prodigious sum for a peace 376, 377,
a saying of his on the loss of his pro-
vinces to them 373, robs the temple
i^f Jupiter Belus, and is murdered ib.
l)aiiiel's prophecies of him fulfilled
378—381.'
Antiochus Epiphanes his s<ju an hostage
at Rome 377, obtains the crown 391,
his extravagancies 392, and madness
jb. nicknamed Epimaues 392, ti-eated
at Jerusalem 398, routs the Egyp-
tians 403, puts the Jewish ambassa-
dors to death 404, his victories in
Egypt 403, his cruelty and prcfane-

ness alJerii^aiem 406, 407, his im-
mense booty 407, invades Egypt
again 400, 409, gives audience to am-
bassadors in favour of Ptolemy 409,
his severe decree againtt the Jews
413, his folly at Daphne 428, his
deatli and wicked character 439, Da-
niel's prophecies concerning him ful-
filled 443, succeeded by his son 45 1 .
Antiochus Eupator, his breach of faitii
to the Jews 461, put to death by his
brother Demetrius 466.
Antiochus Theos, son of Balas, expels
Demetrius, king of Syria 519, kind la
Jonathan ib. murdered by his minis-
ter Tryphon 523.
Antiochus Sidetes, brother of Deme-
trius, marries his wife 530, kills the
usurper iTryphon, and obtains tlie
kingdom of Syria 531.
Aatiochis, daughter of Antiochus the
Great, imposes two supposititioug
princes on the Cappadocians 49-1 ^
495.
Apame, lier scandalous love for Deme-
trius, son of Poliorcetes 309, the occa-
sion of a war between Antiochus
Theos and Ptolemy Philadelphus ib.
Apis the Egyptian god, killed by Ochus

120.
Apostates, how hated and used by the

Jews 347, 348.
Apollonius Rhodius, library-keeper at

Alexandria 368,
ApoUophanes, Antiochus's physician,

his advice at a council of war 337.
Apollonius, lieutenant to Antiochus
Epiphanes, destroys Jerusalem 413.
routed and slain 428, several persons
of that name distinguished 429.

Apollo of Tyre chained by them 12S,

Apollonius Tyanifius, history of him, a
fable 215.

Aquila undertakes a translation of liie
Bible in opposition to Ihe Septuagint
288, his method in it 289.

Aratus the poet, faA'oured by Ptoiemv
314.

Aratus expels Nicocles, tyrant of Sicy-
one 410, generously assisted by Pto-
lemy Philadelphus, and why ib.

Arbela, Darius routed ihere 144, arbi-
trary power, the ill effects of it 153.

Archias, his avarice 499, the occasion
ofhis death 499, 500.

Argyraspides, why Alexander's soldier s
so called 173^ betrays Eumenes 120.

Ariarathes, king o fCappadocia, opposed
by an impostor 494, 495, refuses the
king of Syria's sister in jnarriag*'
495.
Aridseus, Alexander'? bastard brothf^.-

liNULA.

odd

made kjoigltiiJ, au idiot ib. murdered
176.
Aristeas, his account of Uie Sepluagint

confuted 264.
Aristobulus, his account of tlie transla-
tion of the Septuag-int 266, confuted
275, his commentaries on Moses sus-
pected 275, 276.
Aristotle, his birth and life 118, his con-
verse with a Jew 119, 124, instructed
by a learned Jew 276, studied by the
Christian schoolmen from an ill trans-
lation 537.
Arsaces occasions the revolt of Parthia
from Antiochus 311, founds that king-
dom, and enlarges it 321, settles 324,
gives his name to his successors 325.
Arsaces his son, leagues with Antiochus

the Great 353, his successors 528.
Arses has only the name of king of Per-
sia 120, slain 121.
Arsinoe, wife of Lysimachus, contrives
the death of his son Agathocles 257,
banished 258, marries her brotlier
Ptolemy Philadelphus 259, beloved
by him ib. her death 313.
Arsinoe, wife of Ptolemy, and daughter
of Lysimachus, divorced by him and
banished 258.
Arsinoe, wife and sister to Ptolemy Phi-
lopater, her ceurage 342, 343, put to
death 346.
Artaxerxes, his death 45.
Artaxerxes Mnemon, why so called 71,
his negotiations with the Greeks 91,
96, 100, his incestuous marriages 108,
death 109.
Artemon personates Antioch'us Theus

316.
Arundel, earl of, a column concerning
Seleucus king of Syria, brought by
him out of Italy 366.
Ashes, the manner of a death in Persia

46. See Maccabees xiii.
Asideans, who they were that joiued

Mattathias420, 421.
Asmonean race, when they became pos-
sessed of the high priesthood 503,
of the first class of the sons of Aaron
ib.
A sphaltites, lake of Sodom, why so call-
ed 1G9.
Astacus, Nicomedia built on its ruins

305.
Atheism punished by the Athenians

49.
Athenians, allowed two vvives, and why
'^14,use a Persian ambassador honoui"-
ably 45, \ anquished by the Lacede-
monians 69, put Socrates to death
;nul repent cf it 79, iis^ist Euagoras
against Artaxerxes 90.
A • "leas. plague there 37, 44, walls re-

bujlt by Couon 88, taken by Deme-
trius 196, 210, besieged by Antigonu^
lung of MacedonSOl.
Atropatians, now the Georgians, submit

to Antiochus 335.
Attalus, king of Pergamus, succeeds
Eumenes 321, curtails the Syrian em-
pire ib. his league -with the Roman;,
and death 362, how it happened ib.
Attalus, brother of Eumenes king ot
Pergamus, made king by him496°re-
sigui to his nephew ib.
Attalus Philometor succeeds his uncle

Attalus 534.
Azarias, one of Judas Maccabseus's com-
manders, his ill conduct 454.
Azelmelic made king of Tyre by Alex-
ander, and why 129.
Azotus taken by John son of Simon
533.

B.
Babylon taken by Alexander 145, by
Demetrius 191, entirely ruiiaed 212,
See Elugo.
Bacchides sent by the king of Syria
against Judas Maccabseus 490, kills
him ib. his cruelty 491, worsted by
Jonathan 492, quits Palestine 493,
returns and makes peace with the
Jews 497.
Bactria, revolts from AntiochusSll, the

largeness of the province ib.
Bagdad, situation of it 212, where Se-

leucia was 216, whence its name ib.

Bagoas, the Egyptian eunuch favourite

to Ochus 119, why offendedat him 120,

his revenge ib.makes Darius kin" 121

Bagorazus, his fidelity to Artaxerxes,

and death 45, 46.
'Bagoses, the Persian governor, lays a

mulct on the Jews' sacrifices 103.
Balas, called also Alexander, an impos-
tor, pretends to the kingdom of Syria
501, the Romans declare for him ib.
makes Jonathan high priest 502, ob-
tains the Syrian empire, and is kind
to Jonathan 505, marries the kin* of
Egypt's daughter ib. his mal-admi-
nistration 509, 510, the cruelty of his
favouriLe 510, killed 513.
Barsona, Memnon's widow, marries

Alexander 126, murdered 193.
Baruch, epi.-tles of, not in the llebreiv"

canon271.
Bede, an epistle penned by him 432.
Belgins, the Gaul, invades Macedonia,

and is defeated 261.
Belus, temple of, at Babylon, Alexan-
der's design to rebuild it 159.
Berce taken by Pyrrhus240.
Berenice gets Ptolemy to make her -„.
king, though he had an elder bro! iin-
244,

.JbU

LN'DEX,

Eereuice, citv of, built by Ptolemy Phi-

ladelphus 307.
Berenice, daughter of Apame, gets lier

mothei-'s gallant assassinated 309.
Berenice, daughter of Ptolemy, married

to Antiochus Theus 31 1, she is turned

oft' 316, and flies ib. murdered ib.
Eerenice, wife of Ptolemy Euergetes,

her hair turned into a constellation

318.
Berhoea, Aleppo so called anciently

462.
Berosus, the historian, when he lived

306, an account of him 306, 307.
Bessus, his treason to Darius 146, de-
clares himself king 147, punished by

Alexander 149.
Bethsan in Palestine, called Scythopo-

iis 459.
Betis, the eunuch, Alexander's cruelty

to him 133.
Bias makes his city renowned for just-

tice 498, Note.
Bible, books added to it after Ezra's

time 218, wherein the Samaritan and

Jewish differ 61, 62, when it ends 75.
Bishops, their temporal power distm-

guished from the -spiritual 399 .
Bishops in king William III.'s time

justly deprived by the state 400, still

so of tlie church universal ib.
Bitumen found in the lake of Sodom

189.
Bolis,the Cretan, his treachery 351.
Brass, Corinthian, when first made 514.
Brennus, the Gaul, invades Macedonia,

and is defeated 261, dies of despair

and drunlfenness 262, a sapng of

another Gaul of the same name to

the Romans 376, Note.
Byzantium seized by the Gauls 261.

Cadusians subjected by Artaxerxes 95,
their manners ib. said to be part of
the ten tribes ib.

Cadytis, Jerusalem so called by Hero-
dotus 8.

Callippic cycle, what it was 471, 472.

Callimachus, his satire against his disci-
ple .\pollonius, library-keeper at

■ Alexandria 368.

Callistlienes the philosopher, killed by
Alexander's order 151.

Calisthenes burnt for burning the tem-
ple gates at Jerusalem 433.

Canon, Jewish, of Scripture, when
completed 217— 219.

Captains, Alexander's, assume the
name of kings 163, 192, 198, establish
four great monarchies 203, Daniel's
prophecy of them fulfdled ib.

Carthage deitioyedolS, 514.

<'a?fander. son of Antipater, suppo?€d

to have poisoned Alexander 161, his
designs against Alexander's children
17], puts his mother to death 176,
and wife 192, and son ib. takes the
title of king 198, divisions among his
family 211, 212.

Cassius, his virtue 205.

Cato, the Roman general, routs An-
tiochus the Great in Greece 372.

Celsus, well acquainted with the
Scriptures 284.

Cendcbeus, general of the Syrians for
Antiochus Sidetes, routed bv the sons
of Simon 533.

Chares of Lindus, builds the colossus at
Rhodes 332.

Charrje Mesopotamia, the Haranof the
Scripture 174, Abraham dwelt there
ib. Crassus routed ib.

Chasidim, or Asidajans, who the people
so called 420,421,

Christ honours the feast of dedication
appointed by Judas Maccabajus with
his presence 436.

Christian churches make use of differ-
ent translations of the Bible 294.

Chronicles, book of, more modern than
the rest 218.

Chronicon Alexandrinum prefen-ed in
some things to Eusebius 401, 402,
why so called 402.

Clearchus leads a Grecian army to
assist Cj'rus against Artaxerxes 73,
74, slain 75.

Cleomenes poisoned in Egypt 333.

Cleopatra, Alexander's sister, murdered
by order of Antigonus 195.

Cleopatra, mother of Ptolemy Philo-
metor, regent of Egj'pt 387, her death
396.

Cleophis queen of the Assacans, prosti-
tutes herself to Alexander 151, has a
son and successor by him ib.

Clitus killed by Alexander 149.

Coaus refuse to deliver Hippocrates to
Artaxerxes 39.

Coslo-Syria, what that country was
345.

Colossus of Rhodes tlirown down 332,
described ib.

Conon of Samus, the mathematician,
his gross flattery of Berenice, wife to
Ptolemy Euergetes 318, 319.

Conon the Athenian, his friendship to
Euagoras of Salamine 78, commands
Artaxerxes' fleet SO, his men not paid
83, he complains of it 83, beats the
Lacedemonian fleet 87, rebuilds tlie
walls of Athens 88, put to death 89.

Conquerors, their detestable character
133, 134.

Constellation, whv rnllpd Cnma Berp-
Viiccf 319

INDEX.

561

Coptus on liie Nile, made a mart for
the eastern trade 308 .

Corinth destroyed 513, 514.

Cornelia, mother of" the Gracchi, refu-
ses to marry Ptolemy Physcon, king
of Egypt 466.

Corupedion, a fight there, between
Seleucus and Lysimachus 257.

Corycus, naval fight of. between the
Syrian and Roman fleets 373.

Oos, island of, Hippocrates born there
307, Berosus there ib.

Court, outer, of the temple, what it was
522, Note.

Crater us sent by Alexander to lead the
old Macedonians home 151, governs
Macedonia after his death ib. slain
167.

Crates, deputy governor of Jerusalem,
made governor of Cyprus by Aa-
tiochus Epiphanes 404.

Cretans, their bad character 350.

Ctesiphon, stands where Seleucia did
216.

Ctesias tlie Cnidian, physician to Ar-
taxerxes Mnemon 78, his history ib.
copied by Diodorus Siculus and Tro-
gus Pompeius 79.

Cuthites, the original of the Samaritans
55, 56.

Cycle of the moon^ when, for what, and
b}' whom invented 33.

Cycle, brow it difl'ers from a period 471,
of nineteen years the best 477.

C }'cle of eighty-four years, when begun
by the Jews 470, how made up 471,
wholly abolished 488.

Cj'cles treated of 470.

Cynocephalus. battle of, between the
Romans and Macedonians 363.

Cyprus, nine kings there 113, mastered
by Ptolemy 210, delivered to the
king of Syria 404.

Cyrenean Jews, from whom descended
170.

CyrilluE Lucaris, patriarch of Constan-
tinople, presents king Charles I. with
the Alexandrian copy of the Septua-
gint 297.

Cyrus, son of Darius Nothus, made
governor of Lesser Asia 69, assists the
Lacedemonians against the Athenians
ib. his pride and cruelty 70, plots
against Artaxerxes Mnemon 71, par-
doned ib. new designs against his
brother Artaxerxes 73, slain 75.
D.

Damascus taken by Alexander 126, the
rich plunder there ib. taken by An-
tiochus the Great 340.

Daniel, his prophecy of Alexander 131,
144, 148, of his successors 162.

Daniel, book of, the ^eptuagint version
VOL, ir, 71

faulty 289, a prophecy of his touching
the marriage of Antiochus Theu°
with Ptolemy's daughter Berenice
fulfilled 313, to whom the prophecies
in his eleventh chapter are to be ap-
plied ib. his prophecy of the effects
of Berenice's marriage fulfilled 31 C,
of Antiochus the Great 379, and of
the Ptolemies ib. of Seleucus Philo-
pater 390, of Antiochus Epimanes
391,442, the end of the prophecies
relating to the kings of Syria and
Egypt 444, to the perseciition of
the Jews 444, 445, Porphyry the Pa-
gan owns the full completion of them
445, relate also to Antichrist 447,
w hat is meant by his time, times, and
half a time 447, 448.

Daphne, city of, its lewdness 210.

Darius Nothus, h's reign 46 — 70, his
brother Arsites' rebellion 47, otlicr
troubles 48, his cruelty ib. impolicy
49, a fine saying of his at liis death
71.

Darius Codoraannus, made king by Ba-
goas 121, puts Bagoas to death 122,
his mean post before he was king ib.
routed by Alexander 125, 126, seized
by Bessus 146, murdered 147.

Darius, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, his
rebellion 107, 108.

Datames, Artaxerxes's general, his
character 96,

Day, hours of, how reckoned by the
Jews 25.

Dedication, feast of, appointed by Judas
Maccabseus 436, honoured with
Oirist's presence ib.

Deists, Epicureans 193, 194.

Demetrius Phalereus's character 196,
197, gets the kingdom of Macedoa
211.

Demetrius Soter, son of Seleucus I'hi-
lopater, set aside in the succession by
the Romans 454, his escape from
Rome 465, seizes the kingdom of Sy-
ria 466, courts the Romans 468, 469,
assists an impostor in Cappadocia.
497, a plot against him 500, 501, dis-
tressed by an impostor 504,kiiled 505.

Demetrius Nicator his son, attempts lor
the kingdom 510, obtains it 513, his
ill qualities 516, assisted by Jonathan
in his distress 518, his vices 525,
routed and taken by the Parthians
528, kept in easy captivity ib.

Demetrius, his ^j-eat preparations for
war 240, abandoned by his army ib.
straitened 241,fights his way through
Ills enenues 242, surrenders himself
to Seleucus ib. his way of living af-
terward 244, ^quits the siege of
Rhodes 332.

662

INDEX,

Demetrius liis son, inurcleveLl for his
amour with Apame 309.

Demetrius, the Phalerean, first libra-
rian at Alexandria 254, prince of
Athens ib. his story 255, 256, dis-
suades Ptolemy from disinheriting
his eldest son 256, imprisoned, and
dies of the bite of an asp ib.

Elugo, a village in Asia 213, Babyloti

stood there ib.
Elymais, temple of Diana, attempted to

be robbed by Antiochus Epiphanes

439, as that of Belus had been by his

father 442.
Epaminondas, his death and character

105.

Demetrius, the historian, what of him Ephesus, taken by Antiochus the Great

preserved by Eusebius 283. 363.

Democritus, founder of the atomical Ephron taken by storm, and razed, by

philosophy 50, atheistical ib. Judas Maccabaeus 459.

Dercyllidas the Lacedemonian, com- Epicurus, tvhen he appeared 193.

mands against the Persians in Asia Epigenes, Antiochus's general, murdered

77, 79, in danger 81. by treason 335 .

Diagoras, the Median, condemned at Epiphanius, bishop of Salamine, his ac-

Athens for Atheism 49. count of the Septuagint 269, 270, con-

Dicearchus, his treason and punishment futed 280.

366.

Eratosthenes, the Athenian, made li-
brary-keeper by Ptolemy Euergeten
323, a piece of his extant ib, his death
368,
Erostratus burn? the temple of Ephe-
sus, and why 111.
Esther promotes Nehemiah by her in-
terest 4, 5.
Esther, book of, by whom written, 218,
Sanhedrims ib. Mishnical, the first of Euagoras, king of Salamine, pardoned
them 304, slain by king Alexander by Artaxerxes at the request of Co-
for opposing his priesthood 358, of the non 78, his war with the jPersians 89
divinity school at Jerusalem 528, — 95, murdered 100.

Dor, near Mount Carmel, taken by the Euagoras king of Salamine, put to

Diodorvis Siculus, whence he took his
history 73, 79.

Dionysius' rules for keeping Easter ob-
served 483.

Diviner, Eg)T)tian, a story of one 187,
188.

Doctors, of the Jewish law, cease 237,
238, revive ib. compose the Jewish

Syrians 330.

Euster, how settled by the first Chris-
tians 474,the use of the British church
about it 478, 479, a schism about it in
Britain 479, rules for keeping it, ob-
served 483, 484, Avhen it will fall any
year 485.

Ebal, Mount, disputes between the
Jews and Samaritans about it 64 —
G6.

Ebionites, their heresy explained 288.

Edomites, where they dwelt 438, slain
by Judas Maccabaeus 451.

Egypt, revolts from Darius Nothus 49,
reduced 68, 69, invaded by the Per-
sians 69, civil wars there 106, con-
quered by Ochus king of Persia 117,
118, history of it ib. reduced by
Alexander 134 — 141.

death 115.

Euleus, the eunuch, a wicked minister
of Ptolemy's 405.

Eumenes, one of Alexander's captains,
seizes Cappadocia and Paphlagonia
163, his character 164, 165, his wis-
dom 167, 172, defeated and slainl79.

Eumenes succeeds his uncle Phileterua
the eunuch,in the kingdom of Perga-
mus303,defeats Antiochus Soter 308,
overruns Asia Minor 331, his luxu-
ry, 332.
Eumenes succeeds his father Attalua
363, founds the library at Pei-gamus«
ib. his love to his brethren ib. refu-
ses to marry a daughter of Antio-
chus the Great 368, relieved by the
Romans 374, they gave him some of
Antiochus' provinces 377, assists the
king of Cappadocia against an im-
postor 495, his death ib.

Egyptians will not offer the blood of Eathydemus makes himself king of

beasts in ihe sacrifices 249, murder

a man for killing a cat 250, note.
E kron, and its territory, given to Jona-

tlian the high priest, by Balas, tlie

impostor of Syria 512.
Eleazar, brother of Juda
ictioris and death 460, 461

Eliashib the high priest, his profanation
of the temple 40. death 50.

Bactria 353, allowed that title by

Antiochus 355.
Expiation dav, how celebrated among

the Jews 238, 239.
Extemporary prayer reproved 19.
his rash Ezra changes the old Hebrew cliarac-

ter into theChaldee and solemnly

publishes it 10.
Ezra, book of, by whom written 18-.

INDEX,

563

lathers, ancient, their account of the
Septuagint, 269.

Favourites, their danger 356.

Feast of the dedication appointed by
Judas Maccabaius 425, oi the taber-
nacles, what 426, of the dedication,
when celebrated 4'27.

Feasts appointed by magistrates of
authority, 436.

Flaminius, T. Quintius, vanquishes the
Macedonians 362.

Forms of worship, vinditated 19.

Galatiaus in Asia, their original 263,
their increase 321, subdued by Atta-
ins ib. swarms of them in the East
322.

Galilee, conquered by the Syrians 341.

Gallus, why Ptolemy Philopater so
called 347.

Gamaliel, a scribe, or doctor of the
Jewish law 237.

Gauls" beat Ptolemy Ceraunus, ant.
cut him to pieces 258, first enters
Asia 259, four thousand of them put
to death in Egypt 303, suppressed by
the Romans 377.

Gaugamela, Darius routed there 144.

Gaza, taken by Alexander 133, taken
and plundered by the Syrians 360.

Gazara, taken by Simon 526, he builds
a palace there 527.

Genealogies, Jews exact in them 9,
why some difference between those
collected by Ezra and Nehemiah ib.

Gentiles, Jews forbidden to marry with
them 42, they break that law 51.

Gerizim, temple of, built in opposition
to that of Jerusalem 55, said by the
Samaritans to be the right place 64,
their additions to Deuteronomy con-
cerning it 65, disputes about ib.

Gilead conquered by the Syrians 341.

Glory, false notions of it 133.

Goats of expiation, what they were
238.

Gorgias sent against Judas Maccabssus,
and routed 432, again 458-

Grabe, Dr. undertakes an edition of the
Septuagint 298.

Granicus, battle of 123, Darius de-
feated there ib.

Greek, when first spoken in Egypt 248.

Gregory XIII. reforms the calendar,
and makes the new style 478.

Groves used by the Jews for worship
29.

Ham the son of Noah is Jupiter 136.

Hannibal goes to Antiociius the Great
367, engages him iti a war with the
Romans ib. suspected by Antiochus
370, his good advice to him 371,
beaten at sea by the Rhodiaus 374,

. he flies after the peace between the
Romans and Antiochus 377.

Hebrew tongue ceased to be spoken by
the Jews 273.

Hebron dismantled by Judas Macca-
bajus 459.

Hecatseus the historian, favours the
Jews 187.

Heliodorus, treasurer of Syria, how pu-
nished by the sacrilege 388, 2 Mac-
cab, chap. iii. poisons Seleucns his
master ib. usurps the ci-own 391.

Heliopolis in Egypt, why Onias built
his temple there 507, 508.

Hellenists, Jews, why so called 282.

Hephestion's death, 157, 158, Alex-
ander puts his physician to death
158.

Heraclides sets up for an impostor in
Syria 500.

Hercules, a name not known to the
Tyrians 395.

Hermias, Antiochtis the Great's minis-
ter, his treason and cruelty 334, him-
self, wife and children, killed 336.

Herodotus's account of Jerusalem 8,
when he wrote ib.

Hesychius, his edition of the Septua-
gint 294.

Hexapla, an edition of the Bible so
called 290, Montfaucon's" book so
called, censured 294.

Hezekias, a Jewish priest with Ptole-
my in Egypt 186, assists Hecatceus in
his history 186, 187.

Hierax made governor of Antioch by
the impostor Balas 510, he retires
into Egypt, and is made prime minis-
ter by Ptolemy Physcon 534.

High-priest of the Jews had the tem-
poral as well as ecclesiastical power
399, 400, how long ib. how long in
the family of Jozadec and the Asmo-
ncans 503.

Hipparchus of Nicsea the astronomer,
when he flourished 512.

Hippocrates the physician refuses Ar-
taxerxes's invitation to his court 38.

Hiram king of Tyre, the Bible trans-
lated for him 285.

Histories, forged ones 209, ancient, lost
446,447.

Hoddy, Dr. his account of the Septua-
gint the best 29S.

Holophenies a suppositious prince,
pretends to the kingdom of Cappa-
docia 494. expels the ri^ht heir 495,

.56 i

i.NDEX.

expelled liimscU 490, plots against
Demetriu? his benefactor 500.

Homei's Iliad Irighly esteemed by
Alexander 133.

Hyrcanus son of Joseph, his embassy
to Ptolemy Epiphanes 381, an ac-
count of his birth out of Josephus
ib. his deceit 382, kills two of his
brothers and wars with the rest
384, kills himself ib.

Hyrcanus son of Simon, made general
of the Jews by his father 527, routs
Cendebeus and takes Azotus 533, se-
cures the succession after the murder
of his father 540.

I. J.

Jacimus made high priest 462, enters
Palestine with the Syrians 467, his
treachery and cruelty ib. his aposta-
cy 491, put in possession of the coun-
try by the Syrians ib. his death 492,
a judgment on his profaneness 493.

Jaddua the high priest meets Alexan-
der in his pontifical robes 130, his
reception by Alexander ib. carries
him into the temple ib.

Jason buys the high priesthood of An-
tiochus 394, he ir>..'oduces heathen
customs ib. send^ offerings to Hercu-
les 295, bouglrt out by his brother
398, flies 399, seizes the government
406, his cruelty ib.

Jason the historian, who he was 426,
abridged in the second book of Mac-
cabees ib.

Ibis, a poem writ by Callimachus, why
so called 368, a name used also by
Ovid ib.

Idolatry, Jews pi-one to it before their
captivity, why not after it 30, Sama-
ritans charged with it by the Jews
C6.

idumeans, who they were 438.

Jeffery of Monmouth, his history forged
209.

Jerome the Cardian, an historian 189,
despises the Jews 190.

Jerome, the use he made of Origen's
edition of the Scripture versions 293,
his account of Antiochus Epiphanes's
lewdness 393, his saying of Fori>hy-
ry's owning the prophecies of Daniel
446.

Jerusalem, walls rebuilt 5, peopled 8,
entered by Alexander 131, by Pto-
lemy no, strange sights seen in the
air there 404, taken by Antiochus
Epiphanes 406, the slaughter there
ib. destroyed, and the citizens massa-
cred by the Syrians 413.

Jews, their hatred to the Samaritans

56, curse them ib. how they difl'ei
from them 58, 67, as great idolaters
as they 66, 67, sent into captivity by
Ochus, the king of Persia 116, fa-
voured by Alexander 131, their pri-
vileges in Egypt 137, refuse to work
on the rebuilding the temple of Belus
at Babylon 160, their superstitious
folly 169, one hundred thousand car-
ried captives into Egypt 170, people
Alexandria 186, numerous under
Ptolemy 196, in Syria under Seleu-
cus 217, vast numbers of them cap-
tives in Egypt 264, released 265, had
no communication with the Greeks
till Alexander's time 273, speak
Chaldean 274, and Greek 281, ne-
glect the Septuagint because liked by
the Christians 286, read the Scrip-
tures in Hebrew or Chaldee since
Justinian's time 287, Ptolemy Philo-
pater's decree against them 346, their
hatred to apostacy 347, cruelty used
by Ptolemy 348, miraculously saved
ib. forty thousand of them destroyed
352, Antiochus's decree in their fa-
vour 361, how they came into Asia
Minor 361, 362,Lacedemonians claim
kindred with them 386, have the
freedom of Antioch 394, their depu-
ties put to death by Antiochus Epi-
phanes 403, 404, his severe decree
against them 415, killed for circum-
cising their children 417, forced to
celebrate the feast of Bacchus ib.
threatened to be sold for slaves 430,
431, hated by other nations 439, the
Romans their friends 455, have a
chief magistrate over them where-
ever they dwell 471, have a short
peace 493, their embassies to Rome
and Sparta 520, 524, freed from tho
Syrian yoke Vy Simon 525, letters
from the Romans to the eastern
kings in their favour 531, 532.

Incense offerings, why instituted 24.

Initial letters, names made of them in
use among the Jews 423.

Johanan the high priest slays his brp-
ther Jeshua 103.

Johannes Grammaticus,hisendeavour.s
to save the Alexandrian library 225^
253.

Jonathan, brother to Judas Macca-
baeus, succeeds him in the command
of the Jews 491, fights on a sabbath
492, makes peace with the Syrians
497, settles at Michmash ib. courted
by two parties in Syria 501, settles
at Jerusalem 502, accepts of the
ollice of high priest from Balas the

LNDEX,

565

preteuder oi' Syria 503, routs Apol-
louius the general against him 511,
rewarded by Bala? 505, his interview
with Ptolemy ib. his government en-
larged 517, assists Demetrius king
of Syria in his distress ib. ill used by
him 519,.joins with Antiochus against
him ib. routs his forces 520. surprised
by Tryphon's treason 522, murdered
by him 523, his stately tomb 524.

Jonathan the Jew, his letter to the
Lacedemonians 386.

Joppa made a sea port by Simon 526,
the same as now ib.

Joseph, one of Judas Maccabaeus's
commanders, his ill conduct 454.

Joseph succeeds Antigonus of Socho as
president of the Jewish Sanhedrim
304.

Joseph, nephew of Onias the high-
priest, his embassy to Ptolemy Euer-
getes 326, liis kind entertainment

327, his good fortune in his court

328, difficulties in Josephus about
him 329, sends his son Hyrcanus to
Ptolemy Epiphanes 381 , an amour
ol his 382, outcd of his oiSce by
Hyrcanus 383.

Joseph of Arimathea, a scribe or doctor
of the Jewish law 237.

Josephus, many great mistakes in liis
Iiistory 132, his account of the Sep-
tuagint 267, confuted 278, difficulties
in him corrected 329, a decree of
Antiochus the Great preserved in his
history 380, corrected 386, again cor-
rected 414.

Joshua, the son of Perachia, made
president of the Sanhedrim 358, a
fable of him with respect to Christ
ib.

Ipsus, battle of 202, establishes the
four monarchies after Alexander's
death 203.

Isaiah, his prophecy of Babylon fulfil-
led 214.

Ismenias, the Theban,his trick to avoid
adoring Artaxerses 102.

Isocrates, two of his orations made for
the king of Cyprus 100, paid for
them ib.

Isocrates, the grammarian, vindicates
the murder of Octavius the Roman
ambassador at Antioch 494, the se-
nate will not punish him.and why ib.

Judas Maccabaeus, his flight into the
wilderness 414, succeeds his father
in the command of the Jews against
the Syrians 423,routs and slays Apol-
lonius the Syrian general 428, routs
and slays Seron ib. and Gorgias 432,
and Timotheus 433, and Nicanor ib.

and Ijysias's great army 434, again
455, he recovers tire sanctuary at
Jerusalem, and appoints the feast of
dedication 335, 336, falls on the
EJomites 451, and Ammonites ib.
routs Timotheus again 35-2, and slays
him ib. relieves the distressed Gi-
leadites ib. obliges the Syrians to
make peace 455, burns the ships at
Joppa, and why 457, vanquishes the
wandering Arabs ib. routs and takes
Timotheus the sou 458, takes Ephron
by storm and razes it 459, dismantles
Hebron ib. his interview with Nica-
nor 468, escapes his treason 488, de-
feats and slays him 489, sends !in
embassy to Rome 490, he is slain ib.

Jupiter Hammon is Ham the son of
Noah 136, priests of, corrupted b}"
Alexander ib.

Justin Martyr, his account of the Sep-
tuagint 263, when he wrote his apo-
logy for the Christians ib. a confuta-
tion of his account of the Septuagint
278, very credulous ib.
K.

Kakergetes, why Ptolemy Physcon so
called 515.

Kalendar, Jewish, reformed 473.

Lacedemonians league with the Per-
sians 61, vanquish the Athenians 70,
war against the Persians ib. their ha-
tred to Alcibiades 73, to Conon 88,
89, base offers to the Persians 89,
make shameful peace with them ib.
brought low by the Thebans 101,
claim kindred with the Jews 386.

Lamb sacrificss, of what kind 104.

Lampsachus joins with Smyrna against
Antiochus the Great 363.

Laodice divorced by Antiochus 311,
taken again 315, poisons himib. gets
the crown for her son ib. slain by
Ptolemy Euergetes 317.

Laodice, daughter of Seleucus, king of
Syria, married to Perseus, king of
Macedon 387, stopped at Delus and
makes presents to the temple ib, an
inscription in praise of her set up by
the people ib. the marble now at
Oxford ib. murdered by Ammonius
minister to the impostor Balas 509,

Laodicea built 205.

Lasthenes, minister to Demetrius Ni-
cator, his ill conduct 516.

Learned men, how apt to run into er-
rors 248, fly out of Eg)'pt from Pto-
lemy Physcoui and spread learning
in Greece and Asia 536, when they
flourished in Ihe West 637,

^ua

INDEX.

LennsDus, gt)veruor of Ptolemy Philo-
metor 396, begins the war with Au-
tiochus Epiphanes 597.

Leonorus the Gaul, seizes Byzantium
261, passes into Asia 263.

Lepidus, M. Emilius, his embassy in
favour of Ptolemy Epiphanes 359,
appoints him a guardian ib.

Leptines murders Octavianus, the Ro-
man ambassador at Antioch 464,
offers himself to the senate to be pu-
nished 494, they neglect him ib.

Leviticus test, translation of, corrected
422, Note.

Librarian, a cardinal so to the Pope
253, archbishop of Rheims so in
France ib.

Library, Alexandrian, an account of it
251, the method of the Ptolemies in
collecting it ib. a great part of it
burnt 252, recruited by Cleopatra
ib. destroyed by the Saracens ib.

Library of Pergamus, by whom found-
ed 363.

Liturgy, Jewish 15.

Livy, an error in him corrected 376,
Note.

Lizards bred in the ruins of Babylon
214.

Loadstones, a great experiment of their
virtue proposed by Dinocrates to
Ptolemy 313.

London the largest city in the world
212.

Lorenzo de Medicis, a great restorer of
learning 537.

Lots, Jewishi always drawn with tlie
high-priest's right-hand for the expi-
ation goats 239.

Lucian, his edition of the Septuagint
294.

Lutarius the Gaul, his acts in Thrace
and Asia 293.

Lycophron the poet, favoured by Pto-
lemy 314.

Lysander, the Spartan, his victory over
the Athenians 70.

Lysandra, wife to Lysimachus, flies to
Seleucus 257.

Lysias lieutenant to Antiochus Epipha-
nes, routed by Judas Maccabseus
434, seizes the government under
Antiochus Eupator 450, makes peace
with the Jews 455,461, put to death
466.

Lysimachia rebuilt by Antiochus tlie
Great 364, his design in it ib.

Lysimachus one of Alexander's cap-
tains, takes the title of king 198.

Lysimachus marries two daughters of
Ptolemy 256, his cruelty 257. routed
and frlain jb,

Lysimachus, deputy to the usurper
Menelaus at Jerusalem, murdered
by the people 402.
M.

Maccabees, their history writ by Jason
170, the second book an epitome of
that history ib.

Maccabees, the first book an accurate
history 425, its title ib. who taken to
be the author of it ib. versions of it
ib. an error in it corrected 513.

Maccabees, the second book, the epis-
tles in the beginning spurious 425,
versions of it 426.

Maccabees, two first chapters of the
Second book fabulous 277.

Maccabees, third book, an account of
it 349, 350.

Maccabees, a fourth book, written by
Josephus 350.

Maccabees, whence the word 423.

Macedonian soldiers disgusted with
Alexander 156, humble themselves
to him 157.

Magas, his rebellion against Ptolemy,
his half brother 302, his luxurious
end and character 309.

Magnesia, battle of, between the Ro-
mans and Antiochus the Great 375.

Magus Simon, Justin Martyr deceived
about a statue of him 279.

Malachi, when he lived 39.

Mahomet, the story of his loadstone
false 314.

Manasseh, the high priest's son marries
a woman of Samaria 52, high priest
of the temple there 55.

Manetho's history of Egyptian Dynas-
ties 117.

Manetho dedicates his history to Pto-
lemy 314.

Marks, Greek, in use among the gram-
marians in Origen's time 223.

Marriage, incestuous, of Antiochus244,
Syrian kings of that descent ib.

Mar sham. Sir John, his skill in chro-
nology 324.

Mattathias, of the Asmonean race, his
descent and children 4)8, he refuses
to obey Antiochus's decree against
his religion 413, 419, his bold beha-
viour before that king's officer 41 9,
his brave actions in defence of liberty
421, his care to recover the law ib.
his death and charge to his sons 423.

Mausolus king of Caria, his death and
noble monument 112.

Megasthenes the historian, when he
flourished 208, counterfeit book of
his put out by Annius of Viterbo 209.

Memnon the RhoiUan. his good advice

INDEX

to Darius C'odomahnus 124, his wi-
dow marries Alexander 126.

Memphis taken by Alexander 135,
136.

Menedemus the philosopher, when he
died 274.

Menelaus buys the high priesthood
from his brother, of Antiochus Epi-
phanes 398, takes a heathen nameib.
apostatizes ib. assisted by Antiochus
399, gets Onias the hio;h priest to be
put to death at Antioch 401, robs the
temple ib.his deputy murdered at Je-
rusalem 402, conducts Antiochus into
the holy of holies 406, put to death at
Aleppo 461,462.

Meto the Athenian, invents the cycle
of the moon 33, when made 472, 47S.

3Iinisters, Christian, the service thej'
do to civil government 31, 32.

Mishnah, a book of traditional law, by
whom composed 219.

Mishnical times, when they began 219.

Mithridates king of Parthia, takes De-
metrius king of Syria prisoner 528,
gives him his daughter, but keeps
him a captive ib. his good laws ib.

Mizpah, a place of prayer among the
Jews 431.

Moawias the caliph, takes Rhodes and
sells the Colossus 332.

Molon made governor of Persia by An-
tiochus the Great 331, rebels, and
slays himself 335.

Months, intercalary, used by the an-
cients 455, 456.

Moon, cycle of, nineteen years, when,
by whom, and for what invented,
33, use the Christians make of it 35.

MosoUam, a Jew of Egypt, his story
188.

Moses, written copies of the book of
his law first taken by command of
king Josiah 139, solemnly published
by Ezra 10, rare among the Jews
before their captivity 12.

Mother and her seven sons martyred
420.

Mount Acra, the citadel at Jerusalem
built by the Syrians so called 438.

_Museum of Alexandria, the habita-
tion of learned men 253, a descrip-
tion of it ib. Christian doctors bred

■ there 254.

?yabatliaean Arabs, Aiitigonus's wars

with them 188.
?iectanabis king of Egypt, first of the

Sebennite race 97, wars with the

Persians 98.
Neetanebus, made king of Egypt 105,

the last EgypLian that reigned there
117.

Nehemiah, succeeds Ezra as 'governor
of Judea under the Persians 3, cup-
bearer to Artaxerxes ib. rebuilds the
walls of Jerusalem 5, settles genea-
logies 9, attends Ezra when he read
the law he had collected to the peo-
ple 11, his riches and generosity 33,
goes to the Persian court, and re-
turns 38. drives Tobiah the Ammon-
ite out of the temple 39 — 42, his re-
formations42, 43, the holy Scriptures
end with his last act of it 67.

Nehemiah, book of, more modern than
the rest 219.

Nephereus king of Egypt, assists the
Spartans against the Persians 83.

Nicanor, sent against Judas Maccabaeus
430,routed 433, loath to fight against
him 468, forced to it ib. his treachery
to Judas 488, his blasphemy 489, de-
feated and slain ib.

Nicocles king of Cyprus, his generosity
to Isocrates 100.

Nicocreon king of Cyprus, inquires
about the godhead of the Serapis
249.

Nicodemus, a scribe or doctor of tiie
Jewish law 237.

Nicolas the ^tolian, his fidelity to
Ptolem.y 339, defeated 341.

Nicomedes of Bithynia, at war with
his brother Zypetes 260, the kings of
Bithynia descended from him ib.
calls the Gauls into Asia ib. builds
Nicomedia 305.

Nile, had seven mouths formerly 98,
the nature of it ib.

Nisan the first month of the year in the
ecclesiastical account 9.

Nobilius Flaminius, his annotations on
the Septuagint 297.

Nobles, called friends by the Macedo-
nian kings 502.

Nomad, the wandering Arabs so called
457.

Nonacris, rock of, its water poisonous
161.

Northumbrians, why so called in an-
cient times 481.

Numbers, translation of the text cor-
rected 401, Note.
O.

Oarsines barbarously used by Alexan-
der 155.

Ocha, a Persian princess, murdered by
her brother 110.

Ochus, puts Sogdianus his brother to
death 47. See Darius Nothus.

Ochus, son of Artaxerxes Mnemon, his
policy to secure the crown 108, hrj

568

INDEX

crueltj" 110, conquers Eg^^-ptllO, his
laziness and luxury 119. murdered
and mangled after his death 119,
120.

Octapla, an edition of the Bible so call-
ed 289.

Octavius, Cn. a Roman ambassador
murdered at Antioch 464.

Oenan's (the mother to Ptolemy Phi-
lometor) minions killed 356.

Olympias, Alexander's mother, her
cruelty 176, put to death ib.

Omar the caliph, commands the libra-
ry at Alexandria to be destroyed 232,
253.

Onias the second, succeeds Manasseh
the high-priest 311, his dulness and
mal-administration 325, his covet-
ousness 344.

Onias the third, his grandson, high
priest 368, deposits Hyrcanus's trea-
sure in the temple 384, bought ou*
by his brother Jaaon 394, put j
death at Antioch 401.

Onias his son, flies to Egypt 462, is
highly favoured by the king 505,
builds a temple there ib. serviceable
to Queen Cleopatra 515.

Onion in Egypt, built by Onias the
Jewish high priest there 507,

Ophelias, one of Alexander's captains,
his history and death 195.

Origen, his edition of the versions of
the Scriptures 2S9, corrects the Sep-
tuagint 290, a scheme of his edition
of those versions 29 1 , his pains about
the Septudgiiit 292, the Greek marks
lie made use of ib. v.'hy called Ada-
mantius 293, what remains of his edi-
tion 294.

Orosius, an error in him corrected 528.

0?Avey, the Saxon king, his saying of
St. Peter's keys 481.

Oxatres, Darius's brother, yields him-
self to Alexander 149, generously
dealt with ib.

Palestine, what that counti-y was 344.

Pammes the Theban, assists Artabazus
112.

Paneas, battle of, between the Syrians
and Egyptians 360.

Papyrus, paper, first found out 138.

Parmeaio, sent into Asia by Philip 121,
126, takes Damascus 'for Alexander
121, his saying to Alexander for his
civility to the .lewish high priestl30.

Parthia, kings of, great tyrants 324,
their succession 528.

Taithians rout and take Demetrius

king of Syria 528, their limits ib.
Parysatis, oueen of Ppvsia. her cruelty

48, 73, 76, baaished by her sou Ar-
taxerxes Mnemon and recalled 77.

Patrick, St. sent to convert the Irish
479.

Patrocles, general for Antiochus Soter,
cut off with his army by the Bithy-
nians 260.

Patroclus, Ptolemy's admiral, puts the
poet Sotades to death 301.

Pausanius, abused by Attalus 121, kills
Philip of Macedon ib.

Pausiris, succeeds Amyrtaeus his father
in the kingdom of Egypt 68.

Pelopidas the Theban, his great actions
10 1, will not adore Artaxerxes 102.

Pelopounesian war, begins 37, the dou-
ble dealings of the Persians 50, their
wisdom m it 69, end of 70, fatal to
the Athenians 71 .

Pentateuch, Samaritan copy of it 58,
brought into Europe 60, another ib.
diflers from the Jewish 61, a forgery
concerning it 64.

Perdiccas, governor of Aridaeus, Alex-
ander's brotlier and successor 163,
ill success in Egypt 167, death ib,

Pergamena, why parcliment so called
138.

Pergamus, library of, given to Cleopa-
tra by Antony 252, how it>came to
be a kingdom 303.

Persipolis, sacked by Alexander 145,
burnt 146.

Perseus king of Macedon, hisman-iagc
387, overthrown by the Romans 412.

Persia, greatness of that empire 113.

Pestilence, Thucydides's account of it
37, 44.

Pharnabazus, the Persian, leagues with
the Lacedemonians 50, kills Alcibia-
des at tlieir desire 73, begs a peace
of them 78, accuses Tissaphernes 80,
parleys with Agesilaus 86, actions in
Egypt 98, a fine saying of his 99.

Pharnacyas, the Persian eunuch, his
treason 45, punished 48.

Pharus of Egypt, finished 245, descrip-
tion of it ib.

Pliila, wife of Demetrius, poisons her-
self for his misfcrtiuies 241.

Philadelphia built where Rabbah stood
315.

Phileterus, the eunuch, founder of the
kingdom of Pergamus, his death 30.3.

Philip, kuig of Macedon, master of
Greece 120, prepares for a war with
Persia 121, slain ib. his family des-
troyed 212.

Philip, king of Macedon, leagues Avith
Antiochus against the young king
Ptolemy Epiphanes 357. overthrown
bv the Romans 363.

INDEX.

5C9

Phiio, iiis account of the Sepluagint ib, peoples Alexandria 186, vvben
266, confuted 278, his reign commenced 199, hi<^hiy

Philostratus, his history of Apollonius honoured by the Rhodians ib°his
Tyanaeus, a fable 216. wives 210.

Phcenicia^ its extent 205, 206, what it PtoJemy Soter forms a conspiracy
.„„, o^= against Demetrius 240, marries two

was 345
Pictures, forbidden to the .lews 422,
Pisuthnes rebels against Darius No-

thus 48.
Plato, born 43, his death US.

Plutarch, an error in the translation
corrected 535, Note.

Polybius, his agreement with Josephus
as to Antiochus Epiphanes's death
441, his advice to Demetrius the Sy-
rian prince at Rome 465, the end of
his history 514, some account of
him ib.

Polycrates, minister to Ptolemy Epi-
phanes, his wisdom 385.

Polygamy, Socrates plagued by it 44.

Polysperchon,governor of Alexander's
sons 171, murders one of them 1 93.

Polyxenidus, Antiochus's admiral,
beaten by the Romans 372, 374,
beats the Rhodians 373, 374

daughters to him 241, associates his
son 244, his death and character
246, his learning 250.

Ptolemy Philadelphus, associated by
his father 244, succeeds his father
ih. improves his father's -library 251,
puts Demetrius the keeper of it in
prison 255, marries his sister Arsi-
noe 256, has the Septuagint transla-
ted 264,sfinds ambassadors to Rome
300, his generoEily to the Romam
ambassadors ib. his war with Magas

' and Antiochus Soter 302, his con-
trivance to bring the trade of the
East to Alexandria 307, his fleet

308, his war with Antiochus Theus

309, his liberality to Aratus of
Sicyone 310, curious in statues 313,
his death and character 314, his
immense riches 315.

Popillius the Roman ambassador to Ptolemy Ceraunus, deprived of the

Antiochus Epiphanes,his bold treat- succession by Philadelphus 244,

ment of that prince 411, 412. flies to Seleucus 244, 257, murders

Porphyry well acquainted with the Seleucus 258, his wickedness and

Scriptures 284, owns the full com- death ib.

pletion of Daniel's prophecies 445, Ptolemy Euergetes, the trick he put

a bitter enemy to the Christians ib. on the Athenians for their original

Prayers, forms of, vindicated 18, 19, books 251, puts his brother Lysima-

extemporary reproved 19.
Prayer'j, Jewish, 15 — 18, against the
Christians 15, too long 20, times of
20—23.

Preaching, the great use of it 31, 32.

Prienians, their honesty 498.

Prophecies some not to be under-
stood till fulfilled 449.

Prophets, when first read in the Jew-
ish synagogues 282.

Proselytes of the gate and of justice,
what they were 17, ISote.

Protagoras, condemned for atheism at
Athens 50.

Psamraeticus II. reigns many ages
after the first 75, descended from
him ib. his avarice and cruelty 76.

Psamrauthls king of Egypt, his short
reign 97.

Ptolemaida,married to Demetrius 240.

Ptolemais built where Acre stood 315,
surrendered to Antiochus the Great

chus to death 314, his victories in
Asia and booty 317, ''why named
Euergetes 318, sacrifices at Jerusa-
lem 319, prefers Joseph the Jew
325, his death 332.
Ptolemy Philopater, succeeds Euer-
getes 33.3, his murders ib. wicked-
ness 338, 339, visits Jerusalem 343,
denied entrance into the holy of
holies 343, 344, his dishonourable
peace with Antigonus 345, his de-
cree against the Jews 346, uses them
cruelly 347, 348, a rebellion against
them 351, his wickedness 353, 334,
his death 355.
Ptolemy Epiphanes succeeds him
355, a league against him 357,
put under the tuition of the Romans
358, a guardian set over him by
them 359, a plot against'him 365, his ^
inthronization 366, poisons his faith-
ful minister Aristomones 385.

339, Jonathan tempted by the offer Ptolemy Philometor, the five books

of it to his destruction 521, 522.
Ptolemy has the government of Egypt
after Alexander's death 163, his wis-
dom and benignity 167, takes Jeru-
.salem 170, wars with Antigonus 181,
routs Demetrius 182, his generosity Ptolemy Euergetes II

Vol. II. 73

of Moses dedicated to him 266,
succeeds his father 387, almost con-
quered by Antiochus Epiphanes405,
his cowardice ib. deposed to make
room for his brother 407.

called also

570

LXDF.X.

Pliyscon 40T, the two brothers join
together against Antiochus 410,
they owe their kingdom to the Ro-
mans 412, they fall out among them-
selves 462, PhilomettT comes to
Rome on foot 463, matters adjusted
between him and Pbyscon by the
Romans 464, Pbyscon at Rome,
466, Philometor's ambassador or-
dered to depart Rome 470, Pbys-
con's raal-administration and PhiJo-
luetor's benignity 499, Philooetor's
goodness to Physcon ib. Philometor
kind to the Jews 506, restore? De-
metrius to the kingdom of Syria
513, dies of his wounds ib- Pbyscon
marries his wife, a>id murders her
son 515, hi": wickedness ib. 533,
034, his deformity 539.
Ptolemy Macron, bribed by Menelaus,
has the Jewish deputies murdered
403, a revolter from the king of
Egypt 404, in favour with the king
of Syria ib. his advice to persecute
the Jews 415, 416, grows a friend
to them 450, 451.
Ptolemy son of Abubns, and son-in-
law to Simon the Jew, murders him
and two of his sons 539, 540, flies ib.
Punic war, the beginning of it 304,
the second ended 356, the third 514.
Pyrrhus, marries Ptolemy's daughter

209, bis rise 210.
IPyrrbus king of Epirus, in the con-
federacy against Demetrius 240,
made king by that army ib. driven
out of Italy by the Romans 300,
slain 301.

R.
Rabbah, called also Philadelphia,

taken by the Syrians 341, 342.
Raphia, battle of, between the kings
of Egypt and Syria 342, Ptolemy
Epipbanes married there 369.
Raphon, battle of, between Judas

Maccabqgus, and the Syrians 458.
Ray, Mr. an error of his about the in-
vention of paper, corrected 140.
Bazis, the Jew, his inimitable courage

489.
Rhinocorura a great mart of the Ty-

rians 307.
Rhodes, taken by the Saracens 331.
Rhodians, the honours tliey paid to
Ptolemy 199, their covetousness
332, rewarded by the Romans for
beating Hannibal 376.
Romanists, their vain pretensions to

iti-allibitity 537.
Romans, begin to grow famous 300,
send ambassadors to Egypt ib. the
generosity of their ambassadors ib.
jTWtuded by the senate 301, under-

take the tuition of Ptolemy Ep*--
phanes 359, their embassy to Antio-
chus the Great in Thrace 364, force
him to beg a peace 376, they reward
their confederates with Antiochus's
provinces 377, their dominion ia
Asia settled 377, 378, their com-
manding embassy to Antiochus Epi-
pbanes, to give peace to Egypt 412,
declare the Jews their friends 490,
their generous proceeding towards
those that murdered their ambassa-
dor in Syria 494, favour an impos-
tor in Cappadocia 498, and another
in Syria 500, letters from them to
the Eastern kings in favour of the
Jews 532, send ambassadors to in-
spect the att'airs of their allies in the
East 537, their sobriety and mode-
ration 538.
Roxana, a Persian princess, sawn

asunder 72.
Roxana, Alexander marries her 150,
her cruelty to Darius's daughters
163, 164, put to death 192.
Ruffinus, his account of the mother
and her seven sons martyrs 420,
an error in him about the word
Maccabeeus 424.
S.
Sabbath, a great number of Jews kill-
ed because they would not defend
themselves upon it 419, laws made
to allow it ib.
Sabians, their seat at Charrae, where

Abraham dwelt 174.
Sacrifices, none of living creatures
offered by the Syrians and others of
the ancients 250.
Sadducees, Epicureans 195, their rise

and heresy 304.
Sadoc, son of Antigonus Socho, the
founder of the sect of the Saddu-
cees 304.
Samaria, temple there 55, refuge of
refractory Jews 56, cursed by Ze-
rubbabel 57, how they differ frona
the Jews 58—67, expect Christ 62.
Samaritans, humbled by Alexander
143, true worshippers 65, 66, re-
ceive only the five books of Moses
58, their false dealings with the
Jews 416, disown God and his wor-
ship to please Antiochus Epipbanes
417, their advocates put to death
by Ptolemy Philometer 509.
Sanballatthe Horonite, hates the Jews
39, 40, marries his daughter to the
high-priest's son 52, builds a tem-
ple at Samaria 55.
Saracens, destroyed all libraries 253
Sardis, taken by Seleucus 257.
Sarpedon, general for Demetrius, de-

i-\DEX.

Oil

leated by the usurper Tryphon's
army 525.
Saturn forced upon the Egyptians by

the Ptolemies 249.
Scape-goat, eaten by the Saracens23S,
Scheme to Icnow when Easter will

fall any year 485.
Schoolmen, Christian, study Aristotle

from a Saracen translation 537.
Scipios, Lucius and Africanus, sent
against Antiochus the (Jreat 373,
overthrow him 375.
Scipio, Publius Africanus, jun. his em-
bassy to the East, and their atten-
dance 537,538.
Scopas, the ^tolian, revolts to the
Egyptians 359, commands their
army 360, taken and stripped by
Antiochus ib. his treasonable plot
against Ptolemy 365, put to death
366.
Scotia, Ireland so called 481, 482,
Note, when that name was given to
North Britain 482.
Scribes, the same as doctors of the

Jewish law 237.
Scriptures, translated 264, 265, 283,
284, 286, heathen authors well ac-
quainted with them 282, translated
by the Papists, in opposition to the
Protestants 285.
Seleucia, built 205.
Seleucus, made governor of Babylon
170, his small beginning 182, his
greatness 183, 198, takes the title of
king ib, wars with the king of In-
dia 200, has compassion for De-
metrius 241, his forces beaten by
him 242, his generous treatment of
him when his prisoner ib. takes Sar-
dis from Lysimachus 257, routs and
kills him ib. murdered by Ptolemy
■ Ceraunus 257, 258.
Seleucus Callinicus, how he came to
succeed his father Antiochus Theus
316, shipwrecked 319, a column re-
lating to him in Oxford 320, routed
by Antiochus, his brother ib. defeats
him 322, taken prisoner by Arsaces
324,his death, and children 329, 330.
Seleucus Ceraunus his son, succeeds

him 330, is poisoned ib.
Seleucus Philopater, succeeds bis fa-
ther Antiochus the Great 385, sends
his son Demetriusto Rome, and why
388, is poisoned ib.
Septuagint, an account of the transla-
ting it 263, 264, an older translation
of the Scriptures 265, the several
authors that wrote of the rairacu-
lousness of it confuted 269, only five
employed in that translation of the
Bible 274, the opinion of learned

men against it 275, true cause of
making it 282, not translated at once
ib. in the Alexandrian dialect ib.
neglected 283, spreads 284, a tran-
slation in opposition to it 286, faulty
2S9, the law most exactly translated
291, 292, editions of it 294, three
principal ones 295, modern ones ib.
Alexandrian copy of it, in St.
James's library the best 297, the
Vatican the next 349, translated by
the .lews of Egypt 508.
Serapis, image of, brought to Egypt
247, mistaken for the patriarch Jo-
seph 248, first worshipped in Sinope
ib. brings a new way of worship in-
to Egypt 249.
Serbonis, lake of, the danger of it 11.5.
Servant, Hebrew, what was paid for

the redemption of one 279.
Shechem, the seat of the Samaritans
since Alexander's time 143, Jacob's
well there ib.
Ships, great ones, built bv Ptolemy

Philadelphus308.
Sidon, burnt 114.

Sights, strange ones in the air at Je-
rusalem 404.
Simon the Just succeeds his father
Onias in the high-priesthood 201,
his good character 217, completes
the canon of the Bible 218, 219, al-
terations on his death 238.
Simon, brother of Judas Maccabaeus,
his success in Galilee 453, takes
Bethsura 520, rules in the place of
his brother Jonathan 524, his am-
bassadors well received at Rome
ib. is made free sovereign prince of
the Jews 525, takes Gazara 526, and
the citadel of Jei-usalem ib. murder-
ed with two of his sons by the trea-
son of his son-in-law 540.
Simon, son of Onias the second, suc-
ceeds him in the priesthood 344, his
death 367.
Simon made governor of the temple
388, his quarrel with the high-priest
Onias ib.
Siracides, when he published his book

of Ecciesiasticus 280.
Sisigarabis, mother of Darius Codo-
mannus, her descent 110, prisoner
to Alexander 147, her grief for his
death 163, dies ib.
Sixtus V. Pope, his edition of the Sep-
tuagint 295.
Slaves make themselves masters of

Tvre 129.
Smyrnians, their flattery of Stratonice
306, their league with the Magne-
sians in favo'ur of Seleucus 326,
they raise a column to comraeino=

572

INDEX.

rate itib.lliat column now iti Oxford
ib. join with those of Lampsacbus
against Antiochus the Great 353.

Socrates, justly plagued by his two
wives 44, put to death 79, first
preacher of moral philosophy among
the Greeks ib. his name abused by
Sodomites 302.

Sodates, a lewd satiric poet, put to
death for libelling Ptolemy Phila-
delphus 301.

Sodom, lake of, its nature 189.

Sogdianus kills Xerxes the younger,
and usurps the Persian throne 45,
put to death 46.

Solymiusthe Jew, puts his daughter to
bed to his brother 3S2.

Sosibius, the friendship he is said to
have had for the Jews 264.

Sosibius, minister to Ptolemy Fhilo-
pater, hi^ cruelly 333, his wicked-
ness 339, puts queen Arsinoe to
death 354, resigns the ministry ib.
called the long liver 357, his cha-
racter ib.

Sosibius, his son made guardian to
Ptolemy's son 357.

Sosthenes, the Macedonian, defeats
the Gauls 260, his death 299.

Statira queen of Persia, her revenge
71,72, poisoned 76.

Statira, Darius's daughter, married to
Alexander 156, dies 163.

Stones, polluted, of the altar, laid up
437.

Strato the Tj-rian, saved by bis slave
129,his des'cendants kings of TyrCjib.

Stratonice,howher husband Seleucus
came to give her to his son 243.

Style of writing, whence so called 138.

Symmachus translates the Old Testa-
ment, and why 288, his method in
it 289.

Synagogue, great, elders of 218, when
they began and ended ib. its wor-
ship, what it was 421.

Synagogues, the original of them
among the Jews 13, their number
14, not before the captivity 13 — 29,
service performed in them 14, how
many days in the week 14, 21, 22,
manner of reading the Scriptures in
them 21, ministers of the synagogue
service, who 25 — 28.

Syria, how divided 205, 206.

Syriac version of the Bible, still in
"use 284, its antiquity 285, quoted
by St. Paul ib.

Tachos king of Egypt, driven out of
his kingdom by his subjects 106.

Talents, Euboic and Attic, reduced to
Roman money 376.

Talmud, the Septuagint translation not
used in it 287.

Tanais river, mistakes of authors about
it 149.

Taric Dilcarnain, a Jewish era 184,
why so called ib.

Temple of Ephesus burnt by Erostra-
tus 111, rebuilt by Denocrates 137^

Temple of Jerusalem, Alexander there
131, the sept of it not (o be profa-
ned 361, defiled by Antiochus Epi-
phanes 406, destroyed 413, dedica-
ted to Jupiter Olympius by the
Syrians 417.

Temple of Jupiter Hammon, where
built 136, Alexander visits itib.

Temple of Samaria, built in opposi-
tion to that at Jerusalem 55, Jo-
sephus, his mistake about it 131, de-
dicated to Jupiter 416.

Temple in Egypt not owned by the
Jews at Jerusaleni 427, when built
424, the Septuagint favours it 508.

Temples to be revered in all religions
268, an extraordinary one intended
at Alexandria by Ptolemy, for Arsi-
noe his wife 313.

Tennes, the Sidonian, his treason 114.

Teridates, an attempt against him, oc-
casions the loss of Parthia to Antio-
chus311.

Terileuchmes the Persian, his tragical
story 72.

Testaments, Old and New, histories of
facts between them 68.

Testament, Old, the best version of it
285, 286.

Tetrapla, an edition of the Bible so
called 289.

Tetrapolis, cities so called, and why
205.

Thebans, oppose a bad peace with the
Persians 97, 100, overthrow the La-
cedemonians 100, subdued by Alex-
ander 123.

Thebais in Egypt, a colony of Sama-
ritans sent thither by Alexander
143.

Thebes in Greece taken by Alexander
123.

Thecla, a noble Egyptian lady, wrote
the St. James's copy of the Septua-
gint 297, 298.

Theocritus the poet, favoured by Pto-
lemy 314.

Theodotion translates the Scriptures,
and why 288, his method in it 289.

Theodotus, governor of Bactria, makes
himself king 311.

Theodotus, his son, succeeds him and
leagues with Arsaces 322, outed by
Euthydemus 353.

Theodotus, the ;?EtoHan, governor of

INDEX.

0/3

Coelo-Syria, betrays it to the Syrians
and why 338, his courage 342.

Thessalonice killed Ijy her son 212.

Thinobro the Lacedemonian, his wars
in Asia 77, 89, his disgrace 77.

Thoas, the .^tolian, his embassy to
engage Antiochus the Great in a
war with the Romans 370, he flies
for it 377.

Timagoras the Athenian, adores the
king of Persia 102.

Timarchus tyrant of Miletus slain by
Antiochus Theus 306.

Timotheus a persecutor of the Jews
routed 433, again, and slain 452.

Timotheus, his son, undertakes the
war against the Jews 452, routed
and taken prisoner 458.

Tissaphernes the Persian, leagues
with the Lacedemonians 51, Cyrus
son of Darius wars with him 73, 74,
makes peace with the Lacedemo-
nians 78, accused by Pharnabazus
80, he fears the Grecians 81, routed
by them 84, beheaded ib.

Tithraustes cuts off Tissaphernes's
head, and succeeds him in his go-
vernment 84, bribes the Greeks 86.

TIepolemus made raininster to Ptole-
my Philopater by the Egyptian
council 354.

Tobiah the Ammonite, profanes the
temple in Nehemiah's time 39.

Trade of the East, how carried on by
the Tyrians 307.

Traditions rejected by the Samaritans
63, times of, when they began 219.

Tribes, Jewish, names of them lost
273.

Trogus Pompeius, whence he took his
history 79.

Tryphon, called also Diodotus the
Syrian, his designs against Deme-
trius Nicator 517, sets up his brother
Antiochus against him 517, 518,
takes Jonathan by treason 522, mur-
ders him and his master Antiochus
523,declares himself king of Syriaib.

Tyre taken by Alexander 127, besieg-
ed by Antigonus 129.

Tyrians, mastered by their slaves 129,

their trade 307, deliver their city to

Antiochus the Great 339, know not

the name of Hercules395, 396,Note.

Udiastes the Persian, his tragical story
72.

Usher, archbishop, corrected 386.

Usury, forbidden to the Jews 6, their

extortion ib.

V.
Victorius of Limoges, bis cycle 485.
Villus, Publius, ambassador from the

Romans to Antiochus the Great, his

cunning 370.
Vision of Serapis, seen by Ptolemy

247.

W.
Wedding, mirth of one spoiled by Jo-
nathan 491,492.
Weeks, first seven of them in Daniel's

prophecy, when ended 51. 52.
Worship, forms of, vindicated 18, 19,

Jews, what it is 18 — 33.
Writing, manner of it by the ancients

138—141. ,

X. ^

Xenophon, his retreat out of Persia

with the Greeks 75.
Xerxes, son of Artaxerses Longima-

nus, his short reign 45.
Ximenes, cardinal, his edition of the

Septuagint 295, an account of ii

295, 296.
Xinsetas, Antiochus the Great's gene-
ral in the East, destroyed with his

army 334.

Y.
Year, the beginning of the Jewish 10.
Year, lunar and solar, the difference

between them 34, 35.
Year, Julian solar, eleven minutes

longer than the true tropical solar

487.
Years, Julian, of what days they con-
sist 471.

Z.
Zabdiel king of Arabia, 'delivers," up

Antiochus to Tryphon 517,518. '
Zadikim, Jews why so called 421.
Zaretis, why Diana so called 443.
Zendiches, Arabs, Epicureans 19.4.
Zenodotus of Ephesus, librarian to the

Ptolemies 254.
Zerubbabel curses the Samaritans

56, 57.
Zeuxis sent by Antiochus to beg peace

of the Remans 375, 376.
Zibbor Sheliach, a priest among the

Jews, his office 26.
Zipjetes, king of Bithynia, dies of joy

260.
Zipaetes, his son, at war with Nico-

raedes his brother 260.
Zoilus, the critic on Homer, hated by

Ptolemy 314,315.

END OF VOL. II.

DIRECTIONS FOR PLACING THE MAPS*

^sia Minor Antiqua^ to front page 237.
Imperium Persicum Antiquum^ to front page 325.

DATE DU

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Full text of "The Old and New Testaments connected : in the history of the Jews and neighbouring nations, from the declensions of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah to the time of Christ"

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